媒介逻辑、集体行动与政策博弈:城市环境抗争行动的政治过程分析
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摘要
[目的/意义]近年来城市集体抗争行动此起彼伏,对城市安全造成诸多负面影响。城市集体抗争的成员构成、诉求目的和抗争方式与传统乡村社会的抗争存在较大差异。因此,理解城市集体抗争的行动逻辑和发展范式进而寻求治理之策成为规避社会风险的重要一环。[方法/过程]基于三个典型的城市环境抗争事件,运用案例分析法,从媒介逻辑、集体行动和政策博弈的视角,分析主客体在动员、认同、极化、终结等抗争过程中的媒介表现和互动逻辑,尝试为新媒体时代的城市底层抗争提供一种新的分析框架。[结果/结论]研究发现,媒介早已超越简单的"居中联络"功能,助力抗争主体主动撬开政治机会结构的"大门",在城市环境抗争的动员、分裂、极化和规模转变的四个环节中,媒介逻辑始终是决定集体行动生成和政策博弈结果的重要因素,能否清晰地了解媒介属性和有效利用媒介工具已成为环境抗争成败的关键要素。
[Purpose/Significance]In recent years, there were many urban collective resist actions occurred one after another, causing strong negative impact on the safety of cities. There are many differences between the member compositions, targets and methods of resistance in urban and the traditional rural social struggles. Therefore, explaining the action's logical framework and development paradigm and identifying the appropriate coping strategies have become an important part of avoiding social risks. [Method/Process]Based on a case study of three typical urban environmental protests, from the perspectives of the media logic, collective action and policy game, this article analyzes the host and object in the mobilization, identity, scale and polarization of every process of resistance to explore the media performance and interaction logic, trying to provide a new analytical framework for the city grassroots struggle in the new media era.[Result/Conclusion]Media have already developed beyond the simple "centering liaison" role, instead, they help the protesting host to actively open the "gateway" of the political opportunity structure and play an increasingly important role in the urban protest action.
[Purpose/Significance]In recent years, there were many urban collective resist actions occurred one after another, causing strong negative impact on the safety of cities. There are many differences between the member compositions, targets and methods of resistance in urban and the traditional rural social struggles. Therefore, explaining the action's logical framework and development paradigm and identifying the appropriate coping strategies have become an important part of avoiding social risks. [Method/Process]Based on a case study of three typical urban environmental protests, from the perspectives of the media logic, collective action and policy game, this article analyzes the host and object in the mobilization, identity, scale and polarization of every process of resistance to explore the media performance and interaction logic, trying to provide a new analytical framework for the city grassroots struggle in the new media era.[Result/Conclusion]Media have already developed beyond the simple "centering liaison" role, instead, they help the protesting host to actively open the "gateway" of the political opportunity structure and play an increasingly important role in the urban protest action.
引文
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[23] 吕德文.媒介动员、钉子户与抗争政治宜黄事件再分析[J].社会,2012(3): 89-103.
[24] 易前良.共意性运动中的媒介动员:以“南京梧桐树事件”为例[J].新闻与传播研究,2013(5):87-93.
[25] Plough A, Krimsky S. Environmental hazards. Communicating risks as a social process[J]. Westport, Connecticut: Auburn House, 1988(8): 110-123.
[26] 杨国斌.悲情与戏谑:网络事件中的情感动员[J].传播与社会学刊(香港), 2009(9):110-124.
[27] 童志锋.政治机会结构变迁与农村集体行动的生成——基于环境抗争的研究[J].理论月刊,2013(3):34-45.
[28] 易前良,程婕.转型中国“共意型运动”中的媒介动员[J].新闻与传播研究,2014(1):73-83.
[2] 俞志元.集体抗争行动结果大的影响因素——一项基于三个集体性抗争行动的比较研究[J].社会学研究,2012(3):90-115.
[3] Althaus S L,Tewksbury D. Agenda setting and the news: Patterns of issue importance among readers of the paper and online version the New York Times[J]. Communication Research, 2002, 29(2):180-207.
[4] 周锦琳.中国城化进程中的环境抗争[J].世界科技研究与发展,2014(6):89-94.
[5] 杨志军.环境抗争与政策变迁:一个整合性的文献综述[J].甘肃行政学院学报,2014(5):45-67.
[6] Altheide D L. Media logic and social power[J]. European Journal for the Philosophy of Communication, 2011, 3(11): 119-136.
[7] 孙玮.中国“新民权运动”中的媒介“社会动员”——以重庆“钉子户”事件的媒介报道为例[J].新闻大学, 2008(4):93-110.
[8] 托德.吉特林.全世界都在看:新左派运动的媒介镜像[M].北京:华夏出版社,2007:145-167.
[9] 威廉·甘姆森.集体行动的社会心理学[M].刘能,译.北京:北京大学出版社,2002:63-64.
[10] 维尔塔·泰勒,南茜·E·维提尔.社会运动理论前沿[M].刘能,译.北京:北京大学出版社,2002:122-129.
[11] 郑雯,黄荣贵.媒介逻辑如何影响中国的抗争?——基于40个拆迁案例的模糊集定性比较分析[J].国际新闻界,2016(4):98-108.
[12] 谢尔顿.克里斯基.风险的社会理论学说[M].徐元玲,译.北京:北京出版社,2005:137.
[13] 赵鼎新.霸权文化缺失下的中国新闻和社会运动[J].传播与社会学刊, 2008(6):56-72.
[14] 谢岳,党东升.草根动员:国家治理模式的新探索[J].社会学研究,2015(3):74-89.
[15] 郑坚.网络媒介在城市业主维权行动中的作用[J].当代传播,2011(3):79.
[16] 查尔斯蒂利.斗争的动力[M].谢岳,译.南京:译林出版社,2006:14-20.
[17] Tilly, Charles, Wim P. Cities and the rise of states in europe,A. D. 1000 to 1800[J].The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2012(11):132-143.
[18] 谢岳,曹开雄.集体行动理论化系谱——从社会运动理论到抗争政治理论[J].上海交通大学学报,2009(5):78-91.
[19] 蒂利.集体暴力的政治[M].谢岳,译.上海:上海世纪出版社,2008:189.
[20] 赵鼎新.社会与政治运动讲义[M].北京:社会科学文献出版社,2006:97.
[21] 蒂利.欧洲的抗争与民主[M].陈周望,译.上海:上海人民出版社,2008:123.
[22] Yang G, Calhoun C. Media,power and protest in China: From cultural revolution to the internet[J].Harvard Asia Pacific Review, 2008(12):123-142.
[23] 吕德文.媒介动员、钉子户与抗争政治宜黄事件再分析[J].社会,2012(3): 89-103.
[24] 易前良.共意性运动中的媒介动员:以“南京梧桐树事件”为例[J].新闻与传播研究,2013(5):87-93.
[25] Plough A, Krimsky S. Environmental hazards. Communicating risks as a social process[J]. Westport, Connecticut: Auburn House, 1988(8): 110-123.
[26] 杨国斌.悲情与戏谑:网络事件中的情感动员[J].传播与社会学刊(香港), 2009(9):110-124.
[27] 童志锋.政治机会结构变迁与农村集体行动的生成——基于环境抗争的研究[J].理论月刊,2013(3):34-45.
[28] 易前良,程婕.转型中国“共意型运动”中的媒介动员[J].新闻与传播研究,2014(1):73-83.