制度自信视阈下的中西民族团结制度比较
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摘要
民族团结是多民族社会发展的基础,制度通过激励机制可将民族团结机制化、结构化、规范化。世界各国为建立和保持民族团结与发展建立了人民民主、自由民主等不同的制度。从当前民族团结的实践结果来看我国的民族工作做得是最成功的,民族团结已内化为我国各民族的行为规范,相反西方式自由民主治下的民族关系矛盾日益突显。这种差异的根本原因是中西方民主制度的逻辑不同:民本社会主义与自有资本主义的不同,复合式民主与单一式民主的不同,国家中立与国家失中,和合文化与分离文化的不同。
National unity is the basis of multiethnic social development and,national unity can be mechanized,structured and standardized through an incentive mechanism system. All countries in the world have established different systems of people ' s democracy and liberal democracy in order to build and maintain national unity and development. The current practice of national unity shows that China' s national work has been the most successful and national unity has been internalized as a code of conduct for all ethnic groups in China,while on the contrary,the contradiction of ethnic relations under the Western liberal democracy has been increasingly prominent. The fundamental reason for this difference lies in the logical difference between Chinese and Western democratic institutions,including the differences between people-oriented socialism and self-owned capitalism,compound democracy and single democracy,national neutrality and national failure,and harmonious culture and separated culture.
National unity is the basis of multiethnic social development and,national unity can be mechanized,structured and standardized through an incentive mechanism system. All countries in the world have established different systems of people ' s democracy and liberal democracy in order to build and maintain national unity and development. The current practice of national unity shows that China' s national work has been the most successful and national unity has been internalized as a code of conduct for all ethnic groups in China,while on the contrary,the contradiction of ethnic relations under the Western liberal democracy has been increasingly prominent. The fundamental reason for this difference lies in the logical difference between Chinese and Western democratic institutions,including the differences between people-oriented socialism and self-owned capitalism,compound democracy and single democracy,national neutrality and national failure,and harmonious culture and separated culture.
引文
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(1)注以美国和平系统中心的标准将1956-1967年的西藏叛乱算入中国的民族冲突之中、State Fragility and Warfare in the Global System 2015:http://www.systemicpeace.org/inscr/SFImatrix2014c.pdf
[2][美]戴维·莱文森著,葛公尚、于红译.世界各国的族群[M].北京:中央民族大学出版社,2009:5.
[3]Hossien Mohammadzadeh,The causes of ethnic conflict in Multi-ethnicsocieties[J].World Scientific News,No.42,2016,pp.156-166.
[4]James G.March,Johan P.Olsen,Rediscovering Institutions:The Organizational Basis of Politics[M].New York:The Free Press,1989.
[5]崔清新.奏响新形势下民族工作新乐章[N].人民日报.2016-10-10(01).http://politics.people.com.cn/n1/2016/1010/c1001-28763754.html
[6]王晖.法律中的团结观与基本义务[J].清华法学.2015(3):8.
[7][美]大卫·霍林格.从认同到团结[A].刘曙辉译,载李义天主编.共同体与政治团结[C].北京:社会科学文献出版社,2011:180.
[8]姜曦、李守利.论多元社会团结的可能性[J].云南财经大学学报,2011(6):61.
[9]王伟.增强族际信任:当前我国民族事务治理的重要任务[J].中央民族大学学报,2017(6):89.
[10][英]马特·里德利著,闾佳译.理性乐观派:一部人类经济进步史[M].北京:机械工业出版社,2015.
[11]Amy Chua,World on Fire:How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability[M],New York:Anchor Books,2003,p.6.
[12]David Cunningham,“Mobilizing ethnic competition”,Theory and Society[J],Vol.41,No.5(September 2012),p.507.
[13]Gregory Clark,A Farewell to Alms:AShort Economic History of the World[M],Princeton.NJ:Princeton University Press,2007,pp.145-165.
[14]Stephen Oluwatobi,Innovation in Africa:Why Institutions Matter,SSRN Electronic Journal,2014,p.1.https://ssrn.com/abstract=2460959(上网时间:2018-10-23).
[15]Robert O.Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy[M],Princeton:Princeton University Press,2005,p.107.
[16][美]肯尼思·华尔兹著,信强译.国际政治理论[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2003:134.
[17][美]罗伯特D·帕特南著,王列、赖海榕译.使民主运转起来:现代意大利的公民传统[M].南昌:江西人民出版社,2001:195-201.
[18]郑维伟.理查德·罗蒂,论社会团结的理由[J].学海,2012(2):82.
[19]Arend Lijphart,Democracy in Divided Societies:Electoral Engineering for Conflict Management[M].New Haven;London:Yale University Press,1980.
[20]The Center for Systemic Peace.“Major Episodes of Political Violence:1946-2016”.http://www.systemicpeace.org/warlist/warlist.htm.(数据引用日期:2019-1-28)
[21]王伟.分析折衷主义:构建中国民族政治学理论的新视角---基于西方民族政治学理论范式的探析[J].中央民族大学学报,2016(3):48.
[22]Barnett R.Rubin,Central Asia and Central Africa:Transnational Wars and Ethnic Conflicts
[23]Sven Gunnar Simonsen,Addressing Ethnic Divisions in Post-Conflict Institution-Building:Lessons from Recent Cases,Security Dialogue,Vol.36,No.3,2005,pp.297-318.
[24]As’ad Ghanem,Ethnic Politics in Israel:The Margins and the Ashkenazi Center,New York:Routledge,2013,pp.190-198.
[25][美]弗朗西斯·福山著,唐磊译.大断裂:人类本性与社会秩序的重建{M},桂林:广西师范大学出版社2015:52-53.
[26]郝时远.大国成长与民族问题中国及其国际比较[J].国际经济评论,2014(5):20.
[27]费孝通.中华民族多元一体格局[M].北京:中央民族大学出版社,1999:6-39.
[28]李景治.中国民主制度的结构性特点和优势[J].学术界,2015(4):25.
[29]陈建樾.民族区域自治.处理民族问题的制度供给与制度约束[J].北方民族大学学报,2014(6):7.
[30]习近平.坚持多党合作发展社会主义民主政治为决胜全面建成小康社会而团结奋斗[N].人民日报,2018-03-05.
[31]陆维成、罗正奇、侯晶晶.陕甘宁省豫海县回民自治政府有关史实的考订[j].宁夏社会科学,2015(1):145.
[32]毛泽东选集:第三卷[M].北京:人民出版社,1991:1064.
[33]金春子、吴朝伟、刘俞江.改革开放与民族区域自治制度[J].中国民族,2019(3):42.
[34]周廷芳.坚定中国特色民族区域自治制度的制度自信---内蒙古自治区70年辉煌历程的回顾与思考[J].前沿,2017(6):4.
[35]马江侠.民族区域自治是解决新疆民族问题的制度保证[N].新疆日报,2013-12-27:2.
[36]陆鹏.民族区域自治制度在广西60年成功实践的多维价值审视[J].桂海论丛,2019(1):43.
[37]郑彦卿.民族区域自治的光辉实践---宁夏回族自治区的发展历程、辉煌成就和历史经验[J].当代中国史研究,2018(5):39.
[38]井凯笛.民族区域自治制度在西藏的成功实践及其完善的经验借鉴[J].贵州民族研究,2018(8):5.
[39]刘少奇选集:下[M].北京:人民出版社,1981,156.
[40]林尚立.基层民主:国家建构民主的中国实践[J].江苏行政学院学报,2010(4):82-84.
[41]李百超、谢秋山:改革开放40年来我国农村基层协商民主与选举民主的协同演进及其创新发展[J].理论导刊,2019(3):46-47.
[42]徐勇.中国民主之路:从形式到实体---对村民自治价值的再挖掘[J].开放时代,2000(11):57.
[43]Eduardo Bonilla-Silva,White Supremacy&Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era,London:Lynne Rienner Publishers,Inc.2001,pp.89-120.
[44][美]塞缪尔·亨廷顿著,程克雄译.我们是谁:美国国家特性面临的挑战[M].北京:新华出版社,2005:279-302.
[45]Eduardo Bonilla-Silva,White Supremacy&Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era,Boulder:Lynne Rienner Publishers,Inc.2001,pp.100-117.
[46]John Rex,Multiculturalism in Europe and America,Nations and Nationalism[J].Nations and Nationalism,Vol.1,No.2,1995,p.247.
[47][美]约瑟夫·熊彼特著,吴良健译.资本主义、社会主义与民主[M].北京:商务印书馆,2002:395-396.
[48]Fred W.Riggs,Presidentialism versus Parliamentarism:Implications for Representativeness and Legitimacy[J],International Political Science Review,Vol.18,No.3,1997,p.260.
[49]Fullerton,A.,&Stern,M.(2013).Racial Differences in the Gender Gap in Political Participation in the American South,1952-2004[J].Social Science History,?37(2),145-176.
[50]Lee Ann Fujii,Killing Neighbors:Webs of Violence in Rwanda[M],Ithaca and London:Cornell University Press,2011,pp.154-180.
[51]邹永贤.国家学说史[M].福州:福建人民出版社,1999:4.
[52][美]孔飞力著,陈兼、陈之宏译.中国现代国家的起源[M].北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2013:27-72.
[53]Chang Qin,China’s Fight Against Poverty in Full Swing[N],People’s Daily,Spetember 24,2018.
[54][加]贝淡宁著,李万全译.超越自由民主[M].上海:上海三联书店出版社,2009.
[55]Fred Riggs,Viable Constitutionalism and Bureaucracy[J],Journal of Behavioral and Social Sciences,Vol.2,1996,pp.1-35.
[56][美]弗朗西斯·福山著,毛俊杰译.政治秩序的起源:从前人类时代到法国大革命[M].桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2014:24.
[57]杨光斌.中国民主:轨迹与走向(1978-2020)[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2015.
[58][英]迈克尔·曼著,严春松译.民主的阴暗面:解释种族清洗[M].北京:中央编译出版社,2015:3.
[59]王伟.西方式民主不是治理族群冲突的良方---新兴民主国家族群冲突不断滋生的机理分析[J].民族研究,2018(1):32.
[60]Skocpol,Theda.States and Social Revolutions:A Comparative Analysis of France,Russia,and China[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1979.
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(1)注以美国和平系统中心的标准将1956-1967年的西藏叛乱算入中国的民族冲突之中、State Fragility and Warfare in the Global System 2015:http://www.systemicpeace.org/inscr/SFImatrix2014c.pdf