明代淮、扬二府盐业制度考论
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摘要
明代淮、扬二府之盐法经历过多次变动:初行户口食盐法,至晚到成化初年户口食盐已经停派,各州县佥派铺户至淮、仪二所拆买单盐。但由此带来单盐价高,销量欠佳,苦累铺户赔补。为此,隆庆二年庞尚鹏曾一度革除二府官引,后二府食盐政策频繁变动,略显混乱,直到万历十五年方才重新订立二府"食盐"规制,但官引依旧难销。万历后期,袁世振于淮、扬建立起迥异于纲盐法的"食盐"运销体系,试图挽回市场,亦无显著成效。二府官引长期滞销,皆因其地私盐易得且价廉,官私之价格差致使官盐缺乏市场竞争力。尽管如此,明代政府并未放弃二府的官盐销售,其目的除稳固引岸以增加额课外,更多地是通过维系官盐销售,将淮、扬当作缓冲地带,防止私盐藉此透漏,冲击其他引岸,其根本仍在维系官盐市场稳定以确保政府的财政收入。
The salt method of Huaian and Yangzhou has undergone many changes in the Ming Dynasty:the initial household salt method, till the early years of Chenghua, the method has been suspended, and shoppers of counties were ordered to buy salt in the two places. However, the price of salt was high, the sales volume was not good, and the shoppers were compensated. To this end, in the second year of Longqing, Pang Shangpeng once expelled the official residence of the two places. The salt policy changed frequently and was slightly chaotic. It was not until the fifteen years of Wanli that the rules for the salt were re-established, but the official salt tickets were still difficult to sell. In the later period of Wanli, Yuan Shizhen established a salt transportation and marketing system that was different from the salt method in Huaian and Yangzhou to save the market but without any significant results. The official salt tickets of the two places were unsalable in the long-term, because the private salt in the area was easy to get and cheap, and the price difference between the official and the private caused the official salt to lack market competitiveness. Despite this, the Ming government did not abandon the official salt sales at the two places. The purpose of the government was to increase the amount of salt tax by strength the authorized salt market, and more to maintain the sales of official salt, and to use Huaian and Yangzhou as buffer zones to prevent private salt to impact other authorized salt market.The fundamental meaning of the policy is to maintain the stability of the official salt market to ensure the government's fiscal revenue.
The salt method of Huaian and Yangzhou has undergone many changes in the Ming Dynasty:the initial household salt method, till the early years of Chenghua, the method has been suspended, and shoppers of counties were ordered to buy salt in the two places. However, the price of salt was high, the sales volume was not good, and the shoppers were compensated. To this end, in the second year of Longqing, Pang Shangpeng once expelled the official residence of the two places. The salt policy changed frequently and was slightly chaotic. It was not until the fifteen years of Wanli that the rules for the salt were re-established, but the official salt tickets were still difficult to sell. In the later period of Wanli, Yuan Shizhen established a salt transportation and marketing system that was different from the salt method in Huaian and Yangzhou to save the market but without any significant results. The official salt tickets of the two places were unsalable in the long-term, because the private salt in the area was easy to get and cheap, and the price difference between the official and the private caused the official salt to lack market competitiveness. Despite this, the Ming government did not abandon the official salt sales at the two places. The purpose of the government was to increase the amount of salt tax by strength the authorized salt market, and more to maintain the sales of official salt, and to use Huaian and Yangzhou as buffer zones to prevent private salt to impact other authorized salt market.The fundamental meaning of the policy is to maintain the stability of the official salt market to ensure the government's fiscal revenue.
引文
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(2)参见吴海波,曾凡英.中国盐业史学术研究一百年[M].成都:巴蜀书社,2010;李传江.上世纪六十年代以来江淮盐业研究综述[J].盐业史研究,2012(2).
(3)按:明代淮、扬二府隶属于南直隶,淮安府包括海州、邳州、山阳、盐城、清河、安东、桃源、沭阳、赣榆、宿迁、睢宁二州九县;扬州府包括泰州、通州、高邮州、江都、宝应、仪真、泰兴、兴化、如皋、海门三州七县。
(4)谢延庚,等.(光绪)江都县续志:卷十五:盐法考[M]//中国地方志集成:江苏府县志辑:67.南京:江苏古籍出版社,1991:219.
(1)参见闻人诠,等.南畿志:卷三:总志三[M]//四库全书存目丛书:史部:190册.济南:齐鲁书社,1996:153.
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(6)徐泓.明代中期食盐运销制度的变迁[J].国立台湾大学历史学系学报,1975(2):140;方志远.明代的户口食盐和户口盐钞[J].江西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986(3):21.按:远离盐场之州县户口食盐停派尚可理解,多半是因为运途遥远造成的运输费用畸高。但盐场所在州县亦皆停派,福建、浙江、两淮皆然,二文对此皆未能明确解释原因,这提示明代户口食盐法尚有研究空间,待考。
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(1)唐仲冕,等.(嘉庆)海州直隶州志:卷十七:食货六[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第35号.台北:成文出版社,1970:316-317.
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(1)明神宗实录:卷四十七“万历四年二月壬辰”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:1083.
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(5)杨洵,等.(万历)扬州府志:卷十一:盐法志上[M]//北京图书馆古籍珍本丛刊:25.北京:书目文献出版社,2000:195.按:此处所载较万历十五年所定规制,扬州一府多出50引,是后来增加还是记载有误,暂时无考。另,万历三十八年,浙江道御史傅宗皋奏称:“两淮地方,惟扬州买消食盐,后以应天所属句、溧四县嵌浙多盐,议行食盐,以平其价,其余尽行单盐。”则又显示淮安府不行食盐,而行单盐。(参见留都盐政久废督理事任匪虚疏[M]//施沛.南京都察院志:卷三十四:奏疏八.四库全书存目丛书补编:74.济南:齐鲁书社,2001:247.)故暂时存疑。
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(1)覆御史吴彦芳条议屯盐鼓铸裁兵省费疏[M]//毕自严.度支奏议:山东司:卷五.续修四库全书:第488册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:23.
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(1)周右,等.(嘉庆)东台县志:卷三十六:艺文上[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第27号.台北:成文出版社,1970:1347;1355.
(2)王豫熙,等.(光绪)赣榆县志:卷五:食货[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第36号.台北:成文出版社,1970:154.
(3)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5242.
(4)王定安.(光绪)重修两淮盐法志:卷六十九:转运门;卷七十:转运门[M]//续修四库全书:第844册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:161-168;185-187.
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(2)参见吴海波,曾凡英.中国盐业史学术研究一百年[M].成都:巴蜀书社,2010;李传江.上世纪六十年代以来江淮盐业研究综述[J].盐业史研究,2012(2).
(3)按:明代淮、扬二府隶属于南直隶,淮安府包括海州、邳州、山阳、盐城、清河、安东、桃源、沭阳、赣榆、宿迁、睢宁二州九县;扬州府包括泰州、通州、高邮州、江都、宝应、仪真、泰兴、兴化、如皋、海门三州七县。
(4)谢延庚,等.(光绪)江都县续志:卷十五:盐法考[M]//中国地方志集成:江苏府县志辑:67.南京:江苏古籍出版社,1991:219.
(1)参见闻人诠,等.南畿志:卷三:总志三[M]//四库全书存目丛书:史部:190册.济南:齐鲁书社,1996:153.
(2)申时行,等.(万历)明会典:卷四十一:官民户口盐钞[M].北京:中华书局,2007:291.
(3)徐泓.明代前期的食盐运销制度[J].国立台湾大学文史哲学报.1974(23):226.
(4)史起蛰.(嘉靖)两淮盐法志:卷七:贡课[M]//四库全书存目丛书:史部:274册.济南:齐鲁书社,1996:268.
(5)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六.北京:中华书局,1962:5239.
(6)中国第一历史档案馆.两淮盐政姜图南为请明关桥溢斤公罪银两事题本(顺治十五年闰五月十三日)[J].历史档案,1988(3):9.
(7)庞尚鹏.清理盐法疏[M]//百可亭摘稿:卷二.四库全书存目丛书:集部:129册.济南:齐鲁书社,1997:163.
(8)谢绍祖,等.(嘉靖)如皋县志:卷五:官政[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:续编:10.上海:上海书店,1990:107-108.
(9)林云程,等.(万历)通州志:卷四:物土志[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:10.上海:上海古籍书店,1981:15-16.
(10)林云程,等.(万历)通州志:卷四:物土志[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:10.上海:上海古籍书店,1981:15.
(11)唐仲冕,等.(嘉庆)海州直隶州志:卷十七:食货六[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第35号.台北:成文出版社,1970:316-317.
(12)林云程,等.(万历)通州志:卷四:物土志[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:10.上海:上海古籍书店,1981:16.
(1)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六.北京:中华书局,1962:5239.
(2)林云程,等.(万历)通州志:卷四:物土志[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:10.上海:上海古籍书店,1981:15.
(3)余光祖,等.(雍正)淮安府安东县志:卷六:盐政[Z].刻本,1727(雍正五年).(南京图书馆藏,馆藏号GJ/EB/119730).
(4)唐仲冕,等.(嘉庆)海州直隶州志:卷十七:食货六[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第35号.台北:成文出版社,1970:316.
(5)庞尚鹏.清理盐法疏[M]//百可亭摘稿:卷二.四库全书存目丛书:集部:129册.济南:齐鲁书社,1999:163.
(6)徐泓.明代中期食盐运销制度的变迁[J].国立台湾大学历史学系学报,1975(2):140;方志远.明代的户口食盐和户口盐钞[J].江西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986(3):21.按:远离盐场之州县户口食盐停派尚可理解,多半是因为运途遥远造成的运输费用畸高。但盐场所在州县亦皆停派,福建、浙江、两淮皆然,二文对此皆未能明确解释原因,这提示明代户口食盐法尚有研究空间,待考。
(7)明世宗实录:卷八十三“嘉靖六年十二月甲辰”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:1853.
(8)明世宗实录:卷一百六十九“嘉庆十三年十一月甲申”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:3702-3703.
(9)朱怀干,等.(嘉靖)惟扬志:卷九:盐政志[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊:12.上海:上海古籍书店,1981:339.
(10)谢绍祖,等.(嘉靖)如皋县志:卷五:官政[M]//天一阁藏明代方志选刊续编:10.上海:上海书店,1990:108.
(1)唐仲冕,等.(嘉庆)海州直隶州志:卷十七:食货六[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第35号.台北:成文出版社,1970:316-317.
(2)梁悦馨,等.(光绪)通州直隶州志:卷四:民赋志[M]//中国方志集成:江苏府县志辑:52.南京:江苏古籍出版社,1991:218.
(3)庞尚鹏.清理盐法疏[M]//百可亭摘稿:卷二.四库全书存目丛书:集部:129册.济南:齐鲁书社,1999:163.
(4)明穆宗实录:卷四十九“隆庆四年九月戊寅”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:1226.
(5)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5239.
(1)明神宗实录:卷四十七“万历四年二月壬辰”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:1083.
(2)张学颜,等.万历会计录:卷三十九:盐法[M]//续修四库全书:第833册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:105.
(3)明神宗实录:卷一百九十“万历十五年九月辛卯”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:3562.
(4)杨洵,等.(万历)扬州府志:卷十一:盐法志上[M]//北京图书馆古籍珍本丛刊:25.北京:书目文献出版社,2000:197.
(5)杨洵,等.(万历)扬州府志:卷十一:盐法志上[M]//北京图书馆古籍珍本丛刊:25.北京:书目文献出版社,2000:195.按:此处所载较万历十五年所定规制,扬州一府多出50引,是后来增加还是记载有误,暂时无考。另,万历三十八年,浙江道御史傅宗皋奏称:“两淮地方,惟扬州买消食盐,后以应天所属句、溧四县嵌浙多盐,议行食盐,以平其价,其余尽行单盐。”则又显示淮安府不行食盐,而行单盐。(参见留都盐政久废督理事任匪虚疏[M]//施沛.南京都察院志:卷三十四:奏疏八.四库全书存目丛书补编:74.济南:齐鲁书社,2001:247.)故暂时存疑。
(6)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5240.
(1)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5239.
(2)参见袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5241-5242.
(3)袁世振.复龙盐台第三书[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十七[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5254.
(4)李自滋,等.(崇祯)泰州志:卷四:官师志[M]//四库全书存目丛书:史部:210.济南:齐鲁书社,1996:81.
(5)梁悦馨,等.(光绪)通州直隶州志:卷四:民赋志[M]//中国地方志集成:江苏府县志辑:52.南京:江苏古籍出版社,1991:214;杨受延,等.(嘉庆)如皋县志:卷二十:艺文一[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第9号.台北:成文出版社,1970:1822.
(1)余光祖,等.(雍正)淮安府安东县志:卷六:盐政[Z].刻本,1727(雍正五年).(南京图书馆藏,馆藏号GJ/EB/119730).
(2)陈仁锡.陈太史无梦园初集:劳集二[M]//续修四库全书:第1382册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:335.
(3)明熹宗实录:卷七十二“天启六年六月戊子”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:3498-3499.
(4)(7)陈仁锡.陈太史无梦园初集:劳集二[M]//续修四库全书:第1382册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:337-338;340.
(5)覆御史吴彦芳条议屯盐鼓铸裁兵省费疏[M]//毕自严.度支奏议:山东司:卷五.续修四库全书:第488册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:22.
(6)陈仁锡.陈太史无梦园初集:劳集二[M]//续修四库全书:第1382册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:341;335.
(8)明熹宗实录:卷六十四“天启五年十月甲辰”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:3052.
(9)覆御史吴彦芳条议屯盐鼓铸裁兵省费疏[M]//毕自严.度支奏议:山东司:卷五.续修四库全书:第488册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:23.
(1)覆御史吴彦芳条议屯盐鼓铸裁兵省费疏[M]//毕自严.度支奏议:山东司:卷五.续修四库全书:第488册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:23.
(2)尹会一,等.(雍正)扬州府志:卷十八:盐法[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第146号.台北:成文出版社,1975:201.
(3)申时行,等.(万历)明会典:卷十九:户口一[M]//续修四库全书:第789册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:323-330.
(4)题覆诸臣条议盐政疏[M]//毕自严.度支奏议:山东司:卷一.续修四库全书:第487册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:557.
(5)龚定瀛,等.(光绪)再续高邮州志:卷六:艺文志[M]//中国地方志集成:江苏府县志辑:47.南京:江苏古籍出版社,1991:181.
(6)明宪宗实录:卷二十二“成化元年冬十月壬午”[M].校印本.台北:“中央研究院历史语言研究所”,1962:432.
(7)李小庆.向隅独泣:晚明泰州经济困境与地方应对[J].古代文明.2017(4):89-93.
(1)周右,等.(嘉庆)东台县志:卷三十六:艺文上[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第27号.台北:成文出版社,1970:1347;1355.
(2)王豫熙,等.(光绪)赣榆县志:卷五:食货[M]//中国方志丛书:华中地方:第36号.台北:成文出版社,1970:154.
(3)袁世振.盐法议九[M]//陈子龙,等.明经世文编:卷四百七十六[M].北京:中华书局,1962:5242.
(4)王定安.(光绪)重修两淮盐法志:卷六十九:转运门;卷七十:转运门[M]//续修四库全书:第844册.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:161-168;185-187.
(5)方濬颐,等.(同治)淮南盐法纪略:卷七:江甘食岸[M]//于浩,辑.稀见明清经济史料丛刊:第一辑:第10册.北京:国家图书馆出版社,2009:443.