《释童真墓志铭》与隋朝二帝崇佛相关问题
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摘要
隋朝建国伊始,隋文帝大力崇佛,重用童真等高僧于大兴善寺译经,就是为其政权寻找或制造有利的精神武器,此举也与周、隋之际的去胡化及对中原王朝正统性的重新塑造是一脉相承的。仁寿元年分送舍利事件为标志的崇佛事件,又与该年皇朝改元及废除学校等大事件是相呼应的,都与该时期的上层政治斗争有关,与之前的废立太子事件有关,与隋文帝转移民众的政治视线及引导舆论、加强对民众的思想统治之需要有关。《续高僧传》记载的童真奉送舍利至雍州仙游寺事可与墓志印证。炀帝登基之初的仁寿宫政变应该重新解读,炀帝为乃父追冥福而营建的大禅定寺应该是在大业元年建成,童真法师被任命为大禅定寺的道场主,足见其在当时佛教界的地位以及在世俗皇家中的声望。
At the very beginning of the founding of the Sui Dynasty,Emperor Wen of Sui was committed to the worship of Buddhism,and entrusted Tong Zhen and others to translate the Buddhist Scriptures at Daxingshan Temple so as to look for or create favorable spiritual weapons for his political power. This remained connected with the elimination of sinicization of northern minorities in the Zhou Dynasty and Sui Dynasty and the reconstruction of the legitimacy of Central Plains Dynasty. Meanwhile,the worship of Buddhism,marked by the distribution of Buddha Sarira at the 1styear of Renshou,was also related to the change of reign title that year and the abolition of schools. All the above-mentioned were relevant to the upper political struggle,the previous abolition of the crown prince,Emperor Wen of Sui's distraction,guidance,and reinforcement of the public's political viewpoints. The offering of Tong Zhen's Buddha Sarira could be proved by his epigraph,Emperor Yang of Sui's Coup at Renshou Palace at his early enthronization should be reinterpreted,Emperor Yang of Sui ordered to build Dachanding Temple for the sake of bringing blessings for his deceased father,so Dachanding Temple could be completed at the 1stof Daye,at the same time,Tong Zhen was appointed Master of Dachanding Temple,which showed his high status in the Buddhist circle and great reputation in the secular royal family.
At the very beginning of the founding of the Sui Dynasty,Emperor Wen of Sui was committed to the worship of Buddhism,and entrusted Tong Zhen and others to translate the Buddhist Scriptures at Daxingshan Temple so as to look for or create favorable spiritual weapons for his political power. This remained connected with the elimination of sinicization of northern minorities in the Zhou Dynasty and Sui Dynasty and the reconstruction of the legitimacy of Central Plains Dynasty. Meanwhile,the worship of Buddhism,marked by the distribution of Buddha Sarira at the 1styear of Renshou,was also related to the change of reign title that year and the abolition of schools. All the above-mentioned were relevant to the upper political struggle,the previous abolition of the crown prince,Emperor Wen of Sui's distraction,guidance,and reinforcement of the public's political viewpoints. The offering of Tong Zhen's Buddha Sarira could be proved by his epigraph,Emperor Yang of Sui's Coup at Renshou Palace at his early enthronization should be reinterpreted,Emperor Yang of Sui ordered to build Dachanding Temple for the sake of bringing blessings for his deceased father,so Dachanding Temple could be completed at the 1stof Daye,at the same time,Tong Zhen was appointed Master of Dachanding Temple,which showed his high status in the Buddhist circle and great reputation in the secular royal family.
引文
[1]刘文.陕西新见隋朝墓志[M].西安:三秦出版社,2018:97-99.
[2]宋敏求.长安志[M].辛德勇,郎洁点校.西安:三秦出版社,2013.
[3]魏徵.隋书[M].北京:中华书局,1973.
[4]道宣撰.郭绍林点校.续高僧传·隋西京大禅定道场释童真传[M].北京:中华书局,2014.
[5]杜继文.佛教史[M].南京:江苏人民出版社,2006:218.
[6]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1956.
[7]费长房.历代三宝记:卷12[M]∥大正藏:卷49.
[8]令狐德棻.周书[M].北京:中华书局,1971:121.
[9]灌顶编纂.国清百录:卷2[M]∥大正藏:卷46.
[10]孙英刚.转轮王与皇帝:佛教对中古君主概念的影响[J].社会科学战线,2013(11).
[11]陈士珂辑.孔子家语疏证[M].上海:上海书店出版社,1987:37.
[12]道宣.广弘明集卷17:舍利感应记[M]∥大正藏:卷52.
[13]李建欣.佛教传说中的转轮圣王阿育王对隋文帝的影响[J].宝鸡文理学院学报:社会科学版,2017(5).
[14]王昶.金石萃编卷40:青州舍利塔下铭[M].嘉庆十年青浦王氏经训堂刊同治十年补刊本,1861:684.
[15]徐松撰,健超增订.增订唐两京城坊考:卷4[M].西安:三秦出版社,2006.
[16]杜斗城,吴通.隋代独孤皇后与佛教关系述论[J].新疆师范大学学报:哲学社会科学版,2014(3).
(1)参见杨曾文《隋唐的佛舍利供养和法门寺》和杜斗城《隋文帝分舍利建塔的意义及其有关问题》,二文参见韩金科主编《法门寺文化研究·佛教卷》(编辑本),陕西省法门寺博物馆,1993年版;韩昇《隋文帝传》,人民出版社,1998年版;游自勇《隋文帝仁寿颁天下舍利考》,载于《世界宗教研究》2003年第1期;杜斗城,孔令梅《隋文帝分舍利建塔有关问题的再探讨》,载于《兰州大学学报》(社会科学版)2011年第3期;李建欣《佛教传说中的转轮圣王阿育王对隋文帝的影响》,载于《宝鸡文理学院学报》(社会科学版)2017年第5期。
(1)有关该塔铭文及发掘情况,请参阅:刘瑞《法王塔地宫发现的重大意义》,刊于《西北大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)1999年第2期;林通雁《仙游寺法王塔的风格》,刊于《华夏文化》1999年第3期。
[2]宋敏求.长安志[M].辛德勇,郎洁点校.西安:三秦出版社,2013.
[3]魏徵.隋书[M].北京:中华书局,1973.
[4]道宣撰.郭绍林点校.续高僧传·隋西京大禅定道场释童真传[M].北京:中华书局,2014.
[5]杜继文.佛教史[M].南京:江苏人民出版社,2006:218.
[6]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1956.
[7]费长房.历代三宝记:卷12[M]∥大正藏:卷49.
[8]令狐德棻.周书[M].北京:中华书局,1971:121.
[9]灌顶编纂.国清百录:卷2[M]∥大正藏:卷46.
[10]孙英刚.转轮王与皇帝:佛教对中古君主概念的影响[J].社会科学战线,2013(11).
[11]陈士珂辑.孔子家语疏证[M].上海:上海书店出版社,1987:37.
[12]道宣.广弘明集卷17:舍利感应记[M]∥大正藏:卷52.
[13]李建欣.佛教传说中的转轮圣王阿育王对隋文帝的影响[J].宝鸡文理学院学报:社会科学版,2017(5).
[14]王昶.金石萃编卷40:青州舍利塔下铭[M].嘉庆十年青浦王氏经训堂刊同治十年补刊本,1861:684.
[15]徐松撰,健超增订.增订唐两京城坊考:卷4[M].西安:三秦出版社,2006.
[16]杜斗城,吴通.隋代独孤皇后与佛教关系述论[J].新疆师范大学学报:哲学社会科学版,2014(3).
(1)参见杨曾文《隋唐的佛舍利供养和法门寺》和杜斗城《隋文帝分舍利建塔的意义及其有关问题》,二文参见韩金科主编《法门寺文化研究·佛教卷》(编辑本),陕西省法门寺博物馆,1993年版;韩昇《隋文帝传》,人民出版社,1998年版;游自勇《隋文帝仁寿颁天下舍利考》,载于《世界宗教研究》2003年第1期;杜斗城,孔令梅《隋文帝分舍利建塔有关问题的再探讨》,载于《兰州大学学报》(社会科学版)2011年第3期;李建欣《佛教传说中的转轮圣王阿育王对隋文帝的影响》,载于《宝鸡文理学院学报》(社会科学版)2017年第5期。
(1)有关该塔铭文及发掘情况,请参阅:刘瑞《法王塔地宫发现的重大意义》,刊于《西北大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)1999年第2期;林通雁《仙游寺法王塔的风格》,刊于《华夏文化》1999年第3期。