摘要
香料贸易是国际学术界中世纪史研究的传统课题,近年来亦出现了一些研究该时期西欧的香料消费的论著,但国内尚无人研究香料与西欧中世纪社会生活这一课题。因此,本文拟探讨香料与14—16世纪的西欧社会生活之间的关系,从西欧获取香料的方式——香料贸易、香料在西欧社会的应用和香料观念等方面来进行研究。本文将把西欧香料问题置于广阔的欧亚大陆背景下来理解,并在研究中借鉴和运用历史人类学方法及跨文化形象学理论。
全文分为绪论、正文、结语等部分。
绪论部分将介绍本文的选题缘由和研究意义,回顾学术界对这一问题的研究,对相关术语和研究范围进行界定,并说明本文的研究思路和研究方法。
正文分为四章。第一章论述14—15世纪西欧香料的获得,其主要方式是香料贸易。本章先简单回顾了14世纪之前的亚欧香料贸易,然后重点研究14—15世纪的西欧香料贸易,包括贸易路线、贸易规模、贸易利润等,在贸易主体方面突出穆斯林商人和威尼斯商人。最后对以往研究较少涉及的香料零售及其价格做了探讨。
第二章研究16世纪之前西欧社会的香料观念,分五个分论题,即香料象征着财富和地位、香料的神圣意义、香料与欧洲人的东方想象、香料引发人的食欲和情欲及香料消费引发的道德争议。第一节论述了“香料是贵族的象征”这一观念,并探讨了15世纪香料消费大众化趋势下香料的地位。第二节探讨香料与基督教信仰的密切关系：神和圣徒都带有香气,教徒想象中的天堂充满芳香,而尘世的香料也来自伊甸园。第三节围绕西欧人的东方观的两个重要特点进行论述,即东方是一方怪异与富饶并存的土地。第四节论述了香料是饕餮之徒梦想的“乐土”中必不可少的美食,而且自古以来就带有很强的情欲色彩。本章最后论述香料消费在教俗两界人士中引发的反对性意见。
第二章探讨14—16世纪香料在西欧社会生活中的应用。前三节内容论述了狭义上的香料应用,即由香料的物理特性决定的用途：用作调味品、保健品、药物、宗教仪式中的熏香、尸体防腐剂等。最后研究香料在经济活动和社会生活中的作用,即充当货币、用作贵重礼品及在上流社会的宴会中扮演重要角色。香料的功用与西欧人的香料观念紧密相连,香料的用途既是香料观念萌生的土壤,也是香料观念在现实生活中的具体实践。
第四章研究新航路开辟与西欧香料时代的终结。香料与新航路的开辟之间具有一种辩证关系：香料促进了新航路开辟,引起了西欧香料获取方式的嬗变,但最终结果是香料贸易的衰落和香料在人们观念中的贬值,甚至东方化,导致了香料时代的终结。本章的三节内容依次论述了香料对开辟新航路的促进作用、16世纪的西欧香料贸易和西欧香料时代的终结。
结语部分对全文进行了总结,回顾并总结了香料的输入对西欧社会生活及西欧人的思想观念的影响,并在此基础上就香料对西欧及世界历史的影响进行了思考。
总之,香料与西欧社会生活之间存在一种互动关系：香料的输入对西欧社会生活产生了深远影响；同时,正是西欧社会对香料的需求推动了新航路开辟和欧洲的海外扩张,而这又加速了西欧“香料时代”的终结。
The spice trade is a traditional topic of the European medieval history in the international academia. There also occurred in recent years some monographs and articles on the spice consumption during this period. But no one has yet studied the relationship between the spice and social life of medieval Western Europe at home. Therefore, this dissertation intends to explore this relationship from the14th to the16th century by studying the way of Western Europeans obtaining spices—the spice trade, the application of spices in their society, the spice concept and many other aspects. We will comprehend issues about the Western European spice in the extensive context of Eurasia, and learn from and use the research methods of historical anthropology and the theories of cross-cultural imagologie.
The full text includes introduction, body, conclusion, etc.
In the introduction we will describe the reason for selection of and the significance of the research subject in the present dissertation, review the previous studies on this issue of academia, define the related nomenclatures and the scope of study, and show our research ideas and methods.
The body part is divided into four chapters. Chapter1deals with the obtainment of spices, mainly by spice trade, in Western Europe from the14th to the15th century. We first review briefly the Eurasian spice trades before the14th century, and then focus our study on the Western European spice trade in the14-15th century, including trade routes, trade scale, trade profits and so on. The Muslim and Venice traders stood out among the main participants in the spice trade. We finally discuss the spice retail and its price, less involved in previous studies.
Chapter2, where we study spice concepts of Western European society before the16th century, is divided into five sub-topics:the spice symbolized wealth and status, sacred significance of the spice, the spice and European oriental imagination, the appetitive and erotic association with the spice, and moral disputes caused by the spice consumption. In Section1we elucidate the very notion that "the spice is a symbol of the noble", and discuss the vicissitudes of the spice under the popular trend of spice consumption in the15th century. In Section2we discuss the close connection between spice and the Christian faith:both the God and saints carried fragrance, the imagined paradise was full of fragrance, and earthly spices also came from the Garden of Eden. Section3centers the discussion on two important characteristics of the Western European conception of the Orient, that is, the Orient is a piece of land where weirdness and fertileness coexisted. As described in Section4, the spice was one of the indispensable delicacies in the gourmand's "Cockayne" and it was tinged with eroticism from the ancient times. The end of this chapter deals with the controversy triggered in both religious and secular circles.
Chapter3discusses the application of spices in the Western European social life in the14-16th century. The first three sections discuss the application of spices in a narrow sense, namely, functions determined by the physical characteristics of spices:used as condiments, health products, medicines, incenses in religious ceremonies and preservatives for corpses. Finally, we study the role of spices in the economic activity and social life, to wit used as money and precious gifts and taking an important part in the upper-class banquets. The function of spices was closely related with the spice concepts of Western Europeans. The applications of spices were both the soil out of which the spice concepts grew and the concrete practices of spice concepts in real life.
In Chapter4we investigate the opening up of new sea routes and the ending of Western European spice era. There is a dialectical relationship between the spice and the opening up of new sea routes:the spice promoted the opening up of new sea routes, caused transmutation of the way that Western Europeans got spices, but resulted ultimately in the decline of the spice trade and the devaluation of the spice in people's conception and even the Orientalization, and led to the end of an era of the spice. The three sections in this chapter discuss successively the promotional function that the spice performed in the opening up of new routes, the Western European spice trades in the16th century and the ending of the spice era.
The concluding part epitomizes the whole dissertation, reviews and summarizes the effect of the spice input on the social life and ideas of Western Europeans, and on this basis we comment on the impact of the spice on the history of Western Europe and of the world.
In short, the relationship between the spice and Western European social life is an interaction. The spice input had made a far-reaching influence on the social life in Western Europe; moreover, it was the demand of Western Europe for spices that boosted the opening up of new sea routes and the European overseas expansion, which in turn accelerated the end of the spice era.
引文
① John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2,1955.
② 在古代和中世纪欧洲人的观念中,“东方”有多种含义,广义上的“东方”可包括波斯、伊斯兰世界、印度、中国等所有地中海以东的地域,与“印度”含义相近：狭义上的“东方”主要是指伊斯兰世界。本文采用广义的“东方”概念。参见本文第二章第三节的相关内容。
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p.305.
④ 亨利·皮朗：《中世纪欧洲经济社会史》,乐文译,上海：上海人民出版社,2001年,第136、137页。
① 相关研究综述参见杰里·本特利：《跨文化互动与世界历史分期》,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》,北京：北京大学出版社,2010年; McCants, Anne E. C., "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007);费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第432—433页：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,北京：商务印书馆,1996年,第633页。
② Ashin Das Gupta, The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant,1500-1800:Collected Essays of Ashin Das Gupta, Oxford University Press,2001; James D. Tracy, The Rise of Merchant Empires:Long-distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350-1750, Cambridge University Press,1990; K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge University Press,1985; Asia before Europe:Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge University Press,1990; Michael Naylor Pearson, The World of the Indian Ocean,1500-1800:Studies in Economic, Social, and Cultural History, Ashgate,2005; Pearson, M. N., The Indian Ocean, London; New York:Routledge,2003.
③ 杰里·本特利：《跨文化互动与世界历史分期》,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》。
④ Anne E. C. McCants, "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007).
⑤ 阿图洛·瓦尔曼：《玉米与资本主义：一个实现了全球霸权的植物杂种的故事》,谷晓静译,上海：华东师范大学出版社,2005年；查尔斯·A·科伦比：《朗姆酒的传奇之旅》,余小倩等译,北京：新星出版社,2006年：戴维·考特莱特：《上瘾五百年：瘾品与现代世界的形成》,薛绚译,上海：上海人民出版社,2004年；弗里兹：《煤的历史》,时娜译,北京：中信出版社,2005年；格林菲尔德：《完美的红》,唐富春译,上海：上海人民出版社,2007年；罗伊·波特、米库拉什·泰希主编：《历史上的药物与毒品》,鲁虎、任建华等译,北京：商务印书馆,2004年；罗伊·莫克塞姆：《茶：嗜好、开拓与帝国》,毕小青译,北京：三联书店,2010年；穆素洁：《中国：糖与社会——农民、技术和世界市场》,广州：广东人民出版社,2009年；彭慕兰、史蒂夫·托皮克：《贸易打造的世界》,黄中宪译,西安：陕西师范大学出版社,2008年；斯文·贝克特：《棉花：一部全球史》,载刘新成主编：《全球史评论》(第二辑),北京：中国社会科学出版社,2009年；西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,北京：商务印书馆,2010年；仲伟民：《茶叶与鸦片：十九世纪经济全球化中的中国》,北京：三联书店,2010年。
⑥ 食物和烹饪的历史近年来成为比较热门的研究领域,相关成果包括Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982; Jeffrey M. Pilcher, Food in World History, New York, NY:Routledge,2006; Kenneth F. Kiple, Kriemhild Conee Omelas, The Cambridge World History of Food, Cambridge, UK; New York:Cambridge University Press,2000; Maguelonne Toussaint-Samat, A History of Food, translated by Anthea Bell, West Sussex, U.K.; Malden, MA:Wiley-Blackwell,2009; Martha Carlin, Joel Thomas Rosenthal, Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, London; Rio Grande, Ohio:Hambledon Press,1998; Peter Hammond, Food and Feast in Medieval England, Sutton,2005; Phyllis Pray Bober. Art, Culture and Cuisine:Ancient and Medieval Gastronomy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1999; Tannabill, Reay, Food in history, London:Penguin,1988:Thome, Stuart, The History of Food Preservation, Kirkby:Parthenon Pub. Group Ltd.,1986菲利普·费尔南德斯·阿莫斯图：《食物的历史》,何舒平译,北京：中信出版社,2005年；弗莱彻：《查理曼大帝的桌布：一部开胃的宴会史》,李响译,北京：三联书店,2007年；琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,台北：三言社,2008年。
① Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977; Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350. New York:Oxford University Press,1989威廉·麦克尼尔：《变动中的世界历史形态》,林达·沙佛尔：《南方化》,方林译、夏继果校,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》。关于世界体系理论的相关研究成果和争议,参见安德列·冈德·弗兰克、巴里·K.吉尔斯卞编：《世界体系：500年还是5000年?》,郝名玮译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2004年。
②费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第632—635页。关于奢侈品贸易及其意义,亦参见Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977;杰里·本特利：《新世界史》,《跨文化互动与世界历史分斯》：C.A.贝利：《从早期全球化到国际网络化(约1600—2000年)》,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》。
③ 上述思路受到杰里·本特利的启发。参见杰里·本特利：《跨文化互动与世界历史分期》,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》。
① Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, New Haven:Yale Univ. Pr.,1988, p.13.
② The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, Woodbridge, UK; Rochester, NY:Boydell Press,2008.
③ 林索登是荷兰开拓东方贸易最重要的先驱人物。他1583年赴印度,担任果阿大主教的书记员,因获得信任而得以接触葡萄牙官方视为最高机密的东方地图和地理资料。1595年,他出版了《葡萄牙在东方航海的航程记述》和《林索登到东方和葡属印度航海志》,记载了绕航好望角的航海知识、东方的风土人情和葡萄牙的香料贸易情况。参见金祎成：《17世纪荷兰东印度公司在东南亚的香料贸易》(硕士论文),浙江师范大学,2011年,第17-18页。
① Jeanie M. Welch, Westport Conn. The Spice Trade:A Bibliographic Guide to Sources of Historical and Economic Information, Greenwood Press,1994; Joel Mokyr edit, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History (V.5), Oxford University Press,2003; Encyclopcedia Britannica, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/559803/spice-trade; Encyclopedia of World Trade From Ancient Times to the Present, http://www.credoreference.com/entry/sharpewt/spice route.
② Robert Sabatino Lopez, Irving Woodworth Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World:Illustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes, Olivia Remie Constable,2001; Roy C. Cave, Herbert H. Coulson, A Source Book for Medieval Economic History, New York:The Bruce Publishing Company,1936.
③ William Milburn, Oriental Commerce:Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in the East Indies, China, and Japan, with their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade, New Delhi:Munshiram Manoharlal,1999.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton University Press,1983, p.xi. 海德关于利凡特贸易的著作 额版本包括法语版的Histoire Du Commerce Du Levant Au Moyen-GE (Nabu Press,2010) 和德语版的Geschichte Des Levantehandels Im Mittelalter (Nabu Press,2010)。
① 维尔纳·桑巴特：《奢侈与资本主义》,王燕平、侯小河译,刘北成校,上海：上海人民出版社,2000年,第158—159页。若根据中世纪的香料观念,几乎所有自利凡特进口的东方货物都算是香料,参见本文的“相关术语和研究范围的界定”部分对香料概念的探讨。
② Eliyahu Ashtor, edited by Benjamin Z. Kedar, East-West Trade in the Medieval Mediterranean, London:Variorum Reprints, 1986; Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton University Press,1983; Studies on the Levantine Trade in the Middle Ages, Variorum Reprints,1978其论文见本文的参考文献。
③ M.N. Pearson, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Aldershot, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
④ Frederic Chapin Lane, Venice and History:The Collected Papers of Frederic Chapin Lane, Johns Hopkins Press,1966; Venice, A Maritime Republic, Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,1973其论文见本文的参考文献。
⑤ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, New York:Ballantine Books, 2007; John Keay, The Spice Route:A History, London:John Murray,2005; Charles Corn, The Scents of Eden:A History of the Spice Trade, New York, Tokyo, London:Kodansha International,1998; Jean Favier, Gold & Spices:the Rise of Commerce in the Middle Ages, translated from the French by Caroline Higgitt, New York:Holmes & Meier,1998.
① C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited. Spices in the Indian Ocean World. Hampshire, Great Britain:Brookfield, Vt, USA:Variorum,1996; "The Volume of European Spice Imports at the Beginning and End of the Fifteenth Century," Journal of European Economic History, Ano 1986, Vol.15, Numero 3.
② 其博士论文为 Portugal and the European Spice Trade, 1480-1580 (European University Institute,2001)。遗感的是,本论文及其同名著作均尚未出版,无法读到。他亦发表了一系列研究香料贸易的论文。
③ David Bulbeek, Anthony Reid, Lay Cheng Tan, Yiq Wu, Southeast Asian Exports Since the 14th Century:Cloves, Pepper, Coffee, and Sugar, Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,1998; J. Innes Miller. The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, Oxford:Clarendon P.,1969:Sidebotham, Steven E., Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route, Berkeley, CA:University of California Press,2011; S.N. Mahindru, Spices in Indian life.6500 B.C.-1950 A.D.:A Comprehensive and Critical Narration about the Role of Spices in Indian Life, New Delhi. India:Sultan Chand,1982.
④ M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean world, Hampshire, Great Britain;Brookfield, Vt., USA: Variorum,1996, Introduction, p.xxvii史学界对这一问题的争论分两个方面,即15世纪未香料价格是否出现了上涨,如果是,涨价是不是15世纪葡萄牙海外扩张的动因；葡萄牙参与香料贸易是否导致了胡椒价格下降。
⑤ Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Haven:Yale University Press,2008; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, Alfred A. Knopf,2004; Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, British Museum Press.2000.后两本著作已有中译本。
⑦ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books.1993.
① Marijke van der Veen, "When Is Food a Luxury? " World Archaeology, Vol.34, No.3, Luxury Foods, Feb.,2003; Anne E. C. McCants, "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4(Dec.,2007); Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; "Demystifying a Change in Taste:Spices, Space, and Social Hierarchy in Europe,1380-1750," The International History Review, Vol.29, No.2, Jun.,2007.
② Jean Delumeau, History of Paradise:The Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition, translated from the French by Matthew O'Connell, Urbana:University of Illinois Press,2000; Christine R. Johnson, The German Discovery of the World: Renaissance Encounters with the Strange and Marvelous, Charlottesville:University of Virginia Press,2008; Lach, Donald F., Southeast Asia in the Eyes of Europe:The Sixteenth Century, University of Chicago Press,1968; India in the Eyes of Europe: The Sixteenth Century, Chicago; London:University of Chicago Press,1968; Asia in the Making of Europe, University of Chicago Press,1994; Stuart B. Schwartz, Implicit Understandings:Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters Between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era, Cambridge [England]; New York, NY, USA:Cambridge University Press,1994.
③ Giles Milton, Nathaniel's Nutmeg:How one Man's Courage Changed the Course of History, Hodder& Stoughton,1999; Timothy Morton, The Poetics of Spice:Romantic Consumerism and the Exotic, Cambridge University Press,2000,前一本书已有中译本。
④ Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, A. A. Knopf,1975; From Lisbon to Goa,1500-1750: Studies in Portuguese Maritime Enterprise, London:Variorum Reprints,1984; Disney, A. R., Twilight of the Pepper Empire: Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early 17th Century, Manohar Publications,2010; The Portuguese in India and other Studies,1500-1700, Farnham, England; Burlington, VT:Ashgate/Variorum,2009; A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire:From Beginnings to 1807, New York:Cambridge University Press,2009; Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, The Portuguese Empire in Asia,1500-1700:A Political and Economic History, London; New York:Longman,1993; Russell-Wood, A. J. R., The Portuguese Empire,1415-1808:A World on the Move, Baltimore, MD:Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
⑤ M. N. Pearson, The New Cambridge History of India (Ⅰ):The Portuguese in India, New York:Cambridge University Press, 1987; The World of the Indian Ocean,1500-1800:Studies in Economic, Social, and Cultural History, Ashgate,2005; The Indian Ocean, London, New York:Routledge,2003; M. N. Pearson, Ashin Das Gupta. India and the Indian Ocean,1500-1800, Oxford University Press,1987; K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge University Press,1985; Asia Before Europe:Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge University Press,1990; Ashin Das Gupta, The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant,1500-1800:Collected Essays of Ashin Das Gupta, Oxford University Press,2001关于穆斯林和犹太人的商业活动,参见Patricia Risso, Merchants and Faith:Muslim Commerce and Culture in the Indian Ocean, Westview Press,1995; S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society:The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza(V.1), Berkeley:University of California Press,1999.
① Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, New Haven:Yale Univ. Pr.,1988.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.xviii.
③ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, London:British Museum Press,2000, p.158.
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith,'"Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History. (2008) 3.
① S.N. Mahindru, Spices in Indian life,6500 B.C.-1950 A.D.:A Comprehensive and Critical Narration about the Role of Spices in Indian Life, New Delhi, India:Sultan Chand,1982, p.l.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.xix.
③ 《辞源》,北京：商务印书馆,1983年,第3439页。
④ J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C.to A. D.641, Oxford:Clarendon P.,1969, p.1.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Haven:Yale University Press,2008, pp.11-16.
⑥ 这一说法可能不够严密。笔者是指一般情况下,人们不再用“香料”一词来统称所有的芳香物质,调味品、药物、香水、香精等已区分开来,因而,“香料”往往仅指调味品。
⑦ J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, pp.2—3.
⑧ Maguelonne Toussaint-Samat, A History of Food, translated by Anthea Bell, Chichester, West Sussex, U.K.; Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell,2009, pp.434-435.
① J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, p.1; Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and ClassiA Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, p.105; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.86.
② J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, p.25;詹姆斯·w·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,北京：商务印书馆,2009年,第22、31页。
③ Maguelonne Toussaint-Samat, A History of Food, translated by Anthea Bell, p.435.
④ Maguelonne Toussaint-Samat, A History of Food, translated by Anthea Bell, pp.435-436; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.87.
⑤ Robert Sabatino Lopez, Irving Woodworth Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World:Iillustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes, Olivia Remie Constable,2001, pp.108-114; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.11.关于288种香料的具体内容,参见 Robert Sabatino Lopez, Irving Woodworth Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World:Iillustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes,pp.109-114.有的著作认为彼哥罗蒂列举了386种香料,参见罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,经济科学出版社,2003年,第310页。
⑥ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第310页。
⑥ Paul Freedman, "Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115, pp.1-5.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.86.
① 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第188页；罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第310页。
② Jack Turner,Spice:The History of a Temptation,p.xix.
③ S.N.Mahindru,Spices in Indian life,6500 B.C.-1950 A.D.:A Comprehensive and Critical Narration about the Role of Spices in Indian Life,p.6.
④ 《辞海》(缩印本),上海：上海辞书出版社,2000年,第2444页。
⑤Andrew Dalby,Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices,p.16
⑥"sweet”一词本身就含有“芳香的”之意,这是否源于蔗糖曾经是一种中世纪的重要香料?这是一个非常有趣并值得探讨的问题。
⑦Jack Turner,Spice:The History of a Temptation,pp.xix-xx.
⑧ Paul Freedman,Out the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination,p.8.
⑨ 帕特里夏·雷恩：《香草文化史：世人最喜爱的香味和香料》,侯开宗等译,北京：商务印书馆,2007年,弟5、47页。
① 阿什特的《中世纪晚期利凡特贸易史》多处谈到番红花是西欧出口到利凡特的重要商品品之一。参见Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton University Press,1983, pp.15,50,151.162,233,268,282,341,350,351, 356,360,366.
② Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.123.
③ Maguelonne Toussaint-Samat, A History of Food, translated by Anthea Bell, p.435.
④ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.10.
⑤ Paul Freedman, "Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115.
⑥ Sebastian R. Prange,"'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224(May 2011).
① 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,台北：三言社,2008年,第104页。
① Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001;费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第256页。
② 彭慕兰：《社会史与世界史：从日常生活到变化模式》,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》。需要说明的是,在国际史学界,world history和global history是同义词,这与中国史学界的情况不同。因此,彭义中的“世界史”即中国学者所称的“全球史”
① J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, Oxford:Clarendon P.,1969. pp.200-201.
② Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, London:British Museum Press,2000, p.91.
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至181世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第163页。
④ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, British Museum Press,2000, p.91; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2004, pp.79-81.
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,北京：商务印书馆,1996年,第696页。
⑥ 犹太人一般指犹太教徒,“犹太人和叙利亚人”这一术语往往是为了表述方便,在描述某种商业活动而非个体商人的出身时意义相近。参见戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),第348页。叙利亚人、埃及人和拜占庭人、希腊人意义也相近。
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.96:罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,经济科学出版社,2003年,第269页。关于犹太人的经商范围和内容,参见Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, pp.121-122.
① 史蒂文·朗西曼：《拜占庭的贸易和工业》；戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),第114-115、355页。
② J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, p.13关于阿拉伯人控制7世纪之前的香料贸易的情况,参见Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, pp.120-122.
③ Selima Ben Mrad, "Spice Trade:A History of a Fantasy Substance," CHARM,2005.
④ 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),第336页。
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Haven:Yale University Press,2008, p.108.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.91,95.
⑦ 詹姆斯·W·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,北京：商务印书馆,2009年,第469页；罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第273页。
① Frederic C. Lane, Venice:A Maritime Republic, Baltimore:The Johns Hopkins University Press,1973, pp.27-29.
② 詹姆斯·w·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,第161页。
③ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.利尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第273—274页。
④ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第271页；费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第三卷),顾良、施康强译,第105页。
⑤ 詹姆斯·w·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,第468、594页。
⑥ 威尔·杜兰：《世界文明史·信仰的时代》(第四卷),幼狮文化公司译,北京：东方出版社,1998年,第478—479页。
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.96,92,100,102-103.
① Elivahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton University Press,1983, pp.3-4.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.3-4,373-376,379-382; Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, New York:Oxford University Press,1989, pp.15-18,81-82,114-116,125, 118-120,377-379.
③ Joel Mokyr, editor in chief, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History (V.5), Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, pp.1-5.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages, Berkeley:University of California Press, 1976, p.264.转引自 Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.196.
① Eliyahu Ashtor,Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages,p.17.
② Ibid.,pp.29-30.
③ I sporta=225千克。在有关香料贸易的研究中,各种重量笋位及其换算关系很重要,迄今为止学者们对于各种重量单位的看法并不一致,因此对香料贸易的规模的估算有较大差别。按照阿什特的解释,各种重量单位的换算关系如下：埃及：1庞迪(pondi,15世纪初)=180千克1庞迪(pondo或collo,15世纪末)=360千克 1斯帕塔(himl)=225千克1 香料卡塔尔(spice kintar,qintar fulfuli)=45千克叙利亚：1科罗(colli,或pondo)=90千克 1卡塔尔(kintar或qintar)=180千克1拉特(ratl)=1.8千克 1威尼斯轻磅(Libber sottoli,简称1.s.)=0.3千克此外,常用来称量肉桂或巴西木包裹的单位法多(fardo)等同于埃及庞迪,1法索(fasso)=180千克,称量蔗糖的卡萨(cassa)毛重为86千克,净重为64千克。一般而言,对于上述埃及或叙利亚的重量单位,意大利人执行的单位比穆斯林认为的要小。穆斯林说的是理论上的单位,而意大利人指的是实际使用中的单位。但是,莱恩认为,1埃及庞迪=1120威尼斯轻磅=336千克,威克认为埃及庞迪14世纪末15世纪初为225千克,15世纪末为506千克,而阿什特认为这个单位是不断变化的,但它至多等于360千克,威克对这一单位及15世纪初威尼斯的香料贸易规模的估计过高。另一方面,威克认为叙利亚科罗随时间变大了,15世纪后半期为120千克,但阿什特坚持这一单位未发生变化,始终等于90千克。参见Eliyahu Ashtor"The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498),"Journal of European Economic History,Vol.4,N.3,1975;"Spice Prices in the Near East in the 15th Century,"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,No.1(1976);"The Volume of Medieval Spice Trade,"Journal of European Economic History,No.9(1980).
④ Eliyahu Ashtor,Levant Trade in the Later,Middle Ages,pp.25-28.
⑤ Ibid.,pp.30.32,35,36,50.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.44-48.
② Ibid., pp.57,59,39.
③ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.123-124.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.38-40; "Observations on Venetian Trade in the Levant in the XIVth Century, " Journal of European Economic History(Rome), Vol.5, N.3,1976.
⑤ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.43,38-40,55,10-11.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.63-65,103-104.
② 詹姆斯·W·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,第280页。
③ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.225,226.
④ 菲利普·D·柯丁：《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,济南：山东画报出版社,2009年,第116页。
⑤ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.213,228.
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.66-70.
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, "Observations on Venetian Trade in the Levant in the XlVth Century, " Journal of European Economic History(Rome), Vol.5, N.3,1976.
① C. M. Cipolla, Before the Industrial Revolution:European Society and Economy,1000-1700, New York:Norton.1976, p.146.转引自Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.94.
② J. C. Russell, Medieval Regions and Their Cities, Bloomington, Indiana:University of Indiana Press,1972, p.23.转引自 Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.94-95.
③ 洛佩兹、波斯坦等人都持这一观点。参见John L. Meloy, "Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanate in the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan. Mar.,2003); Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350. p.95.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.72.
⑤ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class.A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, p.133.
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.73.
⑦ Ibid., pp.74-75,88-102.
① 14-16世纪,威尼斯实行“商船制”,即由国家出资建造和装备大型帆桨船,然后以拍卖的形式出租给出价最高的大商人使用。
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.78-80,98,100.
③ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.122.
④ Elivahu Ashtor. Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages. pp.108-110. Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanate in the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental
⑤ Elivahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.200-216; John L. Melov, "Imperial Strategy and Political Society. Vol.123. No.1 (Jan.-Mar..2003)
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.9,110-11
⑦ John L. Meloy, "Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanate in the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.,2003).
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.107.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.165; C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield. Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
③ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.165-166.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.165; C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.115.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.263,168.
② K. H. O'Rourke and J. G Williamson, "Did Vasco da Gama matter for European markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
③ 生姜的价格这一时期也出现了上涨,但幅度不像胡椒那么大。笔者以为,这是因为中国圉是生姜的原产地和生产大国,不需要从国外购入太多生姜；其次,中国消费者偏爱胡椒,明代统称香料为“椒木”。直到16世纪初,出使过中国的葡萄牙人皮列士还记载道,马六甲运往中国的最有价值的商品包括胡椒、丁香、肉豆蔻、木香、阿仙药、象牙、锡、沉香、樟脑、红珠、白檀、苏木、黑木等,其中最重要的是胡椒,“除胡椒外,他们(中国人)对其他商品不怎么重视”。参见多默·皮列士：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2012年,第116页。
④ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, New Haven:Yale Univ. Pr.,1988, p.12.
⑤ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.168.
⑥ 莱恩(Lane)认为,意大利语中的‘穆达’有两种含义：既指护航舰队,又指装船的那个时段。参见William McNeill, Venice:The Hinge of Europe,1081-1797, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1974, p.60.
⑦ Eliyahu Ashtor, "The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498)," Journal of European Economic History, Vol.4, N.3,1975.
① Eliyahu Ashtor,Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages,pp.115-119,165.
① 即产于西非的马拉奎塔(Malagueta)胡椒,法国人尤其喜爱这种香料,称之为“天堂的谷物”。由阿拉伯中间商的记载可知,13世纪初,欧洲人第一次到达马拉魁塔,寻找“天堂的谷物”,该香料通过意大利人迅速向欧洲渗透。但它因何而得名?迄今尚未发现任何宇宙学著作直接将其解释为天堂的物产；有趣的是,随着需求的减少,其名称变成了“巴黎的谷物”。但毫无疑问,这种香料—被带回欧洲,其非洲起源就不再那么令人神往。1597年,英国植物学家杰拉德(Gerard)已不能复述该香料的象征意义,而是将其与阿拉伯小豆蔻联系在了一起,因为它变得越来越普通,口语中称之为“谷物”。葡萄牙编年史学家巴罗斯(Barros)认为,“天堂的谷物”之名仅仅是因为其昂贵的价格,直到15世纪50年代,其价格仍比东方的胡椒贵。杰拉德认为,该香料只是“在商店中”是天堂的谷物。参见Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, "The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498)," Journal of European Economic History, Vol.4, N.3,1975.
① 威克认为1400年左右西欧每年进口胡椒750吨,高级香料45吨,其中威尼斯占有胡椒市场的60%-70%,高级香料市场的45%左右,1500年左右其市场占有份额达到了70%。按1400年左右威尼斯的胡椒市场占有份额为70%计算,威克关于威尼斯的胡椒进口量的结论与本文的估算基本相符。参见C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited. Spices in the Indian Ocean World. Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.183,189.
③ Eliyahu Ashtor, "The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498)," Journal of European Economic History, Vol.4, N.3,1975.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.267,263-264.
⑤ Ibid., pp.267-268.
⑥ 克里特岛的港口,历史上也用来称呼克里特岛。
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant trade in the later Middle Ages, pp.120,182-183.
① 该年有1只船直接开往佛兰德斯。
② 该年还有2只船直接开往佛兰德斯。
③ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.127,292; "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade: Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?" Journal of European Economic History (Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.132,135-136; "The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498)," Journal of European Economic History, Vol.4, N.3,1975.
⑤ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.198,146.
② Ibid., pp.198-199.
③ 这尚且是比较保守的估计,香料占加泰罗尼亚和法国进口货物的比例分别为87%、82%,威尼斯的情况自不待言,香料很可能会占到90%以上,只有热那业的比例为60%-70%。其他国家贸易规模不大,但香料占其货物的比重并不小。
③ John L. Meloy, "Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanate in the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.:2003).
⑤ 莱恩认为素丹强制威尼斯人购买的胡椒占其总购买量的10%。参见Frederic C. Lane, "Pepper Prices Before Da Gama," The Journal of Economic History, Vol.28, No.4, Dec.,1968.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.276-277.
② John L. Meloy, "Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanatein the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.,2003).
③ 关于巴斯贝开始垄断香料贸易的时间,学术界存在争议。阿什特认为是1426年,韦尔(Weil)、海德和达拉戈(Darrag)认为是1428年,拉维夫(Labib)坚持是1429年,威特(Wiet)认为是1432年。参见John L.Meloy，"Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanatein the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.,2003).
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.278-279.
⑤ John L. Meloy, "Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanatein the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.,2003).
⑥ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.279-280.
① 不过,也有学者认为巴斯贝对香料贸易的干预不应仅仅被看作是应对经济危机的一种办法,而是其帝国扩张战略的组成部分。他提高了埃及的商业地位,加强了王朝的统治,将开罗政权的影响扩展至塞浦路斯和汉志,并克服了工农业衰落带来的不利影响。参见John L. Meloy,"Imperial Strategy and Political Exigency:The Red Sea Spice Trade and the Mamluk Sultanatein the Fifteenth Century," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.123, No.1 (Jan.-Mar.,2003).
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.280-281,312,326.
③ 莱恩认为巴斯贝的垄断政策并未造成香料价格上涨,相反,威尼斯的香料价格下降了,直到1498年,反倒是1500年之后,葡萄牙人的香料贸易活动引起了香料价格上涨。参见Frederic C. Lane,'"Pepper Prices Before Da Gama," The Journal of Economic History, Vol.28, No.4, Dec.,1968但是,威尼斯的香料价格不能代表利凡特的香料价格,在埃及,垄断政策的确造成了香料价格上涨,尽管幅度不是特别大。
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.312,316,323.
⑥ Ibid., pp.327,329-330.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.334,336,338,342.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, " Spice Prices in the Near East in the 15th Century," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,No.1(1976).
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.461.
③ Eliyahu Ashtor, "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade:Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?" Journal of European Economic History (Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.472; "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade:Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?"Journal of European Economic History(Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
⑤ 这里估算的数值与弗里德里克·莱恩计算的结果相符,而威克认为15世纪末威尼斯的胡椒进口量是780吨,因为他认为此时埃及的斯帕塔为504千克,叙利亚科罗为120千克。参见Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.470:"The Volume of Medieval Spice Trade." Journal of European Economic History, No.9 (1980):"The Volume of Levantine Trade in the Later Middle Ages (1370-1498),".Journal of European Economic History, Vol.4,N.3,1975.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.476,478.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.491,494,501.
② Ibid., p.511.
③ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield. Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
④ Ibid..
① 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第372页。
② 多默·皮列士：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2012年,第260页。本文对《东方志——从红海到中国》的译文略有改动,因为该书的译文不够简洁通顺。该书是这样翻译这段文字的：“千里外各方不同民族都必定来马六甲做生意买卖……任何主宰马六甲的人就能控制威尼斯的咽喉。”
③ 多默·皮列士：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,第248、251页。
④ K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1985, p.98.转引自 Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, New York:Oxford University Press,1989, p.270.
⑤ 多默·皮列士：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,第27页。
⑥ 菲利普·D·柯丁：《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,第117页。
① 多默·皮列上：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,第28、248—249页。
② 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),第377页。
③ 菲利普·D·柯丁：《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,第117页。
④ 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),第378页。
⑤ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.273-274.
⑥ 1巴哈尔(Bahar)≈150千克。
⑦ 多默·皮列上：《东方志——从红海到中国》,何高济译,第250-251页。
① Sebastian R. Prange, "'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224 (May 2011).
② 关于卡里米商人的种族和宗教归属,学者们存在不同看法。一般认为卡里米是穆斯林商人团体,如W.J.菲舍尔、戴维·阿布拉法椰即持此观点；埃利亚胡·阿什特等人认为,卡里米商人的主体是穆斯林,但其中也有一些犹太人；更极端的观点是,卡里米商人都是犹太人,M·克莱热(M. Clerget)、R·B·谢赖格(R. B.Sergeant)、A·莱恩持此观点,但并未得到大多数人的认同。此外,关于卡里米商人的起源时间、出身、组织形式等也存在争议。参见Walter J. Fischel, "The Spice Trade in Mamluk Egypt:A Contribution to the Economic History of Medieval Islam," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.1, No.2 (Apr.,1958);戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦,D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第368页；E. Ashtor,"The Karimi Merchants," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 88, Issue 12, April 1956; Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages,pp.271-272; Sebastian R. Prange, "'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224,(May 2011).
③ 珍妮·阿布·卢格霍德认为,‘'Karimis"一词的意思是“伟大”,指的是从事批发贸易的大商人,以区分于数量众多的小企业主,类似于批发商与零售商的区别：戴维·阿布拉法椰认为,“Karimis”一词来源于泰米尔语“karyam”,意思是“商业”或“事务”。参见Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350,p.227；戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第367页。
④ S. D. Goitein, "New Light on the Beginnings of the Karim Merchants," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.1, No.2 (Apr.,1958).
⑤ 笔者以为,这表明阿什特同意此词含有“商业”或“事务”之意,在其著作的具体语境中是指香料贸易。参见Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.275-276; "The Karimi Merchants," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 88, Issue 12, April 1956.
① E. Ashtor, "The Karimi Merchants," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 88, Issue 12, April 1956.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.271,273;"The KarimT Merchants," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 88, Issue 12, April 1956; Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.229.
③ 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第369-370页。
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.271在12世纪左右的福斯塔特,10第纳尔够一个中等规模的家庭5个月的开销。参见S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society:The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza(V.1), Berkeley:University of California Press,1999, pp.214-216,46.
⑤ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.273-274:"The KarimT Merchants," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 88, Issue 12, April 1956.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.52-53,73-74.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.275-276.
③ 戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第371页。
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.281-282.
⑤ 珍妮·阿布·卢格霍德认为,即使在国家垄断(设定价格)了与意大利商人的香料贸易之后,卡里米商人仍是东方货物的重要供应者。她还提出,卡里米商人的衰落(或转移)发生于黑死病之后的萧条时期,这表明国家介入香料贸易是为了填补因许多商人的死亡而留下的空缺。参见Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.230她的第一种说法与其他学者的意见无根本性差别：素丹垄断香料贸易后,卡里米仍是香料的重要供货人,这是事实：但此时他们的身份已是“素丹的商人”而非私商。按照她的第二种看法,卡里米商人的衰落在先,而素丹垄断香料贸易在后。
⑥ 菲利普·D·柯丁：《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,第127页。
① Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.242.
② Sebastian R. Prange, "'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224 (May 2011).
③ 菲利普·D·柯丁《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,第127页。
④ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦,D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第309页。
⑤ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.76,253.
⑥ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑦ William McNeill, Venice:The Hinge of Europe,1081-1797, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1974.
⑧ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第271页。
⑨ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.291; "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade:Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?".Journal of Economic History(Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
① 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第一卷),邓兰珍等译,北京：中国对外翻译出版公司,1996年,第172页。
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.89.
③ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.121.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.122.
⑥ Ibid., pp.289,290.
⑤ Ibid., pp.251-252,125,128.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.297,307,283.
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第482页。
③ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.253-254; "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade: Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?"Journal of European Economic History(Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.131-132.
⑤ Ibid.,pp.368,369.
⑥ Ibid., pp.258-261,370.
① 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第三卷),顾良、施康强译,第131页。
② E. Ashtor, "Profits from Trade with the Levant in the Fifteenth Century," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.38, No.2 (1975.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, "The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Trade:Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?" Journal of European Economic History (Rome), Vol.3, N.1,1974.
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第三卷),顾良、施康强译,第105、120-121页。
③ Peter Musgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640," in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean world, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.102-104,46.
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第265-266页。
③ Peter Musgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640," in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean world, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
④ 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),邓兰珍等译,第1184页。
⑤ Richard Patfe, Portugal and Portuguese World, Bruce Pub. Co.,1957,p.92.转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
⑥ Peter Musgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640," in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean world.
⑦ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第303页。
① Peter Musgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640," in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited. Spices in the Indian Ocean world.
② Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.169.
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第632-633页。
④ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第435页：StefanHalikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c. 1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
⑤ Jean Favier, Gold & Spices:the Rise of Commerce in the Middle Ages, translated from the French by Caroline Higgitt, New York:Holmes & Meier.1998, p.24.
⑥ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.68.
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, p.15.
② 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第290页。
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第191页。
④ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第333、310、295页。
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第三卷),顾良、施康强译,第95页。
⑥ Jean Favier, Gold & Spices:the Rise of Commerce in the Middle Ages, translated from the French by Caroline Higgitt, p.310.马克为欧洲历史上用于衡量金银重量的单位,约等于8盎司。
⑦ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.427,169-171,292,342,417,420.
① Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books,1993, p.11.
② 他们指出,葡萄牙的扩张可能是由航海技术发展和政府的投资需求等因素引起的,或者根本不是由经济因素引起的,参见Eliyahu Ashtor, "Spice Prices in the Near East in the 15th Century," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No.1 (1976); Frederic C. Lane, "Pepper Prices Before Da Gama," The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 28, No.4, Dec.,1968; A. H. Lybyer. "The Ottoman Turks and the Routes of Oriental Trade," The English Historical Review, Vol.30, No.120 (Oct.,1915); K. H. O'Rourke and J. G.Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
③ 绝对价格(nominal price)是指用货币单位表现出来的商品价格,即虚价,相对价格(relative/real price)是指两种或多种商品之间由供给与需求作用所形成的价格比例关系。因此,只有相对价格才能真正说明问题。
④ McCants, Anne E. C, "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007).
⑤ K. H. O'Rourke and J. G.Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
① K. H. O'Rourke and J. G. Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
② E. Ashtor, "Profits from Trade with the Levant in the Fifteenth Century," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.38, No.2 (1975);戴维·阿布拉法椰：《亚洲、非洲及中世纪欧洲的贸易》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第369-370页。
③ 詹姆斯·W-汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,第469页。
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.417-428.
⑤ E. Ashtor, "Profits from Trade with the Levant in the Fifteenth Century," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.38, No.2 (1975).
⑥ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第632页。
① Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.392-393,428.
② David Bulbeek, Anthony Reid, Lay Cheng Tan, Yiq Wu, Southeast Asian Exports Since the 14th Century:Cloves, Pepper, Coffee, and Sugar, Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,1998, p.26.
③ E. Ashtor, "Profits from Trade with the Levant in the Fifteenth Century." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.38, No.2 (1975).
① Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008)3.
② Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p.10.
③ John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
④ 参见本文第四章第一节的相关内容。
⑤ Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.244.
① Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, pp.240-241.
② 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,第290页。
③ 基督徒必须缴纳比外国穆斯林高出许多的税收,包括入境税(约相当于15世纪的两枚金币)、2%的现金税、20%的进口商品关税、出口货物关税等。相比之下,穆斯林商人只需支付扎卡特(zaqat,理论上是2.5%)。参见Janet Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony:The World System, A.D.1250-1350, p.247.
④ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, pp.396-397,399,404-405.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.105.
⑥ 卡洛·M·奇波拉：《欧洲经济史》(第一卷),徐璇译、吴良健校,北京：商务印书馆,1988年,第219-220页。
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.116-117.
② Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.168; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.117.
③ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, p.158.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.119-120.
① 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,北京：商务印书馆,2010年,第106页。
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.121-122.
③ Ibid., pp.11,114.
④ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, p.188.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.123-125.
⑥ John H. Munro, "Featured Reviews:Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination", The American Historical Review, 114(2),2009.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p.138.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.136; John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
② John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.127-128.
④ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, pp.87-88.
⑤ John Munro, "Oriental Spices and Their Costs in Medieval Cuisine:Luxuries or Necessities?" Talk given at University College, Toronto,1988.转引自 Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.127.
⑥ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, p.86.
⑦ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第163页。
⑧ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.128,119-120.
① 约翰·赫伊津哈：《中世纪的秋天：14世纪和15世纪法国与荷兰的生活、思想与艺术》,何道宽译,桂林：广西师范大学出版社,2008年,第159、190、160、215、246、247页; Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation. New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p. xvii.
① John H. Munro, "Featured Reviews:Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination", The American Historical Review, 114(2),2009.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Haven:Yale University Press,2008, p.6; Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
③ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,北京：商务印书馆,2010年,第105-106页。
④ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第256-257页。
⑤ "spice"本意是“特别精美或具有特殊价值的商品”,这与“Luxury”一词的含义非常相近。尽管人们对什么是奢侈品并没有一致的定义,但遍查各种英语词典,"Luxury"一般是指一种昂贵且令人愉悦、但并非必需品的物质。此词本身不含贬义,甚至含有“精品”之意。但拉丁文中的‘'luxuria"一词含有奢侈、豪华、炫耀、过多、反常、违禁、欲望之意,是教会的意志影响社会文化的体现。参见John C. Traupman, The New College Latin & English Dictionary, Bantam Books,1995, p.249; Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology,Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, p.105; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.281-282.
⑥ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "Demystifying a Change in Taste:Spices, Space, and Social Hierarchy in Europe,1380-1750," The International History Review, Vol.29, No.2 (Jun.,2007).亦可参见 J.Schneider. "Was there a precapitalist world system?" Peasant studies,6(1) 1977.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.93,135.
⑧ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books,1993, pp.7-9; Jean Favier, Gold & Spices:the Rise of Commerce in the Middle Ages, translated from the French by Caroline Higgitt, p.20.
① 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群、刘漠云等译,北京：商务印书馆,1982年,第8页。
② 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第101页。
③ 徐善伟：《东学西渐与西方文化的复兴》,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年,第225页。
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.174,106.
⑤ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, p.159.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.101,134-135.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.40-42;琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,台北：三言社,2008年,第87页。
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.136.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.46-48.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.106.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.25,43.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.138,101.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.138.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.43.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.140.
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
⑤ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.141.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.45.
⑦ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第105-106页。
⑦ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.141.
① 《创世纪》2：12。
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.81.
③ Paul Freedman, "Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115, pp.1-5.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.249,254.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.83,85,86.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.249,254-255.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.84,86.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.252-253,261.
④ Ibid., pp.255-256,219-220.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.153-154; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.283-284.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.24V.
⑤ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
③ Stefan Halikowski Smith. "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
④ Paul Freedman. Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.90.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.44,42,47-48.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.87.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.252.
④ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books,1993, p.6.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.92-94.
⑥ Ibid., p.91.
① Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.86.
③ Jean de Joinville, History of Saint Louis, in Joinville and Villehardouin, Penguin Classics:Chronicles of the Crusades, translated with an Introduction and Notes by Caroline Smith, Penguin Group UK,2008, p.192.
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑤ 亚当的坟墓常常与位于马拉巴尔海岸的圣托马斯的坟墓相混淆。伊甸园被认为是世界许多大河的发源地,因此必然位于高处。
⑤ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.94-95.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.94.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.45; Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.8,2.
④ 关于“印度”这一概念,参见顾卫民：《葡萄牙文明东渐中的都市——果阿》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2009年,第11页。
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.99.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.63-64.
⑦ 有学者指出,贵重稀有的物品分三种类型：一是本质的稀缺,即自然界的产量有限,但又不能人工生产的商品,如意大利白块菌。二是环境造成的稀缺,并非由水土等自然资源或条件造成,而是因某种原因难以获得的东西,如番 红花的收获需要大量人工,因此是最昂贵的香料之一。三是人为因素造成的稀缺,如商业投机、故意抬高价格等。因此,如何解释欧洲市场上香料的稀缺就成为至关重要的事：如果是本质的稀缺,就不值得付出巨大代价去寻找。参加Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.131-132.
① Jack Turner. Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.231.
② 希罗多德：《历史》(上册),王以铸译,北京：商务印书馆,1997年,第242、243页。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.135.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.232.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.135-136.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.87.
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.133-134; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.87.
① 一股认为是斯里兰卡,但有可能是苏门答腊。
② 可能是爪洼或斯里兰卡。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.98-100.
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.48,49.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.99但神秘并没有把香料置于超自然的世界中。与香料有关的传说与神秘学不同,后者主要是一些包含“令人厌恶的事物”(如蛇的血)的文献。勒高夫指出：“奇迹与日常生活很自然地融合到了一起。奇迹的特点是；它是罕见的事物,但不是超自然现象；是尚未得到解释的(unexplained),但不是无法解释的(inexplicable)它发生于现存世界的边缘,而非另一世界中。”参见Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c. 1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
⑦ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.136.
① Jack Turner. Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.50.
② Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2, 2001.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.49.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.136; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Tempianon, pp.49-50. ⑤ Amr Ibn Bahr al Jahiz, The Life and Works ofJahiz, Translated by D.W. Hauter, Bertceiy:university of Canromia rrcss,1909,p.198,转引自林达·沙佛尔：《南方化》,方林译、夏继果校,载夏继果、杰里·本特利王编：《全球史读本》，北京：北京大学出版社,2010年。⑥ 尽管许名香料产自西非,但它们也是经开罗和穆斯林中间商之手运抵欧洲,因此也被赋予了东方商品的含义。来目北欧的琥珀、毛皮、羽毛、马毛等被纽伦堡商人运到地中海市场,被称为“北万杳料”。参见Stefan Halikowsk Smith. "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.y 1.
① Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
② 《创世纪》2：8。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.97,95.
④ 孔雀王朝是印度历史上最强盛的时期之一；孔雀也是今日印度的国鸟。
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.243.
⑥ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑦ 这与10世纪马苏迪的描写类似：“亚当将伊甸园铺满了树叶,它们变干以后,其气息被风吹散到印度,成为该地区所有芳香的来源。”参见Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑧ Andrew Sherratt, Book Review:Beteen East and West:The Moluccas and the Traffic in Spices Up to the Arrival of Europeans, Economic History Review, LIX,2 (2006).
⑨ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.243.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.98,95.
② Jean Delumeau, Matthew O'Connell, History of Paradise:The Garden of Eden in Myth and Tradition, translated from the French by Matthew O'Connell, Urbana:University of Illinois Press,2000, p.46.
③ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.97,95.
⑤ 马可·波罗：《马可波罗行纪》,冯承钧译,上海：上海书店出版社,2001年,第445、376页。冯注称图儿比特为
一种蔓草之根,用作泻药或缓和剂。参见马可·波罗：《马可波罗行纪》,冯承钧译,第447页。
⑥ 无独有偶,伊本·白图泰也记载了马拉巴尔的胡椒要用蒲式耳(公制为36.268升)来称量,就像阿拉伯国家的谷物一样。《伊本·白图泰游记》中译本译为“我在科泽科德城看到他们把胡椒倒出来过秤,就像我国秤玉米那样平常”。他还记载说,“我国百姓说他们(印度人)是用锅把胡椒焙干的,因此才变得皱巴巴的,其实并非如此。那皱纹完全是太阳晒出来的。”参见(摩洛哥)伊本·白图泰口述,伊本·朱甾笔录,阿卜杜勒·哈迪·塔奇校订,李光斌译：《异境奇观——伊本·白图泰游记》(全译本),北京：海洋出版社,2008年,第482页；Sebastian R. Prange, "'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224 (May 2011).
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.140.
⑧ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.100,102,139.
② Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
③ 早在1324年马可波罗在世时,其游记就以多种形式、多种语言流传甚广,威尼斯当时的游记编纂作家焦万·巴蒂斯塔·拉穆西奥(Giovan Battista Ramusio)写道：“几个月之内,它在全意大利随处可见。”参见Stefan Halikowski Smith,"The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.50.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.139.
② Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.139,140,182.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.141-142; John H. Munro, "Featured Reviews:Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination", The American Historical Review,114 (2),2009.
② 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群、刘漠云等译,第11-12页。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.139-140.
④ 达迦马远航返回的人数不到一半,麦哲伦的远航260人中只有18人返回。1500—1634年,有28%的船只在葡萄牙—印度航线失事,返回的船只中也有一些船员已经死亡。参见菲利普·D·柯丁：《世界历史上的跨文化贸易》,鲍晨译,济南：山东画报出版社,2009年,第136页Paul Freedman,"Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115.
⑤ 卡洛·M·奇波拉：《欧洲经济史》(第卷),徐璇译、吴良健校,北京：商务印书馆,1988年,第219页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.187.
① Jack Turner, Spiice:The History of Temptation,pp.201.202,205.
② Ibid.,pp.209,208.
③ 一译甘松。
④ 《雅歌》4:12-4:14;5:13。
⑤ Jack Turner,Spice:The History of a Temptation,pp.203,204.
⑥ Ibid.,pp.203,204,216.
⑦ Paul Freedman,Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination,p.81.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.219,269,220.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.158-159; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.268-269.
(3) Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.281.
(4) Ibid., pp.274-275.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation,pp.276-278.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.146.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.267-271.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East: Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp. 151,152; Spice: .lack Turner, Spice: The History of a Temptation, pp.267,271.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.268,275.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.153.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.278,280-281,271-273.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.152-153.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.279,278.
① McCants, Anne E. C., "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007).
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.147,153,159,148.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.282-283.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.153 - 154; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.283.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.155-157.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.284-285.
③ 工费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,北京：商务印书馆,1996年,第697页。
④ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第208页；(第一卷),第257页。
⑤ 伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦：《现代世界体系》(第一卷),尤来寅等译,北京：高等教育出版社,1998年,第65、66页。
⑥ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),第434-435、218页。
⑦ John H. Munro, "Featured Reviews:Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination", The American Historical Review, 114 (2),2009.
⑧ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第697-698页。
⑨ 伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦：《现代世界体系》(第一卷),尤来寅等译,1998年,第66页。
① 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地上海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第265页。
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.160- 161; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.285西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第87-88页。
③ 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群、刘漠云等译,第6-7页。
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.147-148.
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第257页Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.284-285; Paul Freedman. Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.160.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.162-163.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, Alfred A. Knopf,2004, pp.57-58.
② J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, Oxford:Clarendon P.,1969, p.25.
③ J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, pp.10-11; Jack Turner, Spice:The Histoiy of a Temptation, pp.69-71.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Flaven:Yale University Press,2008, pp.21,27, 20.
⑤ William Edward Mead, The English Medieval Feast, London:George Allen & Unwin,1967, p.77.
① Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books.1993. pp.5,4.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.106.
③ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p.7
④ Ibid.,p.6.此外,许多著作都采用了此观点,不能尽数。
⑤ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, London:British Museum Press,2000, p.156.
⑥ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p.6.
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.4.
⑧ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.109.
⑨ Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3; Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p.6; Paul Freedman,"Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115.
⑩ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.3-4.
① Jack Turner. Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.109.
② The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, Woodbridge, UK.; Rochester, NY:Boydell Press,2008, p.169; Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, New York:Ballantine Books, 2007, p.6.
③ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, p.6.
④ John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
⑤ Jack Turner. Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.110-111.
⑥ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, p.179.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.111.
① John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
② Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, p.134.
③ 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,台北：三言社,2008年,第69页。
④ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,北京：三联书店,2012年,第55页。
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.28,44,22.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.111-112.
⑦ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393
Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.175-176.
① William Edward Mead, The English Medieval Feast, p.77.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.112.
③ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.190,189.
④ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.92.
⑤ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.176,192,190.
⑥ Ibid., pp.191,189,188.
① The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.163,169-170.
② 原文无特殊说明,笔者以为,“小香料”应指销量较少、价格较贵的高级香料,与胡椒、生姜等香料对称。
③ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.155-156,183.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.12.
⑤ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第92、84、93、88页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.113.
② The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.161,222.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.24.
④ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第94、99页。
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.38,30.
⑥ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, pp.129-130.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.113-116.
⑧ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.130.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.116.
② Ibid., pp.113-114.
③ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, pp.130-131.
④ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, p.197,打兰在常衡制中为1/16盎司,在药衡制中为1/8盎司。
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.116-118.
⑥ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
① 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,工超、朱健刚译,第127页。
② Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p.5.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.32让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,第60页。
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.60.
⑤ 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,第69页。
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.120-121,159.
⑦ 关于希波克拉底的体液理论,参见罗伊·波特主编：《剑桥插图医学史》,张大庆主译,济南：山东画报出版社,2007年,第35页。
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.52-53,55.
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.165-166,122.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.55-56.
④ 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,第70页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.166.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.52,63.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.126.
④ The Goodman of Paris (Le Menagier de Paris):A Treatise on Moral and Domestic Economy by a Citizen of Paris,1393, Translated and with an Introduction and Notes by Eileen Power, pp.192-193.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.187.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.72.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.186,198,194.
⑧ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.73,72.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.192.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.73.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.192,188.
④ Ibid., pp.193,196-197.
⑤ 西洋牡荆又称“羊荆”、“贞节树”,其果实被称为“圣洁莓”,有调节内分泌之功效,是欧洲常用的传统药草。
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.189,197-198.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.162-163,168.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.68.
③ 炼丹药的主要成分是沉香木,这与圣维克托的休讲述的关于生命之树的传说相吻合。参见Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001笔者以为,这不是种巧合：沉香木既然是来自伊甸园的不俗香料,就应该具有使人长生不老的功效,因此得到了炼丹术上的重视。
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.175-176.
⑤ Paul Freedman, "Spices in the Middle Ages", History Compass,2, (2004) EU 115, pp.1-5; Paul Freedman, Out of the East: Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.81-82.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.160.
① 罗伊·波特主编：《剑桥插图医学史》,张大庆主译,第75页。
② Ibid., D.179.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.64.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.178.
⑤ Ibid, pp.178,179.
⑥ Ibid., p.164.
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.63.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation., p.160,161.170.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.16.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.171.
④ Ibid., pp.161-163,261.
⑤ 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群、刘漠云等译,北京：商务印书馆,1982年,第7页。
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.69;.lack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.173.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.178,179,173-174.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.70.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.247.
④ 《约翰福音》12：3—12：8。
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.250.
⑥ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001; Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.12.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.250-251.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.249,259.
② Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, pp.54-55.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.259.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.80.
⑤ 《哥林多后书》2：15。
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.258.
⑦ 詹姆斯·W·汤普逊：《中世纪经济社会史》(上册),耿淡如译,北京：商务印书馆,2009年,第427页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.261.
② Miranda Threlfall-Holmes, "Durham Cathedral Priory's Consumption of Imported Goods:Wines and Spices,1464-1520," in Michael Hicks, Revolution and Consumption in Late Medieval England, Woodbridge, Suffolk; Rochester, NY:Boydell Press, 2001.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.83,5.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.258,262.
⑤ Ibid., pp.259,260.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.148-150.
① 简·施耐德认为,奢侈品和必需品的二元对立植根于西方的社会思想,即精神与物质、思想与肉体、劳作与娱乐的对立。当把“奢侈品”一词置入这样一种思想框架中,它给人的联想是其拉丁文原义——淫荡和肉欲(OED)。参见Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977.
② Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977.
③ 15世纪以前,胡椒在中国同样是珍品。唐代主要用做药物。大历十二年(777年),宰相元载因诸子关通货贿被赐死,“籍其家,钟乳五百两,……胡椒至八百石,他物称是”(《新唐书》,卷一四五,元载传)。此后很长一段时期,“胡椒八百石”被用来描述奢侈富有,苏东坡《诵陶渊明》诗便有“胡椒铢两多,安用八百斛”之句。所谓“昔人诮元载胡椒八百石为长物,予谓彼时当是贵物,如今之参桂也”(阮葵生：《客舍茶话》,卷十五)。直到明代万历年间,胡椒才逐渐成为大众消费品。参见田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
④ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, British Museum Press,2000, p.91.
⑤ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p.86,有的著作记载阿拉里克索取了5000磅胡椒,参见费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第257页。
⑥ Joseph and Frances Gies, Life in a Medieval City, Harper Colophon Books, New York,1981, p.217,西渐与西方文化的复兴》,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年,第216页。
⑦ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, New York:Ballantine Books, 2007, p.15; Selima Ben Mrad, "Spice Trade:A History of a Fantasy Substance," CHARM,2005.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.172.
② 徐善伟：《东学西渐与西方文化的复兴》,第225页。
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第259页。
④ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.12.
⑤ Robert Sabatino Lopez, Irving Woodworth Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World:lillustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes, Olivia Remie Constable,2001, p.145.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.92,100-101.
⑦ Robert Sabatino Lopez, Irving Woodworth Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World:Iillustrative Documents Translated with Introduction and Notes, p.145.
⑧ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.105.
⑨ Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton University Press,1983, pp.38-39.
⑩ John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices". Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955), pp.190-207.
① Sonia F.Howe, Inquest ofSpias, London:1946, p.19,转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
② Sonia F.Howe, Inquest of Spias, p.19.转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期：Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.92-93《牛津英语词典》(OED)认为以胡椒作为象征性租金的风俗保持到19世纪末。
③ 马利诺夫斯基(Malinowski)和莫斯(Mauss)强调了贵重礼品对权力的影响,奢侈品可为一些有根本意义的目的服务。依附主义通常体现在国家层面上,例如中国长期存在朝贡体系,类似于沃勒斯坦提出的资本主义世界的中心一边缘体系。附属国家通过朝贡促进了能量和资源的流通,奢侈品在其中发挥了重要作用：而皇帝也常常赐予边疆的臣属国家礼物,包括银币、丝绸和和亲的公主。对中国及其他帝国而言,朝贡使扩张成为可能,而朝贡体系是通过奢侈品的分发维系的,因此,奢侈品也是“必需品’,——不是狭义上的必需品,即在一种文化中,人们对某种物品因上瘾、习惯而长期或经常使用；而是广义上的必需品,即对这些帝国而言,“怀柔远人”和暴力打击一样是必需手段。参见Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977明初,香料占各国朝贡的贡物和郑和下西洋采买的货物的比重很可观,数量巨大,为处理积压的香料,同时解决宝钞贬值问题,明政府把大量香料(尤其是胡椒)作为礼品或薪俸赏赐给官员,士兵的补给也以香料代替。参见田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.88.
① Ibid., pp.132,130.
② 路易吉·格拉齐亚诺(Luigi Graziano)关于依附主义(clientelism)的综合性文章指出,依附者认识到“继续享受保护和由强权者垄断的其他资源的唯一方法是表示效忠,将已获得的利益拱手奉还。其方式是履行个人义务,同时,为使保护人获得的权益多于其给予,还要服从他的意志。”他认为,“一个人给予,是因为在一个高度分层的社会中,控制矛盾的一个有效方式是建立一种个人之间的义务网；一个人给予,是为了让不履行义务的封臣以个人交付礼物的方式接受处罚,以打压臣属和竞争者；一个人给予,是因为这是一种积累权力的理性手段……”参见JaneSchneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977.
③ John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.93,161-162.
⑤ Marijke van der Veen, "When Is Food a Luxury? " World Archaeology, Vol.34, No.3, Luxury Foods (Feb.,2003).
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.128,75.
⑦ William Edward Mead, The English Medieval Feast, p.9.转引自 Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.135.
① Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.133.
② 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,第89页；让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第61页。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.37,35.
④ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第233页。
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.38.
① 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,第89、73页。
② 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第56页。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.35.
④ 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,第88-89页。
⑤ Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, p.97.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.27.
⑦ Ibid., p.29.
⑧.lack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.129,130.
① 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第96页。
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.132.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.39.
④ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, pp.4,7.
⑤ Christopher M. Woolgar, Great Household in Late Medieval England, New Haven,1999, p.129转引自Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.127.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.134.
⑦ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.6.
⑨ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.32;
⑧ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.131.让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊 宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第60页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.87.
② 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第97页。
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.279,130.
④ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第47页。
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.29.
② 琳达·希薇特萝：《餐桌上的风景：历史传说、名厨轶事和经典烹饪交织的美食文化》,邱文宝译,第87页。
③ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, p.142.
④ Ibid.,pp.141-142.
⑤ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第51页。
⑥ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第95、96页。
① 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第62页。
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.225.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.99.
① 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第一卷),邓兰珍等译,北京：中国对外翻译出版公司,1996年,第163页。
② Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, A. A. Knopf,1975, p.18.
③ Sebastian R. Prange,"'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade", Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224 (May 2011)有的学者提出开辟新航路的动因不是香料,而是蔗糖,但他们忽略了这样一个事实：香料不是一种商品,而是一系列商品的统称,蔗糖在中世纪时期是一种典型的香料。
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:spices and the medieval imagination, Yale University Press,2008, pp.94-95.
⑤ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.102.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p.51.
② Jane Schneider, "Was there a Precapitalist World System?" Peasant Studies,6(1) 1977.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.100; Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books,1993, p.6.
④ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,北京：经济科学出版社，2003年,第295页。
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,北京：商务印书馆,1996年,第702页。
⑥ Jeanie M. Welch, The Spice Trade:A Bibliographic Guide to Sources of Historical and Economic Information, London: Greenwood Press,1994, p.1.
⑦ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,第257页。
① 当西班牙人发现他们到达的是美洲而不是印度,是黄金之地而非胡椒之邦时,他们非常失望,这种失望好久之后才平息。而“重新定位”,即把对胡椒的渴求转变为对贵金属的追求也花了很长时间。参见Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, p12; Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.12-13.
② 顾卫民：《葡萄牙文明东渐中的都市——果阿》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2009年,导论第1页。
③ 一些学者认为葡萄牙只是一个落后的“谋求贡赋和进行掠夺”的强权国家,固有的封建性使其与亚洲的遭遇不会产生多少积极影响,只有到了17世纪,追逐利润而非权力的理性经济组织——荷兰和英国的大公司才导致香料贸易发生了“结构革命”。这一论点的主要代表人物为马克斯·韦伯、JC.范·鲁尔、尼尔斯·斯滕斯戈德等。甚至连葡萄牙史家自己也承认这一点,如V·M·戈迪尼奥认为葡萄牙在16世纪末就已显示了某种落后性,缺乏勇于进取、理性和资本主义的开创精神。他们将葡萄牙在东方的活动看作是基督徒与穆斯林冲突的延伸,取得的成就源于被基督教信仰神圣化的骑士的英勇,主要歌颂葡萄牙人在东方开创的史诗般的业绩和葡萄牙民族精神。参见PeterMusgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640", in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996; K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1985, p.77;桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,澳门：纪念葡萄牙发现事业澳门地区委员会,1997年,279—283页；雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),1167、1192、1208、1306页。
④ 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第一卷),邓兰珍等译,第214—215页。
① 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500-1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第57—58页。
② 顾卫民：《葡萄牙文明东渐中的都市——果阿》,导论第13页。
③ 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第一卷),邓兰珍等译,第204-205、207页。
④ Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, pp.5-12转引自顾卫民：《葡萄牙文明东渐中的都市——果阿》,导论第3页。
⑤ 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第一卷),邓兰珍等译,第211、218、211、220页。
⑥ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第59页。
① 齐世荣主编：《15世纪以来世界九强的历史演变》,广州：广东人民出版社,2005年,第12、14页。
② 齐世荣主编：《15世纪以来世界九强的历史演变》,第13页；顾卫民：《葡萄牙文明东渐中的都市——果阿》,导论第14页。
③ 路易斯·德·卡蒙斯：《卢济塔尼亚人之歌》,张维民译,北京：中国文联出版公司,1995年,第二章,第4节,第46页。
④ 齐世荣主编：《15世纪以来世界九强的历史演变》,第12页。
① Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
② 本文采用的香料的主要计量单位是担(不同于现代的公担),它与其他重量单位的换算关系是：1担≈1英担=0.5公担(公制)=112磅(1b.英制)=50千克：1巴哈尔(Bahar)=3担：1吨=20英担(担)；1包≈10担；1卡塔尔(cantar)=3.5担。
③ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery. Chicago and London:The University of Chicago Press,1965. pp.97,106.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.133.
① Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.103.
① 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),邓兰珍等译,第1210页。
② Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.I), The Century of Discovery, p.119.
③ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
④ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.I), The Century of Discovery, pp.98,107,143关于北欧是主要的香料市场,亦可参见费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第259页。
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第820页。
① C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
② 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第143页。
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第三卷),顾良、施康强译,第156页。
④ Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
① Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.I), The Century of Discovery, p.144雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),邓兰珍等译,第1210页。
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第632页。
③ Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, New York:Ballantine Books, 2007, p.15.
④ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Spain and Portugal. University of Wisconsin Pr.,1973, p.232转引自赵婧：《葡萄牙帝国对印度洋贸易体系的影响》,载刘新成主编：《全球史评论》(第二辑),中国社会科学出版社,2009年,第128—140页。
⑤ 伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦：《现代世界体系》(第一卷),尤来寅等译,北京：高等教育出版社,1998年,第418—419页。
⑥ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第93—94、143、95页。
⑦ Frederic C. Lane, "The Mediterranean Spice Trade:Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century", The American Historical Review, Vol.45, No.3 (Apr.,1940).
① Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.I), The Century of Discovery, p.129.
② 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),邓兰珍等译,第1219页Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, New Haven:Yale Univ. Pr.,1988, p.20; Boxer, C. R., "A Note on Portuguese Reactions to the Revival of the Red Sea Spice Trade and the Rise of Atjeh,1540-1600," Journal of Southeast Asian History,10(1969).
③ Boxer, C. R., "A Note on Portuguese Reactions to the Revival of the Red Sea Spice Trade and the Rise of Atjeh,1540-1600," Journal of Southeast Asian History,10 (1969).
④ Jan Kieniewicz, "The Portuguese Factory and Trade in Pepper in Malabar During the 16th Century", Indian Economic Social History Review,6(1969).
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第824页。
⑥ Frederic C. Lane, "The Mediterranean Spice Trade:Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century", The American Historical Review, Vol.45, No.3 (Apr.,1940).
⑦ K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750, p.185.
⑧ Sebastian R. Prange, "'Measuring by the Bushel':Reweighing the Indian Ocean Pepper Trade," Historical Research, Vol.84, No.224 (May 2011).
⑨ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼业姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500-1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第85页。
① K. H. O'Rourke and J. G.Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
② Frederic C. Lane, "The Mediterranean Spice Trade:Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century", The American Historical Review, Vol.45, No.3 (Apr.,1940).
③ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第150页。
④ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑤ Frederic C. Lane, "The Mediterranean Spice Trade:Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century", The American Historical Review, Vol.45, No.3 (Apr.,1940).
⑥ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.132.
⑦ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第121页。
⑧ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.134.
① 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第121、150、145页。
② 同上书,第72页。
③ Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, p.61.
④ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.21.
⑤ David Bulbeek, Anthony Reid, Lay Cheng Tan, Yiq Wu, Southeast Asian Exports Since the 14th Century:Cloves, Pepper, Coffee, and Sugar, Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,1998, pp.25,32.
⑥ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700." In M.N. Pearson. Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain:Brookfield. Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑦ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.21.
① Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, pp.132,130.
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第840、835页。
③ 同上书,第839页。
④ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第157—158、188、282、205页。
⑤ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑥ Jan Kieniewicz, "The Portuguese Factory and Trade in Pepper in Malabar during the 16th Century", Indian Economic Social History Review,6(1969).
⑦ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第149—150页。
① Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.140.
② 费尔南·布罗代尔：《非利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第843—844、842页。
③ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第149页。
④ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.139.
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《菲利普二世时代的地中海和地中海世界》(第一卷),唐家龙、曾培耿等译,第838、842页。
⑥ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, p.139.
⑦ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑧ Peter Musgrave, "The Economics of Uncertainty:The Structural Revolution in the Spice Trade,1480-1640," in M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum, 1996.
⑨ Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, p.62.
① C.R. de Silva, "The Portuguese Impact on the Production and Trade in Sri Lanka Cinnamon," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
② John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
③ Charles Ralph Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire:1415-1825, p.60.
① 所谓香料时代的终结,是指香料贸易在西欧对东方贸易中的重要性降低；香料的用途减少,成为大众消费品品,地位下降,不再承载丰富的社会价值和精神意义,不再具有中世纪的非凡魅力,退居为一种普通调味品品。但随着香料成为大众消费品,其贸易额和消费额没有减少,而是增加了。公元2011年,香料国际贸易量达到40万吨,贸易额超过15亿美元。参见Randy Krum, "The Infographic History of Spices", http://www.coolinfographics.com/blog/2011/11/7/the-infographic-history-of-spices.htm.
② C.R. Boxer, Portuguese India in the Mid-Seventeenth Century, Delhi:Oxford University Press,1980, p.49.
③ C.R. de Silva, "The Portuguese Impact on the Production and Trade in Sri Lanka Cinnamon," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum.1996.
④ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼业姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第108页。
① C.R. de Silva, "The Portuguese Impact on the Production and Trade in Sri Lanka Cinnamon," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996;桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第143页。
② C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
③ Jan Kieniewicz, "The Portuguese Factory and Trade in Pepper in Malabar during the 16th Century," Indian Economic Social History Review,6(1969).
④ Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, pp.118-119.
⑤ 雅依梅·科尔特桑：《葡萄牙的发现》(第五卷),邓兰珍等译,第1308页。
① C.R. de Silva,"The Portuguese and the Trade in Cloves in Asia during the Sixteenth Century," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited,Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
② Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.20.
③ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500-1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第101页。
④ Frederic C.Lane, "The Mediterranean Spice Trade:Further Evidence of its Revival in the Sixteenth Century," The American Historical Review, Vol.45, No.3 (Apr.,1940).
⑤ 查·爱·诺埃尔著：《葡萄牙史》(上册),南京师范学院教育系翻译组译,南京：江苏人民出版社,1974年,第155页。
⑥ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.26.
⑦ 葡萄牙印度公司的前身。1480年,葡萄牙在非洲黄金海岸建立了圣乔治·达·米纳城堡(Castel de Sao Jorge da Mina).因此,葡萄牙对非洲贸易的公司称为几内亚和米纳公司。1499年后,该公司改称印度公司,主要从事对东方的香料贸易。参见Donald Frederick Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe (V.1), The Century of Discovery, pp.92-93.
⑧ J·H·萨拉依瓦：《葡萄牙简史》,李均报、王全礼译,澳门：澳门文化司署与花山文艺出版社,1988年,第140页。
⑨ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在业洲,1500—1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第184页。
① 赵文红；《试论近代早期欧洲殖民者对东南亚海上贸易格局的影响》,《东南亚纵横》,2011年第9期。
② 萨努西·巴尼著：《印度尼西亚史》(上册),吴世璜译,北京：商务印书馆,1959年版,1975年重排印,第355页。
③ 齐世荣主编：《15世纪以来世界九强的历史演变》,第52页。
④ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
⑤ Ibid..
⑥ Spice and Spice Trade, in Joel Mokyr edited, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History (V.5), Oxford University Press, 2003, pp.1-5.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.291; C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996; K. H. O'Rourke and J. G.Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3 (2009).
⑧ John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany, Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
① Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.23.
② William Forster, England' Quest of Eastern Trade, New York:Barnes & Noble,1933转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第260—261页。
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.291,297.1里弗尔相当于1磅白银。
⑤ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.289.
⑥ 桑贾伊·苏布拉马尼亚姆：《葡萄牙帝国在亚洲,1500-1700：政治和经济史》,何吉贤译,第175页；安格斯·麦迪森：《世界经济千年史》,北京：北京大学出版社,2003年,第32页,表2-20。
⑦ James C. Boyajian, Baltimore, PortugueseTtrade in Asia Under the Habsburgs,1580-1640, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993, p.44.
⑧ A.R. Disney. Twilight of the Pepper Empire:Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early 17th Century, Manohar Publications,2010, p.24.
① Spice and Spice Trade, in Joel Mokyr edited, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Economic History (V.5), Oxford University Press, 2003, pp.1-5.
② Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, p.289;费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第260页。
③ Reid Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce,1450-1680, pp.23,29,289.
④ McCants, Anne E. C., "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007).
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第174-176页。
① D.G.E·霍尔：《东南亚史》(上册),中山大学东南亚历史研究所译,北京：商务印书馆,1982年,第382页。到18世纪未,英国已开始为其工业品寻找市场,而不是致力于垄断东方的奇珍异货。英国从未成功垄断香料贸易,荷兰恰恰相反,但或许正是因为其将全部精力集中r香料贸易,而忽略了其他机遇。参见F Ellen,"The trade in Spices", Indonesia Circle, Volume 5, Issue 12,1977, pp.21-25.
② C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
③ 莱恩、博克塞等学者认为新航路开辟后,欧洲的香料价格未降反升。但他们使用的资料中的香料价格是绝对价格,而绝对价格上涨只是美洲白银涌入造成的通货膨胀的一种表现。K.H.奥罗克(K. H. O'Rourke)和J.G威廉姆森(J. G. Williamson)以谷物的价格为参照,对16世纪欧洲各地的香料价格进行了研究。因为谷物是当时欧洲的重要商品,学术界公认其价格具有参照作用。结果表明,16世纪欧洲香料的相对价格都下降了。而且,这一结果与反映了15—16世纪英格兰和佛兰德斯的消费价格指数(CPI)的胡椒的相对价格相吻合。这充分说明其合理性。参见K.H. O'Rourke and J. G.Williamson, "Did Vasco Da Gama Matter for European Markets?" Economic History Review,62,3(2009).而且,新航路开辟后最初几年,西欧市场的香料价格未出现明显下降在很大程度上是葡萄牙的垄断造成的,葡萄牙最初以高价维持其利润,后来放弃了这一政策,香料价格随之下跌。
④ Paul Hermman, Ziet Mir Adams Testament,英译本The World Unveiled, London,1956, pp.57-62转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
⑤ R.S.Whiteway, The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, 1497-1550, A. Constable,1899, p.171转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
⑥ 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群等译,北京：商务印书馆,1982年,第31—32页。
① 托马斯·孟、尼古拉斯·巴尔本、达德利·诺思：《贸易论》(三种),顾为群、刘漠云等译,第11、33页。
① 薛国中：《16至18世纪西欧东扩论》,《武汉大学学报》,2004年第5期。
② 《清朝文献通考》,卷二十六,征榷二,转引自田汝康：《郑和海外航行与胡椒运销》,《上海大学学报》(社会科学版),1985年第2期。
③ Marijke van der Veen, "When Is Food a Luxury? " World Archaeology, Vol.34, No.3, Luxury Foods (Feb.,2003).
④ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldershot edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
① 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,北京：三联书店,2012年,第78-80页。
② 同上书,第83页。
③ Jack Tumer,Spice:The History of a Temptation,p.299;Paul Freedman,Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.217.
④ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第82、85页。
⑤ Paul Freedman,Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination,pp.217,219.
⑥ Ibid.,p.216.
⑦ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强谭,第260-261页。
① 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第84页。
② Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.302.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.216.
④ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第85、86页。
⑤ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class.A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, pp.143,147.
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.302.
⑦ Ibid., p.303.
① Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.217-218.
② 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第84页。
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, pp.216,222.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.305.
⑤ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.222.
⑦ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第105页。
⑥ Ibid., pp.219-220.
⑧ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.161.
⑨ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.302,309.
⑩ C.H.H. Wake, "The Changing Pattern of Europe's Pepper and Spice Imports, ca 1400-1700," In M.N. Pearson, Aldersho edited, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, Hampshire, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt., USA:Variorum,1996.
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.307.
② Stefan Halikowski Smith,'"Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
③ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.222.
④ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.307-308.
⑤ Ibid., pp.308-309.
⑥ Ibid., p.297.
① Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices, London:British Museum Press,2000, pp.11,15-16; J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,29 B. C. to A. D.641, Oxford:Clarendon P.,1969, preface.
② 香料的移植可以说是林达·沙佛尔的“南方化”理论的一种绝好的例证,参见林达·沙佛尔：《南方化》,方林译、夏继果校,载夏继果、杰里·本特利主编：《全球史读本》,北京：北京大学出版社,2010年。
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.295-296.
④ Ibid., pp.296-297.
Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
⑤ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spi
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.300.
② Stefan Halikowski Smith,"'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
③ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第260页；JackTurner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.300.
④ 让·马克·阿尔贝：《权力的餐桌——从古希腊宴会到爱丽舍宫》,刘可有、刘惠杰译,第85页。
⑤ McCants, Anne E. C., "Exotic Goods, Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History. Vol.18. No.4 (Dec.,2007).
⑥ Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class:A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press,1982, p.168.
⑦ 彭慕兰、史蒂犬·托皮克：《贸易打造的世界》,黄中宪译,西安：陕西师范大学出版社,2008年,第112页。
⑧ 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第137页。
⑨ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.219.
① 西敏司：《甜与权力：糖在近代历史上的地位》,王超、朱健刚译,第136、123-124、113、115页。
② Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3; "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
③ Calcoen,转引自 Stefan Halikowski Smith, "'Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
① 一译《印度香药谈》,参见董少新：《(印度香药谈>与中西医药文化交流》,《文化杂志》(澳门),2003年。
② Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes:The Story of Spices. London:British Museum Press,2000, p.25.
③ Stefan Halikowski Smith,'"Profits Sprout like Tropical Plants':A Fresh Look at What went Wrong with the Eurasian Spice Trade, c.1550-1800", Journal of Global History, (2008) 3.
④ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.216.
⑤ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第一卷),顾良、施康强译,第259页。
⑥ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.304.
⑦ Ibid.
⑧ Stefan Halikowski Smith, "The Mystification of Spices in Western Tradition", European Review of History, Vol.8, No.2,2001.
① Jack Turner. Spice:The Historv of a Temptation. p.304.
② Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination.p.225.
③ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, p.xiv.
④ 爱德华·W·萨义德：《东方学》,王宇根译,北京：三联书店,2007年。
⑤ 周宁：《跨文化研究：以中国形象为方法》,北京：商务印书馆,2011年,第40-41页。
① Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, pp.301,309.
① Henri Baudet, Paradise on Earth:Some Thoughts on European Images of Non-European Man, Trans, by Elizabeth Wentholt, New Haven and London,Yale University Press,1965转引自周宁：《跨文化研究：以中国形象为方法》,北京：商务印书馆,2011年,第310页。
① 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》,顾良、施康强译,北京：三联书店,2002年,(第一卷),第19-21页；(第二卷),第224页。
② 卡洛·M·奇波拉：《欧洲经济史》(第一卷),徐璇译、吴良健校,北京：商务印书馆,1988年,第220页。
③ 亨利·皮朗：《中世纪欧洲经济社会史》,乐文译,上海：上海人民出版社,2001年,第136、137页。
④ 罗伯特·萨巴蒂诺·洛佩兹：《欧洲中世纪的贸易：南方》,载M.M.波斯坦、D.C.科尔曼等主编：《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第二卷),王春法主译,北京：经济科学出版社,2003年,第332页。
⑤ 维尔纳·桑巴特：《奢侈与资本主义》,王燕平、侯小河译,刘北成校,上海：上海人民出版社,2000年,第153-154页。
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, New Haven:Yale University Press,2008, p.117.
⑦ Ibid., p.27.
⑧ 费尔南·布罗代尔：《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义》(第二卷),顾良、施康强译,第203页。
① John W. Parry, "The Story of Spices", Economic Botany. Vol.9, No.2 (Apr-Jun.,1955).
② McCants, Anne E. C., "Exotic Goods. Popular Consumption, and the Standard of Living:Thinking about Globalizationin the Early Modern World," Journal of World History, Vol.18, No.4 (Dec.,2007).
③ A.R. Disney, Twilight of the Pepper Empire:Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early 17th Century, Manohar Publications,2010.
④ Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise:A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, New York:Vintage Books,1993, pp.12-13.
⑤ F. Ellen, "The trade in Spices", Indonesia Circle, Volume 5, Issue 12,1977.
⑥ Paul Freedman, Out of the East:Spices and the Medieval Imagination, p.3.
⑦ Jack Turner, Spice:The History of a Temptation, New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2004, p. xvii有学者指出,许多史学家用石油对现代经济的重要性来比拟香料在西欧历史上的重要性,这一类比并不十分恰当,因为石油是现代社会的必需品,而香料是中世纪的奢侈品。但无论如何,香料是欧洲登上世界舞台的前兆,也是全球化进程的催化剂。参见Michael Krondl, The Taste of Conquest:The Rise and Fall of the Three Great Cities of Spice, New York:Ballantine Books. 2007, pp.22-23.
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18.吴长春： 《阿拉伯文化传播到西欧的途径》,《世界历史》,1987年第3期。
19.夏继果：《理解全球史》,《史学理论研究》,2010年第1期。
20.谢丰斋： 《从“长途贸易”论到“内部根源”论——西方学者对英国中世纪市场的研究》, 《史学理论研究》,2002年第2期。
21.夏时华：《宋代香药现象考察》,(硕士论文),江西师范大学,2003年。
22.薛国中： 《16至18世纪西欧东扩论》, 《武汉大学学报》(哲学社会科学版),2004年第5期。
23.严小青、张涛：《郑和与明代西洋地区对中国的香料朝贡贸易》,《中国经济史研究》,2012年第2期。
24.张椿年： 《海洋文明与中世纪西欧社会转型》, 《学术前沿》,2012年第7期(下)。
25.张德明： 《论16世纪葡萄牙在亚太地区扩张活动的性质》, 《世界历史》,2003年第4期。
26.张亚丽：《历史时期豆蔻的使用与分布》(硕士论文),暨南大学,2010年。
27.赵文红：《试论近代早期欧洲殖民者对东南亚海上贸易格局的影响》,《东南亚纵横》,2011年第9期。