中国古代活字印刷术新论(下)
|
摘要
活字印刷在古代中国没有像古代朝鲜和中世纪末期欧洲那样成为文献复制方式的主流,与其自身的特点以及中国封建社会的经济、社会、文化和学术环境相关。活字技术适合一次性印刷大批量书籍,不如雕版技术适合长线印刷。中国地域广袤,除中央机构刻印书籍外,地方印书业也比较发达,官府、书院、私人等都刻印或覆刻书籍,一次性印量有限,多采用雕版技术长线印刷。古代朝鲜在学习了中国的活字印刷技术之后,与其社会特点与需要相结合,得到了广泛应用。古代朝鲜中央设立书籍院,铸造活字,统一负责图书印刷并发放至地方,活字技术正好适合大批量图书的印刷。与同时期中国封建社会环境不同的是,15世纪中叶德国人谷腾堡发明铅合金活字时,正值欧洲宗教改革和工业革命的前夜,活字印刷适应了文艺复兴和宗教改革运动对文献印刷和传播的需要,社会结构、工商业环境、资本市场的变化以及出版企业化等因素,推动了活字印刷在欧洲的广泛应用和迅速发展。活字印刷术虽然在中国古代并未成为图书出版的主流,但它仍在传播文化领域发挥了重要的作用,与雕版印刷术一道,构成了中华民族对全人类最伟大的贡献之一。参考文献22。
The movable type printing did not become the mainstream of document duplication in ancient China due to its characteristics and social environment. At the same time, in ancient Korea and at the end of Middle Ages in Europe, movable type printing was more popular. Movable type printing was fit for mass printing, but not as appropriate for long-term printing of the same book as woodblock printing. China's vast territory made the cost of central printing and transporting too high, so local printing industry was more developed. Local governments, academies and individuals all printed books. Woodblock printing was widely used because of limited print run and long-term printing. Therefore, movable type printing did not apply to the feudal Chinese society. Learning from Chinese movable type printing, the ancient Korea combined it with local characteristics and movable type printing was widely applied. The Korea set up the Central Book Academy responsible for the movable type casting, and printing and distribution of printed books. The movable type printing is exactly suitable for mass production of books. Different from contemporary Chinese feudal social environment, the Europe in the middle of fifteenth century when Johannes Gutenberg(1397-1468, German) invented type metal was just on the eve of European religious and industrial revolution. Social structure and commercial and industrial environment including capital market were changing. Capitalist management mode also promoted printing and publishing to develop from workshop to modern enterprise. Besides, alphabetic writing is more appropriate for movable typesetting than Chinese characters. All those factors facilitated the application and development of movable type printing in Europe. Although movable type printing was not the mainstream of printing in ancient China, it still played a significant role in cultural communication. The movable type printing and woodblock printing are among the greatest contributions of the Chinese to the world. 22 refs.
The movable type printing did not become the mainstream of document duplication in ancient China due to its characteristics and social environment. At the same time, in ancient Korea and at the end of Middle Ages in Europe, movable type printing was more popular. Movable type printing was fit for mass printing, but not as appropriate for long-term printing of the same book as woodblock printing. China's vast territory made the cost of central printing and transporting too high, so local printing industry was more developed. Local governments, academies and individuals all printed books. Woodblock printing was widely used because of limited print run and long-term printing. Therefore, movable type printing did not apply to the feudal Chinese society. Learning from Chinese movable type printing, the ancient Korea combined it with local characteristics and movable type printing was widely applied. The Korea set up the Central Book Academy responsible for the movable type casting, and printing and distribution of printed books. The movable type printing is exactly suitable for mass production of books. Different from contemporary Chinese feudal social environment, the Europe in the middle of fifteenth century when Johannes Gutenberg(1397-1468, German) invented type metal was just on the eve of European religious and industrial revolution. Social structure and commercial and industrial environment including capital market were changing. Capitalist management mode also promoted printing and publishing to develop from workshop to modern enterprise. Besides, alphabetic writing is more appropriate for movable typesetting than Chinese characters. All those factors facilitated the application and development of movable type printing in Europe. Although movable type printing was not the mainstream of printing in ancient China, it still played a significant role in cultural communication. The movable type printing and woodblock printing are among the greatest contributions of the Chinese to the world. 22 refs.
引文
[1] 丁瑜.我国雕版印刷术与活字印刷术的比较研究[J].图书馆学研究,1984(2):113-118.(Ding Yu.Comparative study of woodblock printing and movable type printing[J].Research in Library Science,1984(2):113-118.)
[2] 张秀民.中国印刷史(插图珍藏增订版)[M].韩琦,增订.杭州:浙江古籍出版社,2006:630-631.(Zhang Xiumin.History of Chinese printing (Illustrated and enlarged edition)[M].Han Qi,updated.Hangzhou:Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House,2006:630-631.)
[3] 马学良.明代内府刻书续考——明代内府刻书目录[G]//文津学志:第11辑.北京:国家图书馆出版社,2018:160-174.(Ma Xueliang.Further investigation on woodcut print by the Imperial Institution in the Ming Dynasty:catalogue of woodcut print[G]//Wen jin xue zhi:volume 11.Beijing:National Library of China Publishing House,2018:160-174.)
[4] 张秀民,韩琦.中国活字印刷史[M].北京:中国书籍出版社,1998:21.(Zhang Xiumin,Han Qi.History of movable type printing in China[M].Beijing:China Book Press,1998:21.)
[5] 钦定大清会典事例:卷1199[M].石印本,1899(清光绪二十五年).(Qin ding da qing hui dian shi li:volume 1199[M].Lithographic printing edition,1899 (In the 25th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Guangxu).)
[6] 项旋.清代内府铜活字考论[J] .自然科学史研究,2013(2):254-262.(Xiang Xuan.A study on imperial bronze type in the Qing Dynasty [J].Studies in the History of Natural Sciences,2013(2):254-262.)
[7] 中国第一历史档案馆.纂修四库全书档案[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1997:723-724.(The First Historical Archives of China.Archives of compiling the Si Ku Quan Shu[M].Shanghai:Shanghai Classics Publishing House,1997:723-724.)
[8] 项旋.清代武英殿聚珍馆考论[J].历史文献研究,2018(1):259-269.(Xiang Xuan.Qing Wuyingdian ju zhen guan kao lun[J].Historical Materials Study,2018(1):259-269.)
[9] 曹炯镇.中韩两国古活字印刷技术之比较研究[M].台北:学海出版社,1986:32-38,223-236.(Cao Jiongzhen.Comparative study of movable type printing in China and South Korea[M].Taipei:Xuehai Publishing House,1986:32-38,223-236.)
[10] 黄永年.古籍版本学[M].南京:江苏教育出版社,2005:181.(Huang Yongnian.Bibliographic study of Chinese ancient books [M].Nanjing:Jiangsu Education Publishing House,2005:181.)
[11] 温睿临.南疆绎史勘本·续用书目附识、补勘书目附记[M].李瑶,勘定.泥活字本,1830(清道光十年).(Wen Ruilin.Nanjiang yi shi kan ben:supplementary notes and excursus[M].Li Yao,proofread.Clay movable type printing,1830(In the 10th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Daoguang).)
[12] 程伟元.红楼梦·引言[M].活字本.萃文书屋,1792(乾隆五十七年).(Cheng Weiyuan.Introduction to A dream in red mansions[M].Movable type printing version.Cuiwen Bookshop,1792 ( In the 57th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Qianglong).)
[13] 陈力.《红楼梦》东观阁本小议 [J].四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1993(4):49-52.(Chen Li.Discussion on Dongguange version of A dream in red mansions[J].Journal of Sichuan University(Social Science Edition,1993(4):49-52.)
[14] 陈力.《红楼梦》东观阁本再考[J].文献,2003(1):160-177.(Chen Li.Further study on Dongguange version of A dream in red mansions[J].The Documentation,2003(1):160-177.)
[15] 杨丽莹.扫叶山房史研究[D].上海:复旦大学,2005.(Yang Liying.Study on the history of Saoyeshangfang[D].Shanghai:Fudan University,2005.)
[16] 天禄琳琅书目:卷10:渭南文集[G]// 影印文渊阁四库全书·史部·目录类:第675册.台北:台湾商务印书馆,2008:575.(Bibliography of Tian Lu Lin Lang:volume 10:collected works of Weinan[G]//Photocopy of Si Ku Quan Shu·Shi Bu·Catalogue:volume 675.Taipei:Taiwan Commercial Press,2008:575.)
[17] 国朝诸臣奏议一百五十卷(宋淳祐刊本)跋[M]//张金吾.爱日精庐藏书志:卷12.家刻本,1827(清道光七年).(Postscript of memorials to the emperor(Song Chunyou version)[M]//Zhang Jingwu.Bibliography of Airijinglu:volume 12.Self-printed version,1827 (In the 7th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Daoguang).)
[18] 丁丙.善本书室藏书志:卷23[G]//清人书目题跋丛刊.影印清光绪二十七年刻本.北京:中华书局,1995.(Ding Bing.Bibliography of ancient books:volume 23[G]//Series of preface and postscript in the Qing Dynasty.Photocopy of the version in the 27th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Guangxu.Beijing:Zhonghua Books Company,1995.)
[19] 周绍明.书籍的社会史:中华帝国晚期的书籍与士人文化[M] .何朝晖,译.北京:北京大学出版社,2009:17-18.(McDermott J P.Social history of books:books and scholar culture in the late empire[M].He Zhaohui,trans.Beijing:Peking University Press,2009:17-18.)
[20] 天禄琳琅书目:卷10:白氏长庆集[G]//影印文渊阁四库全书·史部·目录类:第675册.台北:台湾商务印书馆,2008:567.(Bibliography of Tian Lu Lin Lang:volume 10:collected works of Baishi Changqing[G]// Photocopy of Si Ku Quan Shu·Shi Bu·Catalogue:volume 675.Taipei:Taiwan Commercial Press,2008:567.)
[21] 顾炎武.顾亭林文集·与公肃甥书之一[M].华忱之,点校.北京:中华书局,1983:55.(Gu Yanwu.Collected works of Gu Tinglin·Yu gong su sheng shu zhi yi[M].Hua Chenzhi,proofread.Beijing:Zhonghua Books Company,1983:55.)
[22] 袁栋.书隐丛说:卷13[G]//续修四库全书.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:571.(Yuan Dong.Shu yin cong shuo:volume 13[G]//Continued compilation of Si Ku Quan Shu.Shanghai:Shanghai Classics Publishing House,2002:571.)陈力 四川大学历史文化学院教授,国家图书馆研究馆员。四川成都 610064。
(1)或称“样书”,实即《古今图书集成》一边排印一边校对的工作底本,此残本现藏宁波天一阁,参见李开升:《〈古今图书集成〉铜活字校样本考述》,《中国典籍与文化》,2014年第4期,第76-87页。
(2)雍正六年春,鄂尔泰获赐《古今图书集成》一部,其子鄂容安等在《襄勤伯鄂文端公年譜》中称:“纂修六年书成,复增三年告竣,议叙官数十人员,费帑资百万余两。仅刷书六十部,板随刷随毁。”(《襄勤伯鄂文端公年譜》,国家图书馆藏清抄本)按,65部《古今图书集成》除大内宫殿陈列、《四库全书》七阁各配置一套以及颁赐王公大臣和编修《四库全书》时献书较多的天一阁等藏书之家外,并未出售,唯乾隆四十一年朝鲜赴华副使徐浩修曾设法以2 150两银购得《古今图书集成》一部5 020卷(力案:《古今图书集成》原本共装订为5 020册,故此“卷”疑为“册”之误)。徐浩修买书事见《李朝实录·正宗大王实录》卷3“元年二月”,国家图书馆出版社,2011年影印本,第47册第95页。
(3)印数较多者,当属清道光二十七年(1847)翟金生用泥活字排印黄爵滋《仙屏书屋初集》18卷,共印400部。
(4)曹炯镇先生也指出:在中国封建社会中,对于图书的需求是“不断地少量供应,而雕版印刷恰好符合这种条件”。见《中韩两国古活字印刷技术之比较研究》,第94页,学海出版社,1986年。
(5)例如明万历时徐兆稷借人活板印行了其父徐学谟的《世庙识余录》26卷,共印100部。不过徐兆稷在书前题记云:“是书成凡十余年,以贫不任梓,仅假活板印得百部,聊备家藏,不敢以行世也。活板亦颇费手,不可为继,观者谅之。”可见租赁活字排印,的确也是一件困难之事。
(6)周彦文统计毛晋刻书有659种、5 776卷,见所著《毛晋汲古阁刻书考》,第10页,花木兰文化出版社,2006年。不过,周氏的统计尚有遗漏,如毛氏以“世美堂”名义所刻《杨大洪先生忠烈实录》《剪桐载笔记》等并未统计在内。另外,有一些书版也是毛晋从他人购得后再加修版。
(7)(清)弘历(乾隆)《御制题武英殿聚珍版十韵》“同为制活字,用以印全书。精越鹖冠体,富过邺架储”句注,清乾隆三十九年武英殿活字本。
(8)徐苏:《我国古代的活字印刷术为什么发展缓慢》,原载《印刷技术》1989年第3、4期,收入上海新四军历史研究会印刷印钞分会编《活字印刷源流》,第256-266页,印刷工业出版社,1990年。按徐文引用唐仲友事有小误,今据《晦庵先生朱文公文集》卷19《按唐仲友第六状》(朱杰人、严佐之、刘永翔主编《朱子全书》,第20册第864-866页,上海古籍出版社、安徽教育出版社,2002年)改。
(9)明嘉靖十年俞泰跋安国嘉靖十年刻《初学记》云:“君宦久外,未知安子乎?经史子集,活字印行,以嘉惠后学,二十年来,无虑数千卷。”今存安国活字印本可考者仅10种,其他活字印本多已不存,据此知当时锡山诸家用金属活字印书已成规模,故能较好地发挥活字印刷的优势。
(10)根据宋绍兴十年黄州知州沈虞卿刻《小畜集》、乾道高邮军学刻《淮海集》、淳熙三年舒州公使库本《大易粹言》、淳熙十年象山县学所刻的《汉隽》等书上的题记,到官学去刷印图书,赁版费(可视为分摊在每部图书中的雕版费)仅占整个费用的五分之一到十分之一。宋代以后,雕版的成本更低,明末汲古阁刻书,每百字工银甚至只有20文。以上参见张秀民著、韩琦增订:《中国印刷史》(插图珍藏增订版),第三章“历代写工、刻工、印工生活及其事略”,第655-680页,浙江古籍出版社,2006年。陈力:《中国古代图书史——以图书为中心的中国古代文化史》,第299-300页,社科文献出版社,2016年。
[2] 张秀民.中国印刷史(插图珍藏增订版)[M].韩琦,增订.杭州:浙江古籍出版社,2006:630-631.(Zhang Xiumin.History of Chinese printing (Illustrated and enlarged edition)[M].Han Qi,updated.Hangzhou:Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House,2006:630-631.)
[3] 马学良.明代内府刻书续考——明代内府刻书目录[G]//文津学志:第11辑.北京:国家图书馆出版社,2018:160-174.(Ma Xueliang.Further investigation on woodcut print by the Imperial Institution in the Ming Dynasty:catalogue of woodcut print[G]//Wen jin xue zhi:volume 11.Beijing:National Library of China Publishing House,2018:160-174.)
[4] 张秀民,韩琦.中国活字印刷史[M].北京:中国书籍出版社,1998:21.(Zhang Xiumin,Han Qi.History of movable type printing in China[M].Beijing:China Book Press,1998:21.)
[5] 钦定大清会典事例:卷1199[M].石印本,1899(清光绪二十五年).(Qin ding da qing hui dian shi li:volume 1199[M].Lithographic printing edition,1899 (In the 25th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Guangxu).)
[6] 项旋.清代内府铜活字考论[J] .自然科学史研究,2013(2):254-262.(Xiang Xuan.A study on imperial bronze type in the Qing Dynasty [J].Studies in the History of Natural Sciences,2013(2):254-262.)
[7] 中国第一历史档案馆.纂修四库全书档案[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1997:723-724.(The First Historical Archives of China.Archives of compiling the Si Ku Quan Shu[M].Shanghai:Shanghai Classics Publishing House,1997:723-724.)
[8] 项旋.清代武英殿聚珍馆考论[J].历史文献研究,2018(1):259-269.(Xiang Xuan.Qing Wuyingdian ju zhen guan kao lun[J].Historical Materials Study,2018(1):259-269.)
[9] 曹炯镇.中韩两国古活字印刷技术之比较研究[M].台北:学海出版社,1986:32-38,223-236.(Cao Jiongzhen.Comparative study of movable type printing in China and South Korea[M].Taipei:Xuehai Publishing House,1986:32-38,223-236.)
[10] 黄永年.古籍版本学[M].南京:江苏教育出版社,2005:181.(Huang Yongnian.Bibliographic study of Chinese ancient books [M].Nanjing:Jiangsu Education Publishing House,2005:181.)
[11] 温睿临.南疆绎史勘本·续用书目附识、补勘书目附记[M].李瑶,勘定.泥活字本,1830(清道光十年).(Wen Ruilin.Nanjiang yi shi kan ben:supplementary notes and excursus[M].Li Yao,proofread.Clay movable type printing,1830(In the 10th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Daoguang).)
[12] 程伟元.红楼梦·引言[M].活字本.萃文书屋,1792(乾隆五十七年).(Cheng Weiyuan.Introduction to A dream in red mansions[M].Movable type printing version.Cuiwen Bookshop,1792 ( In the 57th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Qianglong).)
[13] 陈力.《红楼梦》东观阁本小议 [J].四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1993(4):49-52.(Chen Li.Discussion on Dongguange version of A dream in red mansions[J].Journal of Sichuan University(Social Science Edition,1993(4):49-52.)
[14] 陈力.《红楼梦》东观阁本再考[J].文献,2003(1):160-177.(Chen Li.Further study on Dongguange version of A dream in red mansions[J].The Documentation,2003(1):160-177.)
[15] 杨丽莹.扫叶山房史研究[D].上海:复旦大学,2005.(Yang Liying.Study on the history of Saoyeshangfang[D].Shanghai:Fudan University,2005.)
[16] 天禄琳琅书目:卷10:渭南文集[G]// 影印文渊阁四库全书·史部·目录类:第675册.台北:台湾商务印书馆,2008:575.(Bibliography of Tian Lu Lin Lang:volume 10:collected works of Weinan[G]//Photocopy of Si Ku Quan Shu·Shi Bu·Catalogue:volume 675.Taipei:Taiwan Commercial Press,2008:575.)
[17] 国朝诸臣奏议一百五十卷(宋淳祐刊本)跋[M]//张金吾.爱日精庐藏书志:卷12.家刻本,1827(清道光七年).(Postscript of memorials to the emperor(Song Chunyou version)[M]//Zhang Jingwu.Bibliography of Airijinglu:volume 12.Self-printed version,1827 (In the 7th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Daoguang).)
[18] 丁丙.善本书室藏书志:卷23[G]//清人书目题跋丛刊.影印清光绪二十七年刻本.北京:中华书局,1995.(Ding Bing.Bibliography of ancient books:volume 23[G]//Series of preface and postscript in the Qing Dynasty.Photocopy of the version in the 27th year of Qing Dynasty's Emperor Guangxu.Beijing:Zhonghua Books Company,1995.)
[19] 周绍明.书籍的社会史:中华帝国晚期的书籍与士人文化[M] .何朝晖,译.北京:北京大学出版社,2009:17-18.(McDermott J P.Social history of books:books and scholar culture in the late empire[M].He Zhaohui,trans.Beijing:Peking University Press,2009:17-18.)
[20] 天禄琳琅书目:卷10:白氏长庆集[G]//影印文渊阁四库全书·史部·目录类:第675册.台北:台湾商务印书馆,2008:567.(Bibliography of Tian Lu Lin Lang:volume 10:collected works of Baishi Changqing[G]// Photocopy of Si Ku Quan Shu·Shi Bu·Catalogue:volume 675.Taipei:Taiwan Commercial Press,2008:567.)
[21] 顾炎武.顾亭林文集·与公肃甥书之一[M].华忱之,点校.北京:中华书局,1983:55.(Gu Yanwu.Collected works of Gu Tinglin·Yu gong su sheng shu zhi yi[M].Hua Chenzhi,proofread.Beijing:Zhonghua Books Company,1983:55.)
[22] 袁栋.书隐丛说:卷13[G]//续修四库全书.上海:上海古籍出版社,2002:571.(Yuan Dong.Shu yin cong shuo:volume 13[G]//Continued compilation of Si Ku Quan Shu.Shanghai:Shanghai Classics Publishing House,2002:571.)陈力 四川大学历史文化学院教授,国家图书馆研究馆员。四川成都 610064。
(1)或称“样书”,实即《古今图书集成》一边排印一边校对的工作底本,此残本现藏宁波天一阁,参见李开升:《〈古今图书集成〉铜活字校样本考述》,《中国典籍与文化》,2014年第4期,第76-87页。
(2)雍正六年春,鄂尔泰获赐《古今图书集成》一部,其子鄂容安等在《襄勤伯鄂文端公年譜》中称:“纂修六年书成,复增三年告竣,议叙官数十人员,费帑资百万余两。仅刷书六十部,板随刷随毁。”(《襄勤伯鄂文端公年譜》,国家图书馆藏清抄本)按,65部《古今图书集成》除大内宫殿陈列、《四库全书》七阁各配置一套以及颁赐王公大臣和编修《四库全书》时献书较多的天一阁等藏书之家外,并未出售,唯乾隆四十一年朝鲜赴华副使徐浩修曾设法以2 150两银购得《古今图书集成》一部5 020卷(力案:《古今图书集成》原本共装订为5 020册,故此“卷”疑为“册”之误)。徐浩修买书事见《李朝实录·正宗大王实录》卷3“元年二月”,国家图书馆出版社,2011年影印本,第47册第95页。
(3)印数较多者,当属清道光二十七年(1847)翟金生用泥活字排印黄爵滋《仙屏书屋初集》18卷,共印400部。
(4)曹炯镇先生也指出:在中国封建社会中,对于图书的需求是“不断地少量供应,而雕版印刷恰好符合这种条件”。见《中韩两国古活字印刷技术之比较研究》,第94页,学海出版社,1986年。
(5)例如明万历时徐兆稷借人活板印行了其父徐学谟的《世庙识余录》26卷,共印100部。不过徐兆稷在书前题记云:“是书成凡十余年,以贫不任梓,仅假活板印得百部,聊备家藏,不敢以行世也。活板亦颇费手,不可为继,观者谅之。”可见租赁活字排印,的确也是一件困难之事。
(6)周彦文统计毛晋刻书有659种、5 776卷,见所著《毛晋汲古阁刻书考》,第10页,花木兰文化出版社,2006年。不过,周氏的统计尚有遗漏,如毛氏以“世美堂”名义所刻《杨大洪先生忠烈实录》《剪桐载笔记》等并未统计在内。另外,有一些书版也是毛晋从他人购得后再加修版。
(7)(清)弘历(乾隆)《御制题武英殿聚珍版十韵》“同为制活字,用以印全书。精越鹖冠体,富过邺架储”句注,清乾隆三十九年武英殿活字本。
(8)徐苏:《我国古代的活字印刷术为什么发展缓慢》,原载《印刷技术》1989年第3、4期,收入上海新四军历史研究会印刷印钞分会编《活字印刷源流》,第256-266页,印刷工业出版社,1990年。按徐文引用唐仲友事有小误,今据《晦庵先生朱文公文集》卷19《按唐仲友第六状》(朱杰人、严佐之、刘永翔主编《朱子全书》,第20册第864-866页,上海古籍出版社、安徽教育出版社,2002年)改。
(9)明嘉靖十年俞泰跋安国嘉靖十年刻《初学记》云:“君宦久外,未知安子乎?经史子集,活字印行,以嘉惠后学,二十年来,无虑数千卷。”今存安国活字印本可考者仅10种,其他活字印本多已不存,据此知当时锡山诸家用金属活字印书已成规模,故能较好地发挥活字印刷的优势。
(10)根据宋绍兴十年黄州知州沈虞卿刻《小畜集》、乾道高邮军学刻《淮海集》、淳熙三年舒州公使库本《大易粹言》、淳熙十年象山县学所刻的《汉隽》等书上的题记,到官学去刷印图书,赁版费(可视为分摊在每部图书中的雕版费)仅占整个费用的五分之一到十分之一。宋代以后,雕版的成本更低,明末汲古阁刻书,每百字工银甚至只有20文。以上参见张秀民著、韩琦增订:《中国印刷史》(插图珍藏增订版),第三章“历代写工、刻工、印工生活及其事略”,第655-680页,浙江古籍出版社,2006年。陈力:《中国古代图书史——以图书为中心的中国古代文化史》,第299-300页,社科文献出版社,2016年。