摘要
本文从区域经济一体化的理论研究出发，对西非国家经济共同体的区域一体化进程进行了深入的个案研究。该研究的主要有两个目标：一是重新审视区域一体化的理论，探讨该理论的某些不足之处；二是通过对西非国家经济共同体一体化进程的个案研究，提出一些新的理论思考，力图弥补原有区域经济一体化的缺憾。
关于区域一体化的理论思考。我们的研究表明，在工业资本主义的发展中形成了自由主义的正统理论，这一理论的价值已被资本主义工业强国，特别是英国和美国的经济发展所证明。但是，两次世界大战以及世界金融和经济危机已导致英、美两个霸权的衰落。削弱美国霸权的区域主义逐渐兴起，推动了正统自由派经济理论和发展战略的创新。
本文的研究是在EL-Agraa的基础上，重新解释了区域自由主义的歧义。1950年的瓦伊纳和细则显示，尽管自由主义正统/新自由主义在区域一级的模糊性，但工业化国家特别是美国通过布雷顿森林体系，积极推动第三世界国家之间在正统自由主义的基础上实行开放的区域主义。这种由发达国家支配的正统的自由主义是区域经济发展的途径。但是，本文认为正统自由主义经济理论有其弱点，并建议第三世界国家应该实行新的重商主义以推动经济发展。
此外，本论文也通过对欧盟国家，东盟国家和拉丁美洲国家的区域一体化的比较研究，在对这些不同层面收集到的信息进行归纳整理的基础上，使我们能够更加清晰的认识西非国家经济共同体一体化进程的特征。
本文经过深入分析西非和西非国家经济共同体成员国的发展战略，尤其是对西非区域一体化进程的研究，指出了西非国家经济共同体一体化进程中的一些问题。本文在霸权稳定理论的基础上，认为霸权的制度可以促进正统自由主义为基础的一体化进程。西非国家经济共同体成员国家没有足够的基础设施，以吸引外国直接投资。他们还缺乏熟练的人力资源和其产业化的金融资源。鉴于这些现实，论文提出了在发展中国家的工业发展新重商主义的做法。将采用这种新重商主义战略在开放的区域主义框架，允许各国开展合作，不仅在区域范围内，而且在全球舞台上。
This thesis highlights the study of regional integration theory. ECOWAS is ourcase study of regional integration process. The Study aims at two objectives: torevisit the theoretical thinking of regional integration and also to highlight theshortcomings of the integration process in ECOWAS and offer the theoreticalapproach to overcome them.
Regarding the theoretical thinking of regional integration, our research has shownthat the development of industrial capitalism has been the beginning of the liberalorthodox theory. This theory has been defended by the industrial powers especiallyGreat Britain and USA. The two World Wars and, financial and economic crises haveled these two hegemons respectively to their decline. The weakening of the UnitedStates economic power has contributed to the emergence of regionalism as the secondbest strategy of orthodox liberal.
The study has revisited the work of El-Agraa. This work explained the ambiguityof regional liberalism that Viner and Bye had revealed in1950. Despite the ambiguityof liberalism orthodox/neo-liberalism at the regional level, industrial countries(especially the United States) through the Bretton Wood institutions impose thepractice of open regionalism based on orthodox liberalism among Third Worldcountries. According to the developed countries, orthodox liberalism is the bestapproach for development. This thesis highlights the weaknesses of orthodoxliberalism and suggests the new mercantilism approach of development to Third Worldcountries.
Moreover, this thesis has also paid some attention on the comparative study ofregional integration within EU countries, ASEAN countries and Latin Americacountries. The information collected at these different levels has enabled us tothoroughly analyze the integration process in ECOWAS.
After carefully analyzing the regional integration process in West Africa and thedevelopment strategies of ECOWAS member countries, the thesis noted someshortcomings in ECOWAS integration process. Based on the hegemony stabilitytheory, this thesis has noted the absence of a hegemonic regime that can boost theintegration process based on orthodox liberalism. ECOWAS member countries do nothave adequate infrastructure to attract FDI. They also lack the skilled manpower andfinancial resources for their industrialization.
Given these realities, the thesis proposes a neo mercantilist approach for anindustrial development in developing countries. This neo mercantilist strategy will beemployed in the open regionalism framework by allowing states to cooperate not onlyin the regional context but also in the global arena.
引文
①Reinicke,1998quoted in Wolf,2004:13
①Lairson and Skidmore (2003:11)
①For more information see O’Brien&Williams (2010:89)
②Peter Gourivitch quoted by Lairson and Skidmore (2003:47)
①Ralph Davis quoted by Lairson and Skidmore (Ibid:46)
①William Woodruff,“The emergence of an International Economy,1700-1914,” in Carlo Cipolla (ed.), TheFontana Economic History of Europe, London: Fontana Press,1973,658-672.
①James Foreman-Peck, A History of the World Economy. Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble,1983,57-8.
①Aaron Friedberg, The Weary Titan: Britain and Experience of Relative Decline, Princeton, N.J.: PrincetonUniversity Press,1988,25.
②Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, New York: Random House,1987,199. Britain retainedsecond position in per-capita industrialization (Kennedy, Rise and Fall,200).
①Friedberg, Weary Titan,24
①Milward quoted by Lairson and Skidmore (2003:77)
②This list builds on and extends Robert Keohane, After Hegemony,139, and Susan Strange,“The persistence mythof Lost Hegemony,” International Organization,41.4, Autumn198,565.
③Lairson and Skidmore (Ibid)
①See Moggeridge,22July1944:103
②See J.Bradford DeLong,2000
①See Skidelsy, Robert,2000
①See Onkvist and Shaw,1997:708
②See www.imf.org
①See Braithaie and Drahos,2001
②See www.worldbank.org
①Robert E. Hudec, The GATT Legal System and World Trade Diplomacy (New York: Praeger,1975:7-18)
②William Diebold, Jr., The End of the I.T.O., Essay in International Finance no16(Princeton, NJ: InternationalFinance Section, Department of Economy and Social Institutions, Princeton University, October,1952:2)
③See Clair Wilcox, A Charter for World Trade (New York: Macmillan,1949)
①Jock A. Finlayson and Mark W. Zacher,"The GATT and the Regulation of Trade Barriers: Regimes Dynamicsand Functions," in Stehen D. Krasner, ed., International Regimes (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Uniersity Press,1983:282-286
①See Robert E. Hudec, Enforcing International Trade Law: The Evolution of the Modern GATT Legal system(Salem, NH: Betterworth Legal Publishers,1993:12-13)
①See O'Brien and Williams2010:18)
①One British scholar argued that open American markets were the biggest factors in Japan’s rapid economicprogress and the concomitant American decline. See Nester, William R., Japan’s Growing Power Over East Asiaand the World Economy, The Macmillan Press Ltd., Basingstoke and London,1990:42-43
②Lawrence, R. Z.,“The reluctant Giant: Will Japan Take Its Role on the World Stage?” The Brookings Review,Vol.9, No.3, Summer1991:38
①Cited in Baldwin, R. E.,"The New Protectionism: A National Response to Shifts in National Economic Power,"in Baldwin R. E., Trade Policy in a Changing World Economy, Harvester-Wheatsheaft, London,1988:216
②This term was coined in the1970s to depict the anomalous situation high inflation and high unemployment. Inneoclassical economics, the Phillips curve suggests and inverse relationship between unemployment and inflationwhich made it highly unlikely that the two could coexist together. This, however, ignored the possibility that, in theshort term, the Phillips curve could shift to the right of the unemployment and inflation axis, leading to higherinflation and unemployment. For a graphic representation of this, see, for example, Dornbush, R. and StanleyFischer, Macroeconomics,3rded., McGraw-Hill International Student Edition, Singapore,1985:432-433
①Eli F. Heckscher, Mercantilism,2vols., trans. Mendel Shapiro,2nd ed., edited by E. F. Soderlund (London:Allen and Unwin, New York: MacMillan,1955); D. C. Coleman, e d., Revisions in Mercantilism (London:Methuen,1969); Joseph A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press,1959);idem, Economic Doctrine and Method, trans. R. Aris (New York: Oxford University Press,1967); Joan Robinson,The New Mercantilism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1966); John Knapp,"Economics or PoliticalEconomy?," Lloyds Bank Review, no.107(January1973), p.19.
②Stanley Hoffmann," Weighing the Balance of Power" Foreign Affairs50(July1972), p.632; idem,"La nation,pour quoi faire?" in J. C. Casanova et al., Mélanges en l'honneur de Raymond Aron,(Paris, Calmann-Levy1971), p.336. We wish to acknowledge, though, that in his critical comments on this paper, Stanley Hoffmann hasstressed that his dismissal of mercantilism as obsolete is perfectly compatible with his firmly held view that,contrary to the "liberal" conception, governments continue and will continue to manipulate domestic andinternational economics in order to reach national ends. In his view, however," the neo-mercantilism which is thuspracticed develops in an environment of such tight interdependence that it really has rather little in common withthe zero-sum game mercantilism of the17th century." Our own opinion, as developed in this essay, is thatinterdependence is one of the very conditions of mercantilist attitudes.
③John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (London and Basingstoke: MacMillan1,936), P.383.
④Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis, p.336. See also Robinson, p.7; Knapp, pp.39-43; Mich6leSchmiegelow,"L'Adh6sion de la Roumanie au FMI et la théorie des relations infernales" French Revue of sciencepolitique24(February1974), p.113
①Keynes, pp.333-72; Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis, p.283, note11; Heckscher, vol.2, pp.340-59;André&Piettre, Monnaie et économie internationale du19esiècle a nos jours (Paris: Editions Cujas,1971), pp.15,80.
②Knapp, p.19; Robinson, Freedom and Necessity: An Introduction to the Study of Society(London: Allen and Unwin,1970), pp.83-93; idem, The New Mercantilism Benjamin Cohen,ed., American Foreign Economic Policy: Essays and Comments (New York: Harper and Row,1968), in particularBenjamin Cohen,"American Foreign Economic Policy: Some General Principles of Analysis," p.16; Schmiegelow,p p.120-22; Herbert Gross,'Die Renaissance des Merkantilismus N: eue Phase des Keynesianismus" Handelsblatt(Dusseldorf),1February1973, p.25; Manfred Schafer," In Europahaben nationale Interessend en Vorrang"H,andelsblatt,30May1974, p.5.
①Gunnar Myrdal, The Political Element in the Development of Economic Theory, trans. Paul Streeten (CambridgeM ass.: Harvard University Press,1954), pp.1-23,141,195, and idem, Objectivity in Social Research,(New York:Pantheon Books,1969), pp.44,109-11.
②Hoffmann,"Obstinate or Obsolete: The Fate of the Nation State and the Case of WesternEurope", Daedalus95(1966), p.862.
③Robert L. Heilbroner, Between Capitalism and Socialism: Essays in Political Economics (New York: VintageBooks,1970), pp.3-31; Andrew Shonfield, Modern Capitalism: The Changing Balance of Public and Private Power(New York, Oxford, London: Oxford University Press,1965, pp.71-80,121-51,171,414; Amitai Etezioni,"Toward a Keynesian Theory of Social Processes", World Politics22(October1969), pp.139,141-2; Schmiegelow,"The Role of the State Elite in France"(Master's Thesis, University o f Virginia,1973); Stephen Cohen, ModernCapitalist Planning: The French Model (Cambridge Mass.:Harvard University Press,1969). See also GeorgesPompidou,"Entretien televise du President Pompidou le8fevrier1973", Le Monde (Paris),9February1973, p.2;August Graf Kageneck,"Mitterand und Giscards treiten iiber den Weg zur Gerechtigkeit", Die Welt (Hamburg)17January1973, p.2; and Giscard's first presidential message to the parliament:"La France veut devenir autre", LeMonde,1June1974, p.2.
①See, for example, Jacques Rueff,"The West is Risking a Credit Collapse", Fortune64(July1961), p.126; idem,Le peche monetaire de l'occident (Paris: Plon,1971); and Valery Giscard d'Estaing,"The International MonetaryOrder", in Robert A. Mundell and Alexander A. Swoboda, eds., Monetary Problems of the International Economy,(Chicago and London: The Universityo f Chicago Press,1969), p.17.
②Charles P. Kindleberger", The Politics of International Money and World Language," Essays in InternationalFinance,(Princeton), no.61(August1967), p.11; Paul Einzig, The Destiny of the Dollar (London and Basingstoke:MacMillan1972), pp.137-43. As to the case for floating rates, see Milton Friedman,"The Case for FlexibleExchange Rates," in Friedman, Essays in Positive Economics,(Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press,1953), pp.157-203. As evidenced by Friedman's reasoning, floating rates as well are defensible in terms of liberaleconomic theory. The "economic nationalism" of countries favoring floating rates can therefore only be rationalizedin terms of the ends-means relationship between theory and policy in the particular circumstances of the economyconcerned. It would go beyond the scope of this paper to do this in detail. However, the French case for fixedexchange rates and its modification after the floating of the franc in1974suggests ways of mercantilistrationalization of American and German policies as well, at least by implication. A good discussion of the relativevalue of the various choices for monetary reform in terms of American national interest in various hypotheticalsituations is provided by Robert Z. Aliber,"National Preferences and the Scope for International MonetaryReform," Essays in International Finance (Princeton), no.101(November1973). For a discussion of the Germanadvocacy of exchange rate flexibility-understandable only from the situation of a country combining persistentpayments surpluses with a high political sensitivity towards inflation-see The German Council of EconomicExperts,"Towards a New Basis for International Monetary Policy," Princeton Studies in International Finance, no.31(October1972), pp.1,7,11.
①See Raymond Aron, Peace and War: A Theory of International Relations, trans. Richard Howard and AnetteBaker Fox,(New York: Doubleday,1966), p.94; Hoffmann, Contemporary Theory in International Relations(Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall,1960); Kenneth N. Waltz, Man, the State, and War (New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press,1959); and Roger D. Masters,"World Politics as a Primitive Political System," World Politics16(July1964), p.595.
①For discussion of mercantilism as a concept of integration, see Heckscher, vol.1, p.22; Robinson, Freedom andNecessity, pp.88-93; and Myrdal, Economic Nationalism and Internationalism (Melbourne: The Australian Instituteof International Affairs,1957), p.33. As for the concept of an economy as a social system, see Talcott Parsons andNeil J. Smelser, Economy and Society: A Study in the Integration of Economic and Social Theory (New York: TheFree Press,1965), pp.1-4,34-49; Roy F. Harrod, Towards a Dynamic Economics (London: MacMillan1,948); andKnapp, p p.23,25,27,31. An example of the new mercantilism in the Eastern World is described inSchmiegelow," L'adhesiond e la Roumanie au FMI e t la theorie des relations internationales."O n the nationalismof the welfare state, see Myrdal, Economic Nationalism and Internationalism, pp.14-15; idem, Beyond the WelfareState: Economic Planning and its InternationaI lmplications (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,1960);its Keynesian aspects are stressed by Knapp, pp.40-41; Robinson, Freedom and Necessity, p.88; Gross,"DieRenaissance des Merkantilismus N: eue Phase des Keynesian Keynes' personal liberalism, see John MaynardKeynes,"Am I a Liberal?"in Alan Bullock and Maurice Shock, eds., The Liberal Tradition from Fox to Keynes(Oxford: Clarendon Press,1956), pp.283-5. But one should also bear in mind that in post-war Europeneo-Keynesian policies tended to be supported by political groups of Socialist or Social-Democrat orientation ratherthan by liberal forces. See F. A. Lutz,"Politische Uberzeugungen und nationalokonomischeTheorie", Ordo9(1957), p.12, and Myrdal, Economic Nationalism and Internationalism, p.3.
②Wolfram F. Hanrieder,"Compatibility and Consensus: A Proposal for the Conceptual Linkage of External andInternal Dimensions of Foreign Policy" in Hanrieder ed., Comparative Foreign Policy: Theoretical Essays,(NewYork: David McKay,1971), pp.253-64.
①For discussion see Jacob Viner,"Power versus Plenty as Objectives of Foreign Policy in the Seventeenth andEighteenth Centuries," World Politics1(October1948), p.1. Benjamin Cohen has shown the contemporaryrelevance of that issue. See his "American Foreign Economic Policy: Some General Principles of Analysis," inBenjamin Cohen ed., p.16, note9. See also Klaus Knorr, Power and Wealth: The Political Economy ofInternational Power,(New York: Basic Books,1973). There is a certain risk though, in treating power and wealth asfungible objects. See, e.g., Stephen D. Cohen, International Monetary Reform,1964-69, The Political Dimension(New York: Praeger,1970), p.159; and Nye's criticism in his book review in Journal of Common Market Studies11(September1972), p.82.
①See Ali M. AGRAA, Economic Integration Worldwide,(1997), P.8.
①Wil Hout,‘Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism’ in Jean Grugel, and Wil Hout, eds.,Regionalism across the North-South Divide: State Strategies and Globalization (London: Routledge,1999). pp.14-28
②Buzan et al, by using water shortages as an example argue that ‘a water shortage could become securitised at theglobal level, but the major battles will be more likely to be regional’. Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde,Security: A New Framework for Analysis,(London, Lynne Rienner1998). p.18
③Jack Levy and Michael Barnett cited in Wil Hout,‘Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism’,p.15.
④Ibid
①Barry Buzan et al, have termed security issues within regions as 'regional security complex' which he defines as'a set of units whose major processes of securitisation, desecuritisation, or both are so interlinked that their securityproblems cannot reasonably be analyzed or resolved apart from one another'. Buzan et al 'A New Framework forAnalysis' p.201. Although Buzan's et al analysis on security has been criticised as state-centric,(Peter Hough,Understanding Global Security,(London and New York, Routledge,2004), p.9.),nevertheless,'the complex itselfis defined by the actions and relations in the region (…)[because, otherwise](…), it would not be a regionalsecurity complex'. Buzan et al, Security: A New Framework for Analysis, p.200.
②Wil Hout,'Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism',p.16.
③Louise Fawcett,'Regionalism in Historical Perspective', in Louise Fawcett and Andrew Hurrell, eds.Regionalism in World Politics: Regional Organisation and International Order (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1995). p.13
④Andrew Hurrell,'Regionalism in Theoretical Perspective', p.46
⑤Wil Hout,'Theories of International Relations and the New regionalism', p.16
⑥Wil Hout,'Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism', pp.16-17.
①James H. Mittelman,‘Rethinking the New regionalism in the Context of Globalisation’, p.29.
②Ibid, p.45
③Johan Galtung in Wil Hout,‘Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism’, p.19
④Brigitte Weidlich,‘Africa: Stop “Re-Colonizing” Africa, Civil Society Tells EU’, All Africa.com6March2008,Available at: http://allafrica.com/stories/200803060264.html [accessed2April2008].
⑤Johan Galtung in Wil Hout,‘Theories of International Relations and the New Regionalism’, p.19
⑥Barbara Stocking,‘Africa-European union Trade; Seismic Rupture’, The World Today, Vol.64: No.1, January2008. p.21.
①Samir Amin,‘Regionalization in Response to Polarizing Globalization’, in Bj rn Hettne Hettne, Andras Inotaiand Osvaldo Sunkel, eds. Globalism and the New Regionalism Volume1(Macmillan Press, Basingstoke,1999).p.54
②Ibid
③Ibid, p.64
④Ibid, pp.64-65
⑤Ibid, p.65
⑥Ibid, p.66
⑦John Naisbitt cited in Wil Hout,‘Theories of International Relations and the new regionalism’, p.25.
①Ibid
②Richard E. Baldwin,‘Stepping stones or building blocks? Regional and multilateral integration’, GraduateInstitute of International Studies, Geneva,10September2004, P.9Available at:http://hei.unige.ch/~baldwin/PapersBooks/SteppingStonesOrBuildingBl Finlason and Zacher,1981ocks.pdf[accessed17April2008].
③Mike Moore,‘Globalizing Regionalism: A New Role for Mercosur in the Multilateral Trading System’, BuenosAires,28November2000, http://www.wto.org/english/news_e/spmm_e/spmm45_e.htm [accessed11April2008].
①The last term is from World Bank's1997World Development Report on the state (p.27).
①Greece become member of EC in1981, Spain and Portugal become members of EC in1986
①Several states with weaker currencies were permitted a wider range. The weighting for establishment the ECUwas based mainly on five currencies, with the German deutsche mark accounting for30percent alone. See JonathanPinder, European Community, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press,1991,119-130. The best detail is inMoravicsik, Choice for Europe.
①Another uncertainty results from placing responsibility for exchange rate policy (obviously for the Euro) in thehands of the finance ministers of the Euro11. That is meant before July2002
①The background and early history of ASEAN is analyzed in Arndt and Garnaut (1994)
①Each of the first set AIPs was expected to require an investment of$250-300million, and each ASEANmember was expected to be share-holder in all AIPs (the Host country would take up60percent of total equity andthe other four members would take up the remaining40percent)
①The extended infant industry argument implicit in the AIP program has under laid many regional integrationschemes in Latin America and in Africa, none of which had much success because members wanted the infantindustries to be on their territory but did not want to be forced to buy the output of infant industries located on othermembers'territory (Pomfret,1989, p.158).
②Apart from the issues raised in this paragraph, widely differencing external trade policies pose a technicalproblem for free trade areas because they encourage trade deflection. An importer in a high tariff ASEANmember will be encouraged to source imports from outside ASEAN through Singapore in order to pay the lowSingaporean customs duty. Internal customs barriers will be necessary in order to check that rules of origin are met,i.e. that goods coming from Singapore are indeed of ASEAN origin and not subject to the national tariff. The biggerthe difference in tariff rates, the greater is incentive to try to avoid the internal customs checks or to falsify originstatements, and the greater are the enforcement cost. It should be noted that within ASEAN geography is highlyconductive to smuggling and enforcement of restrictions on the intra-ASEAN trade is not easy.
③Some ASEAN members were in overlapping pressure group as Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, andThailand were member of the Cairns Group which successfully brought agriculture trade back into the GATT/WTOregime.
①The USSR and the USA had withdrawn their fleets from bases at Cam Ranh Bay and Subic Bay.
②Although Vietnam agreed to abide by the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, China’s Foreign MinisterQian would only say that he 'appreciated some of the basic principles'(Far Eastern Economic Review,6August1992, p.9).
①Papua New Guinea is another potential member, having already signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity andCooperation (Blomqvis,1993)
②McLean (1995) analyses the evolution of the CER.
①The Latin American Free Trade Area (LAFTA) was created in the1960Treaty of Montevideo by Argentina,Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay
②The Andean Pact comprising Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. It was regarded for some time tobe the model for economic integration among developing countries.
③LAIA members Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela (Gerber,2008, P187)
①Gruel, J. and Medeiros, M."Brazil and Mercosur" in Gruel, J. and Hout, W.(eds) The New Regionalism and thedeveloping world, London: Routledge,1999, p.237
②Carranza, M."Mercosur and the end game of the FTAA negotiations: Challenges and prospects after theArgentine crisis", Third World Quarterly, vol.25, No.2,2004, pp.321-323
③Amer, R."Conflict management and constructive engagement in ASEAN’s expansion", Third World Quarterly,vol.20, No.5,1999, p.1032
④Henderson, J."ASEAN", Oxford University Press Inc,1999, p.15
①Wanandi, J."Towards an Asian security-community", Asia-Europe Journal, No.3,2005, p.330
①See the editorial "Renaissance de l'Afrique de l'Ouest" in the Daily Times,29May1975.
②For a general discussion of problems that impeded earlier efforts at integration, see ReginaldA. Green&K. G. V. Krishna, Economic Cooperation in Africa: Retrospect and Prospects (London:Oxford University Press,1967)
①This is the common assumption. See Ernst B. Haas "The Study of Regional Integration:Reflections on the Joy and Anguish of Pretheorizing" in Leon N. Lindberg and Stuart A. Scheingold,Regional Integration: Theory and Research (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1971), p.8
②Ali Mazrui, Africa's International Relations (London: Heinemann,1977), p.2
③Hence Ghana-Guinea Union, Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union and Ghana-Congo Union each envisaged as a nucleus ofa continental union. For a brilliant advocacy of continental union, seeKwame Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite (London: Mercury Books,1965), pp.150-72.
④On Nigeria's diplomacy with respect to this issue, see Olatunde J. B. Ojo,"Nigeria's ForeignPolicy,1960-66: Politics, Economics and the Struggle for African Leadership." Doctoral Dissertation,University of Connecticut,1974, pp.203-58.
①Ernst B. Haas,"Turbulent Fields and the Theory of Regional Integration," InternationalOrganization30,2(Spring1976):186.
②It is true that the colonial government commissioned Studies in1953and1957on the prospectsfor a Nigerian Central Bank but no such bank was created until1958, a year after Ghana had pulled out of the WestAfrican Currency Board.
③On the Nigeria-Ghana rivalry and struggle for leadership, see Ojo, op. cit. For a more recentanalysis, see Olajide Aluko, Ghana and Nigeria,1957-70: A Study in Inter-African Discord (London:Rex Collins,1976), especially pp.72-121
④Federal Republic of Nigeria, National Development Plan: Progress Report1964(Lagos: Ministry of EconomicDevelopment,1965), pp.24-6.
①See Willard Scott Thompson, Ghana's Foreign Policy,1957-66(Princeton: Princeton University Press,1969), pp.
196-269,305-89
②The Monrovia Powers, also referred to as the Lagos Group, comprises all the West African Francophone statesexcept Guinea and Mali, plus Nigeria, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zaire, Zambia, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Madagascar, Libya,Liberia, Gabon, Gambia, Ethiopia, Congo (Brazzaville), and the Central African Republic. It was opposed to theCasablanca group (Ghana, Algeria, UAR, Guinea, Mali, and Morocco) on a whole number of issues but principallythe "maximalist" approach to continental unity favored by the Casablanca Group. See Berhanykun Andemicael, TheOAU and the UN (New York: Africana Publishing Co.,1976), p.255, note7for the essential differences.
③Africa Diary (21-27April1962), p.513.
④Ojo, op. cit., p.175.
⑤See notes26and27.
①Reginald H. Green and K. G. V. Krishna, op. cit
②House of Representatives Debates, Nigeria (21August,1962), pp.139-54
③For the view that MPs' opinions and questions often revealed complete ignorance of foreignpolicy issues, see R. A. Akindele,"Nigerian Parliament and Foreign Policy,1960-66," QuarterlyJournal of Administration, University of Ife (9April1975), pp.279-91
①House of Representatives Debates, Nigeria (21August1962).
②Ibid.
③Mazi Ray Ofoegbu,"Functional Cooperation in West Africa: An Introduction," Ikenga: Journal of AfricanStudies, University of Nigeria,1,2(July1972), pp.56-65.
④Ojo, op. cit., pp.333-63.
①On the dilemma of policies that at one and the same time encourage foreign investment and ensure economicindependence, see David R. Mummery, The Protection of International Private Investment: Nigeria and the WorldCommunity (New York: Praeger,1968), esp. pp.3-38.
②See Willard Scott Thompson, op. cit.
③United Nations Document E/CN.14/L153(27February1963). The discouraging response ledto another (and stronger) resolution cosponsored by Nigeria E/CN.14/L204(28February1964).
④Ibid. Also important were the cumulative effect of the Nigerian-sponsored draft resolution A/C2/L622on Africaneconomic independence and development and the ensuing debate, Nigeria's memoranda to ECA meetings in Marchand July1962and to the committee of nine set up to harmonize the various views on African economic problemsand calling for "a special West African trade meeting" E/CN.14/L64and E/CN.14/L1I1/Rev1of1962, and theNigeria-Tunisia draft resolution A/C2/L566/Add1/Rev1all of which partly resulted in UNCTAD I, inthe establishment of the African Development Bank and ECA's moves to forge economic groupings in Africa. For amore detailed discussion see Ojo, op. cit., pp.333-63and Mahmud Tukur,"Nigeria's External Relations: TheConduct of Nigeria's Foreign Policy in the United Nations, October1960-December1965." Unpublished Master'sthesis, University of Pittsburgh (1966), pp.33-48
①Adebayo Adedeji, The Evolution of a West African Economic Community (Lagos: n.d.), p.8
②Africa Diary (22-28July1972), pp.60-4. The Conseil de l'Entente comprising Benin, Ivory Coast, Niger, Togo,and Upper Volta was an institution for economic cooperation.
③Federal Republic of Nigeria, National Development Plan Progress Report1964(Lagos: Ministry of EconomicPlanning,1965), pp.31-2.
①The Treaty was never ratified in view of French-Nigerian relations during the latter's civil war.
②On the attempts to dissuade Britain see Ojo, op. cit., pp.178-80.
③Andrew C. Hilton,"The Changing Role of Private Foreign Investment in Nigeria," Nigeria:Bulletin on Foreign Affairs,1,4(May1972):3.
④P. C. Asiodu,"Planning for Further Development in Nigeria" in Reconstruction in Nigeria, A. A. Ayida and H. M.A. Onitiri, eds.(Ibadan: Oxford University Press,1971), p.186.
①In addition to David Mummery, op. cit., see Adedotun Phillips "The Administration of Nigeria's PioneerCompanies Relief" Quarterly Journal of Administration, University of Ife,4,1(October1969):11-29and idem"Reforming Nigeria's Tax Incentives System," Ibid.5,4(July1971):421-37; Industrial Development in Nigeria:Patterns, Problems and Prospects,0. Teriba and M.0. Kayode, eds.(Ibadan: Ibadan University Press,1977)
②Pita N. Ejiofor,"Expatriate Bank Lending and Nigerian Business: The Economics of Discrimination," NigerianJournal of Public Affairs,6,2(October1976):59-75; E.0. Akeredolu-Ale, The Underdevelopment of IndigenousEntrepreneurship in Nigeria (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press,1975), p.101
③For details and data on the shift see E. Osagie and K. Awosika,"Foreign Capital Aid Flows in Nigeria," QuarterlyJournal of Administration,9,1(October1974):61-76; Boston Research Group, Other Side of the Nigerian CivilWar (Boston:1970), p.10. World Bank, Nigeria: Options for Long-term Development (Baltimore: Johns HopkinsUniversity Press,1974), p.220.
④World Bank, ibid., pp.13and244; P. C. Asiodu, op. cit., p.185
①Osagie and Awosika, op. cit. See also Henry Fajemirokun,"The Role of Private Enterprisein Africa" in Europe and Africa: Trends and Relations (London:1978), p.31.
②Ojo, op. cit., pp.203-58; Willard Scott Thompson, op. cit
③Akeredolu-Ale, op. cit., p.57
①Henry Fajemirokun, op. cit
②Andrew Hilton, op. cit., p.4
③Akeredolu-Ale, op. cit., p.49
①Willard Scott Thompson, op. cit., p.316.
②Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs (Institute of International Affairs, Lagos)1,3January1972, pp.19-20.
①Africa Diary,27May-2June1972, p.5982; Africa Confidential14,10(11May1973), p.1.
②Africa Diary,5-11August1972, p.6080.
①Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs1,1July1971,10.
②Ibid,1,2, October1971, p.21.
③Ibid,1,3, January1972, pp.31-3.
④Adesina Adedipe, Nigeria-Benin Relations, unpublished Postgraduate Diploma in InternationalAffairs thesis, University of Ife (1976), pp.36and46
①Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs,2,1and2, April-December1972, pp.51-3.
②Federal Republic of Nigeria, Third National Development Plan1975-80, Vol.1(Lagos: Federal Ministry ofEconomic Development), pp.157and162
③Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs2,1and2, April-December,1972, p.10.
④Africa Confidential14,10(11May1973), pp.1-8and14,15(10July1973)
⑤Ibid
⑥Ibid; see also Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs3(1973):117-9.
①Adesina Adedipe, op. cit., p.37.
②JeuneAfrique,18December,1971, p.4.
③Africa Diary,1-7April1972, p.5906.
①Ibid,1-7January1973, p.6284.
②Ibid.,12-18February1972, p.5842and text of agreement in Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs1,3(January1972),42-5.
③Africa Confidential,14,40, May1973, p.1.
④Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs3(1973):133-4.
①Africa Diary,3-9December1974, p.7221.
②Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs,3(1973):42-50.
③Ibid,1,1(July1971), p.9.
④Africa Confidential,14,10,11May1973, p.3.
①Nigeria. Bulletin on Foreign Affairs3(1973):172-4.
②Ibid, p.62
③Ibid,1,1(1971), p.30.
①Africa Confidential14,10,11May1973, p.3.
②Nigeria: Bulletin on Foreign Affairs2,1and2(April-December1972):70-4.
③Ibid.
①Cf. Kjeld Philip et al., Intra-African Economic Cooperation and Africa's Relations with theEuropean Economic Community (Economic Commission for Africa, United Nations,1972)
①Africa Confidential,6July,1973, pp.3-6.
②On Nigeria's role see Wenike Briggs,"Negotiations between the Enlarged EuropeanEconomic Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Countries," in NigerianJournal of International Affairs (Lagos)1,1(1975), pp.12-32.
①Isebill V. Gruhn,"The Lome Convention: Inching towards Interdependence," InternationalOrganization30,2(Spring1976)
②"War on Colonial Past Begins,” Nigerian Tide (8November1976:1)
③Ernst Haas,"The Study of Regional Integration," in Lindberg&Scheingold, op. cit., p.16.
①Relational power refers here to the ability of a state to force another state to do some-thing it would not otherwisedo through the mobilization of diplomacy, economic aid or military resources. Structural power relates topreeminence in the field of research and technological innovation, greater internationalization ortrans-nationalization of corporate sector activities, etc.(Strange1988:24-25).
②Regionalism accounts for ideas or ideologies, programs, policies and goals that seek to transform an identifiedsocial space into a regional project. Accordingly, regionalism can also involve the construction of an identity asopposed to its formation. It postulates the implementation of a program and the definition of a strategy and istherefore often associated with institution-building or the conclusion of formal agreements. Regionalism canproceed from an extreme diversity of situations. Regionalization refers to the build-up of interactions that may ormay not relate to an explicitly asserted or acknowledged regional-ist project. Regionalization is a moreencompassing notion than regionalism since it takes into account processes and configurations within which statesare frequently not the key players (Bach1999).
①Wright (1998:133); for an exhaustive discussion of this point, see also Nwokedi (1991)
②The notion of Pax Africana was coined by Ali Mazrui (1967)
③ECOWAS dates back to the Lagos Charter of1975, and has established a track record that makes it one of themore active regional inter-governmental organizations(IGOs)i n Africa. Areas commonly mentioned includeinstitution-building, the harmonization of norms and the construction of regional transport and communicationinfrastructures. ECOWAS achievements remain largely formal as member-states remain reluctant to implement andadhere to commonly agreed decisions (Bach2004:69-92).
①Nigerian Central Bank Governor Charles Soludo as quoted in The Independent (Banjul),13September2004; alsoDebrun/Mason/Pattillo (2002:26-27) and Uche (2001).
①Construction of the offshore pipeline between Ghana and Nigeria was completed in October2006, and gas wasflowing through to Ghana's Aboadze thermal power plant by March2007. Stakeholders in the US-$500millionproject are Chevron Texaco, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Shell, Ghana's Volta River Authority,SoBeGaz and SoToGaz
①Unless otherwise stated, the following paragraphs draw from Ellis (1999), Adebajo (2002a,2002b) and Francis(2001).
①As quoted in Adibe (2002:131).
①In January1996, General Abacha had explicitly ordered that Nigerian troops in Sierra Leone should not preventBrigadier-General Julius Bio from staging a coup against Captain Valentine Strasser because he was angered by thelatter' s vote in favor of Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth at the November1995Auckland summit(Adebajo2002a:85).
②In Liberia, drug-trafficking and extensive looting also prompted Liberians to rename ECOMOG as meaning'Every Car Or Movable Object Gone'(Adebajo2002b:174)
①The Okigbo panel of inquiry could only trace US-$206million out of the US-$12.4billion that were put intoextra-budgetary account between1998and June1994. These resources were drawn from the windfall of oilproceeds during the first Gulf war and the collection of mining rights and signature fees (Federal Republic ofNigeria1994:12).
①A politically courageous decision was Obasanjo's final adherence, despite intense domestic opposition, to thedecision of the International Court of Justice on the restitution of the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon. The transferbecame effective on21August2006
①'Nigerian leaders "stole"$380bn', BBC News at http://faews.bbc.co.Uk/2/hi/africa/6069230.stm
②In2005, State and Local government spending was four times higher in real terms than in1999. Between May1999and July2006, Nigeria's36states and774local governments were respectively allocated US-$35.6billionand US-$23.4billion (Human Rights Watch2007:18-19).
③Interview with Nuhu Ribadu,18August2006, as quoted in Human Rights Watch (2007:19)
①The Times,29June1998:21.
1. Adebajo, A.2002b: Liberia's civil war. Nigeria, ECOMOG and regionalsecurity, Boulder, Co: Lynne Rienner.
2. Adebajo, A.2004: Pax West Africana? Regional security mechanisms, InAdebajo, A./Rashid, I.(eds.): West Africa's security challenges. Building peace in atroubled region, Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner,291-318
3. Adibe, C. E.2002: Muddling through: an analysis of the ECOWAS experiencein conflict management in West Africa. In: Laakso, L.(ed.): Regional integration forconflict prevention and peace-building in Africa: Europe, SADC and ECOWAS.Hel-sinki: University of Helsinki, Department of Political Science,103-169.
4. Africa Confidential,2000:15October6
5. Afrika Spectrum42(2007)2:301-32
6. Albert Chandler, Scale and scope (1990),‘The Dynamic of IndustrialCapitalism’, Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1990,52
7. Alvaros J. de Regil (2001),‘Keynesian Economics and The Welfare State’Global Economic Development–A TLWNSI ISSUE ESSAY SERIES
8. Ariff M and Tan G.(1992),‘ASEAN-Pacific Trade Relations’, ASEANEconomics Bulletin, vol.8
9. Ariff M.(1994),‘Open Regionalism a la ASEAN’ Journal of ASEANEconomics, vol.5
10. Arndt H. W. and Garnaut R.(1979),‘ASEAN and Industrialization of EastAsia’ Journal of Common Market Studies, vol.17, no.3
11. Bach, D.1997: Crises of institutions and the search for new models. In:Lavergne, R.(ed.): Regional integration and cooperation in West Africa. Ottawa:Africa World Press&IDRC,77-102.
12. Bach, D.2003: New regionalism as an alias: regionalization throughtrans-state net-works. In: Grant, J. A./S derbaum, F.(eds): New regionalismin Africa.Aldershot: Ashgate,21-30
13. Bach D.(2006)‘Inching towards a country without a state: prebendalism’,violence and state betrayal in Nigeria. In: Clapham, C./Herbst, J./Mills, G.(eds): BigAfrican states. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press,47-79.(Human RightsWatch2006)
14. Bach D. C.(2007),‘Nigeria’s Manifest Destiny in West Africa: Dominancewithout Power’ Published by: The MIT Press
15. Balassa B.(1962), The Theory of Economic Integration (London: Allen&Unwin)
16. Bourenane N.(1996),‘Des Fondements Théoriques et Stratégiques de laConstruction Communautaire’, in Lavergne R.(1996),‘Integration et CooperationRegionales en Afrique de l’Ouest’ Ed Karthala et CRDI
17. Bye, M.(1950)‘Union douanieres et donnees nationales’, EconomyAppliquee, Vol.3; reprinted in translation as ‘Customs Unions and National Interests’International Economic Papers, no.31953.
18. Byeong-hae S.(2004),‘Towards a new regionalism in East Asia’, Journal ofEconomic Integration, pp.499-518
19. Cecchini P.(1988), The European Challenge1992: The benefits of SingleMarket. Aldershot: Wildwood House
20. Chee P. L.(1987),‘ASEAN Co-operation in Industry: Looking Back andLooking Forward’, in N. Sopiee L. S. Chew and S. J. Lim (eds), ASEAN at theCrossroads: Obstacles, Options and Opportunities for Economic Co-operation (KualaLumpur: Institute of Strategic and International Studies)
21. Choi J-Y and Yu E. S. H (1985), Technical Progress, Terms of Trade andWelfare under Variable Returns to Scale’, Economica, vol.52no.257
22. Cohn, C. T.(2000) Global Political Economy; Addison Wesly Longman, Inc
23. Collins C. D. E.(1994),‘History and Institutions of the EC’ in El-Agraa A. M,The Economics of European Community,4thedn (Hemel Hempstead: HarvesterWheatsheaf; New York: Prentice Hall Int.)
24. Cooper C.A. and Massell B.F.(1965a),‘A new Look at Customs UnionTheory’, Economic Journal, vol.75
25. Cooper C.A. and Massell B.F.(1965b),‘Towards a General Theory ofCustoms Unions in Developing Countries’, Journal of Political Economy, vol.73
26. Corden W. M (1972a),‘Economic of Scale and Customs Union Theory’,Journal of Political Economy, vol.80
27. Dagne Th.2001: Nigeria in political transition. Washington, D. C: TheLibrary of Con-gress Congressional Research Service.
28. Dinello N. and Squire L.(2005)‘Globalization and Equity’ Perspectives fromDeveloping World, Printed and Bound in Great Britain by MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin,Cornwall
29. East Asia Analytical Unit (1994), ASEAN Free Trade Area: Trading Bloc orBuilding block?(Camberra: Australian Government Publishing Service)
30. Ebbe O.(1999),‘The Political-Criminal Nexus: the Nigerian case.’ Trends inOrganized Crime, Spring:29-59.
31. ECOWAS Official Journal, ECOWAS,(1983),“Official Journal”, ECOWASExecutive Secretariat, Abuja, Nigeria: Vol.5, June6
32. ECOWAS/CEDEAO (1992), Le progres continu depend d'un effort soutenu,rapport interimaire du secretaire executif M.A. Bundu. Lagos: Secretariat executif,
33. El-Agraa A. M. and Jones A. J.(1981), Theory of Customs Unions (Oxford:Philip Allan)
34. El-Agraa A. M (1984a) Trade theory and Policy: Some Topical Issues(London Macmillan)
35. El-Agraa A. M and Hojman D.(1988)‘The Andean Pact’, in EL-Agraa A. M.(ed), International Economic Integration,2ndedn (London: Macmillan)
36. EL-Agraa A. M (1997)‘Economic Integration Worldwide’ Macmillan PressLtd
37. Ellis, S.(1999), Them ask of anarchy: the destruction of Liberia and thereligious dimension of an African civil war. London: C. Hurst.
38. Fayemi, J. K.(2004), Governing insecurity in post-conflict states: the case ofSierra Leone and Liberia. In: Bryden, A./H nggi, H.(eds.): Reform andreconstruction of the security sector, Munster: Lit Verlag,2-27, online:/accessed01.06.2007
39. Finch M. H.(1988),‘The Latin American Free Trade Association’, inEl-Agraa A. M,(ed) International Economic Integration,2ndedn (London: Macmillan)
40. Gambari, I. A.(1991)“Political and Comparative Dimensions of RegionalIntegration: The Case of ECOWAS”, Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities PressInternational Inc.
41. Gershoni, Y.(1993) From ECOWAS to ECOMOG: the Liberian crisis andthe struggle for political hegemony in West Africa. Liberian Studies Journal X VIII(1):21-43.
42. Graham E.(1978),‘Transatlantic Investment by Multinational Firms: aRivalistic Phenomenon?’ Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, pp.82-99
43. Hausmann R. and Gavin M.(1996),"Securing Stability and Growth in aShockProne Region: The Policy Challenge for Latin America," Inter-AmericanDevelopment Bank, Washington, DC
44. Hettne B., Inotai A. and Sunkel O (1999)‘Globalism and the NewRegionalism’ Macmillan Press LTD, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG216XSand London Companies and representatives throughout the world
45. Imada P.(1993),‘Production and Trade Effects of the ASEAN Free TradeArea’, The Developing Economies, vol.31
46. Jones A. J.(1979),‘The Theory of Economic Integration’, in J. K. Bowers(ed), Inflation, Development and Integration: Essays in Honor of A. J. Brow (Leeds:Leeds University Press)
47. Jovanovic M.(1998a), International Economic Integration: limits andProspercts. London: Routledge
48. Jovanovic, M.(2006)‘The Economics of International Integration’ Publishedby Edward Elgar Publishing limited Glensanda House Mont Pellier Parade GheltenhanGlos GL501UA, UK
49. Kennedy P.(1987) The Rise and Fall of Great Powers: Economic Changeand Military Conflict from1500to2000(New York: Random House)
50. Krauss M. B.(1972),‘Recent Developments in Customs Union Theory: AnInterpretative Survey’, Journal of Economic Literature, vol.10
51. Lairson T. D. and Skidmore D.(2003)‘International Political Economy’ Thestruggle of Power and Wealth,3rdEd. Thomson Wadsworth
52. Leatherwood, D.(2001), The hazards of strange bed fellows: the UnitedStates, Nigeria and peacekeeping in West Africa. Washington, D.C.: National DefenceUniversity Award Winning paper
53. Lipsey R. G. and Lancaster K.(1956)‘The General Theory of the secondbest’, Review of Economic Studies, vol.24.
54. Lipsey R. G.(1992a), An Introduction to Positive Economics. London:Weidenfeld&Nicolson
55. Mahtani D.(2006), Nigeria vows to investigate$90m oil deal. The FinancialTimes,31October.
56. Maier K.(2000), This house has fallen, New York: Public Affairs.
57. Meade J. E.(1955), The Theory of Customs Unions (Amsterdam:North-Holland)
58. Mortimer, R. A.(1996),‘Senegal's role in ECOMOG’. The Francophonedimension in the Liberian crisis, Journal of Modern African Studies, XXXIV (2):196-306.
59. Myers, D. J.1991(ed): Patterns of aspiring hegemon. Threat perceptions andstrategic response: conclusions and directions for research. In: Myers, D. J.(ed.),Regional hegemons: threat, perception and strategic response, Boulder: WestviewPress,305-361
60. Mytelka L,(1979). Regional Development in a Global Economy, New Haven,CT: Yale University Press
61. Nogues J. and Quintanilla R.(1992),‘Latin America’s integration and themultilateral trading system’ paper presented at the World Bank Conference on NewDimensions in Regional Integration, Washington,2-3April1992
62. North D. C. and Thomas R.(1973)‘The Rise of the Western World: A NewEconomic History’, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
63. North D. C. and Weingast B.(1989),‘Constitutions and Commitment: TheEvolution of Institutions Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth Century England’,Journal of Economic History, XLIX,
64. O’Brien R. and Williams M.(2010)‘Global Political Economy’ Evolutionand Dynamics3rdEd, Palgrave Macmillan
65. Ojo O. J. B.(1980),‘Nigeria and the Formation of ECOWAS’ InternationalOrganization, Vol.34, No.4(Autumn,1980), pp.571-604
66. Pollard S.(1985),“Capital Exports,1870-1914: Harmful or Beneficial?”Economic History Review,38.4
67. Pomfret R.(1997)‘The Association of South–East Asia’, in EL-AgraaEconomic Integration Worldwide Macmillan Press Ltd
68. Prkic, F.2000: Le Ghana dans la gestion de la crise Liberienne. In: Toulabor,C. M.(ed.): Le Ghana de J. J. Rowlings. Paris: Karthala,:253-275
69. Rodrik D.(1995),‘Getting Interventions Right: How South Korea and TaiwanGrew Rich’,Economic Policy20,1995
70. Rodrik D.(1999a),‘The New Global Economy and Developing Countries:Making Openness Work’, Washington, DC, Overseas Development Council,
71. Rodrik D.(1999b),"Where Did All the Growth Go? External Shocks, SocialConflict, andGrowth Collapses," Journal of Economic Growth’
72. Rostow W.W.(1978), The World Economy, Austin: University of TexasPress,
73. Ruggie J. G.(1982)‘International Regime, Transactions and Change:Embbeded Liberalism in the Post War Economic Order’, International organization,36(2),
74. Scitovsky T.(1958), Economic Theory and Western European Integration(London: Allen&Unwin)
75. Sesay, A.2006: The limits of 'try Africa first': the OAM/African Union andthe challenges of conflict management and peace building in Africa. Ile-Ife, mimeo
76. Shaw M.2002: West African criminal networks in South and SouthernAfrica.
77. African Affairs,101:291-316
78. Strange S.(1985)‘Protectionism and World Politics’, InternationalOrganization,41,
79. Thomas, S./Sudharshan, C.(2002)‘Poverty in a wealthy economy: the caseof Nigeria’. Washington: IMF Working Paper, WP/02/114
80. Traub-Merz, R./Yates, D.(eds.)[2006], Oil policy in the Gulf of Guinea.Bonn: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
81. UN (Peace Keeping, Best Practices Unit)(2003), Lessons learned fromUnited Nations peacekeeping experiences in Sierra Leone. New York: Department ofPeacekeeping Operations
82. UNCTAD (1983), The Role of Transnational Enterprises in Latin AmericanEconomic Integration Efforts: Who Integrate with Whom, How and for Whose Benefit?New York: United Nations
83. UNCTAD (2004), World Investment: The shift towards Services. UnitedNations: New York
84. Vaitsos C. V.(1978),‘Crisis in Regional Economic Cooperation (Integration)Among Developing Countries: A survey’, World Development, vol.6
85. van Walraven, K.1999: The pretence of peace-keeping. ECOMOG, WestAfrica and Liberia (1990-1998). The Hague: Netherlands Institute of InternationalAffairs (Study10).
86. Vanek J.(1965), General equilibrium of International Discrimination: theCase of Customs Unions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press)
87. Venables A. J.(2003), Economic Geography; Spatial Interactions in theWorld Economy’
88. Viner, J.(1950)“The Customs Union Issues”, New York: CarnegieEndowment for International Peace.
89. Whalley J.(1992),‘CUSTA and NAFTA: can WHFTA be far behind?’Journal of Common Market Studies, pp.125-41
90. Wiharta S.(2006)‘Peace building: the new international focus on Africa’. InSIPRI (ed.), SIPRI Year book2006, Oxford: Oxford University Press,139-157.
91. Wikipedia,20May2011at19:39
92. Wonnacott G. P. and Wonnacott R. J.(1981),‘Is Unilateral Tariff ReductionPreferable to a Customs Union? The Curious Case of the missing Foreign Tariffs’,American Economic Review, vol.71
93. WTO (1998), International Trade Statistics1998(Geneva: WTO)