全球治理视角下的冷战后跨国社会运动研究
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摘要
20世纪90年代以来,在全球化深入发展和冷战终结的背景下,旨在促进社会、经济和环境正义与民主的新一波跨国社会运动迅速勃兴。冷战后的跨国社会运动呈现出运动范围的全球化、社会诉求的多样化、组织形式的网络化、运动目标的去革命化等特征,因而,当代跨国社会运动的主流不再是国际体系的颠覆者,而更多的是全球治理的积极参与者和贡献者。跨国社会运动的这种变化既是国际体系深刻变化的结果和具体表现,又反过来促进了国际体系的变革。
跨国社会运动与全球变革之间关系的研究是社会学和政治学领域中的社会运动研究与国际关系学科所共同关注的课题。然而,由于国际关系理论与社会运动理论之间的学科隔阂,现有的研究还存在着诸多的缺陷和不足。鉴于此,本文从全球治理的视角对冷战后的跨国社会运动进行研究,试图将二者之间的相关研究链接起来。作为一种与传统的“国际关系”理论不同的世界政治研究视角,全球治理理论认为国家与非国家行为体之间没有等级之别,国家和非国家行为体都是国际体系中的行动单元。这为分析包括跨国社会运动在内的非国家行为体在国际体系中的作用提供了新的分析路径。
因此,本文以全球治理为分析视角,将跨国社会运动视为国际体系中的一种单元和全球治理的参与者,并从互动的视角出发探讨其与国际非政府组织、政府间国际组织、跨国公司和主权国家等主要国际社会行为体之间的关系。接着,在跨国减债、反大坝和禁止集束炸弹运动等案例研究的基础上,本文认为当代跨国社会运动在塑造全球治理议题和提出政策倡议、促进全球治理的民主化、塑造全球治理的规范和制度、推动全球治理模式的变革等方面对全球治理的结构和进程产生了重要而积极的影响。
更为重要的是,当代跨国社会运动通过不断地冲击国家在国际格局中的“垄断”地位,推动非国家行为体走向全球治理的前台,促使国际格局朝着多元化的方向不断发展以及促进国际规范结构的重构而影响和推动着当代国际体系的演变。因此,当代跨国社会运动的兴起是在全球化深入发展的背景下,国际体系中单元层次的行为体由单一向多元转变的重要体现,而这种转变不仅对全球治理的进程与结构,而且对国际体系转型都产生了重要的影响。这可能就是当代跨国社会运动与全球治理以及与现代国际体系之间的辩证运动关系。
In the context of the further development of globalization and the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, the world has been witnessing a new wave of transnational social movements(TSMs) aiming to enhance the social, economic and environmental justice and democracy. TSMs in the post-Cold War period are characterized by globalized scope of activities, diversified social appeals, networked organizing forms and de-revolutionized objectives, with their role evolving from a subverter of international system to a participant and contributor of global govornance. Such a change of TSMs' characteristics and role both results from and embodies the transformation of international system, while TSMs, in turn, further the global transformation.
The relationship between TSMs and global transformation, at least from the end of the World War II, has become the common topic of social movement theory and IR theory. But there exists a gap between interpretations on this relationship by the both disciplines, which to some extent hinders a synthetic study on TSMs. In view of this, the dissertation adopts the perspective of global governance to study contemporary TSMs. As a perspective on world politics, global governance theory is different from the traditional IR theory, since it claims that there is no hierarchy between the state and non-state actors and that both are the units of the international system. So it not only provides a reasonable path in the study of non-state actors (including TSMs), but aslo contributes to the synthesis of the both disciplines
As a theoretical and empirical study, the dissertation first argues that TSM should be seen as a special action unit in the international system and a positive actor in global governance. Then it turns to explore the interactions between contemporary TSMs and other important international actors, such as sovereign states, intergovernmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations and multinational corporations. After the case studies of Transnational Debt Relief Movement, Anti-Dam Movement and Movement to Ban Cluster Munition, the dissertation concludes that contemporary TSMs have exerted an important and active influence on global governance, by putting forward new issues and policy initiatives, facilitating the democratization of global governance, constructing/reconstructing international norms and insititutions and contributing to the pattern evolution of global governance.
And more importantly, the dissertation argues that contemporary TSMs are contributing to the erosion of the predominance of sovereign states in the international system, while promoting the non-state actors into the foreground of global governance, enhancing the plurality of the current international structure, and facilitating the reconstruction of international norm structure. In other words, contemporary TSMs also have comprehensive and profound influences on the transformation and evolution of the international system.
Therefore, the dissertation concludes that the significant burgeoning of contemporary TSMs is a symbol and a result of the development of golobal governance and the transformation of international system, while contemporary TSMs help to further the development and evolotion of global governance and internatioanl system in turn. This may be the dialectical movement in the interactions between contemporary TSMs and global governance and international system.
跨国社会运动与全球变革之间关系的研究是社会学和政治学领域中的社会运动研究与国际关系学科所共同关注的课题。然而,由于国际关系理论与社会运动理论之间的学科隔阂,现有的研究还存在着诸多的缺陷和不足。鉴于此,本文从全球治理的视角对冷战后的跨国社会运动进行研究,试图将二者之间的相关研究链接起来。作为一种与传统的“国际关系”理论不同的世界政治研究视角,全球治理理论认为国家与非国家行为体之间没有等级之别,国家和非国家行为体都是国际体系中的行动单元。这为分析包括跨国社会运动在内的非国家行为体在国际体系中的作用提供了新的分析路径。
因此,本文以全球治理为分析视角,将跨国社会运动视为国际体系中的一种单元和全球治理的参与者,并从互动的视角出发探讨其与国际非政府组织、政府间国际组织、跨国公司和主权国家等主要国际社会行为体之间的关系。接着,在跨国减债、反大坝和禁止集束炸弹运动等案例研究的基础上,本文认为当代跨国社会运动在塑造全球治理议题和提出政策倡议、促进全球治理的民主化、塑造全球治理的规范和制度、推动全球治理模式的变革等方面对全球治理的结构和进程产生了重要而积极的影响。
更为重要的是,当代跨国社会运动通过不断地冲击国家在国际格局中的“垄断”地位,推动非国家行为体走向全球治理的前台,促使国际格局朝着多元化的方向不断发展以及促进国际规范结构的重构而影响和推动着当代国际体系的演变。因此,当代跨国社会运动的兴起是在全球化深入发展的背景下,国际体系中单元层次的行为体由单一向多元转变的重要体现,而这种转变不仅对全球治理的进程与结构,而且对国际体系转型都产生了重要的影响。这可能就是当代跨国社会运动与全球治理以及与现代国际体系之间的辩证运动关系。
In the context of the further development of globalization and the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, the world has been witnessing a new wave of transnational social movements(TSMs) aiming to enhance the social, economic and environmental justice and democracy. TSMs in the post-Cold War period are characterized by globalized scope of activities, diversified social appeals, networked organizing forms and de-revolutionized objectives, with their role evolving from a subverter of international system to a participant and contributor of global govornance. Such a change of TSMs' characteristics and role both results from and embodies the transformation of international system, while TSMs, in turn, further the global transformation.
The relationship between TSMs and global transformation, at least from the end of the World War II, has become the common topic of social movement theory and IR theory. But there exists a gap between interpretations on this relationship by the both disciplines, which to some extent hinders a synthetic study on TSMs. In view of this, the dissertation adopts the perspective of global governance to study contemporary TSMs. As a perspective on world politics, global governance theory is different from the traditional IR theory, since it claims that there is no hierarchy between the state and non-state actors and that both are the units of the international system. So it not only provides a reasonable path in the study of non-state actors (including TSMs), but aslo contributes to the synthesis of the both disciplines
As a theoretical and empirical study, the dissertation first argues that TSM should be seen as a special action unit in the international system and a positive actor in global governance. Then it turns to explore the interactions between contemporary TSMs and other important international actors, such as sovereign states, intergovernmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations and multinational corporations. After the case studies of Transnational Debt Relief Movement, Anti-Dam Movement and Movement to Ban Cluster Munition, the dissertation concludes that contemporary TSMs have exerted an important and active influence on global governance, by putting forward new issues and policy initiatives, facilitating the democratization of global governance, constructing/reconstructing international norms and insititutions and contributing to the pattern evolution of global governance.
And more importantly, the dissertation argues that contemporary TSMs are contributing to the erosion of the predominance of sovereign states in the international system, while promoting the non-state actors into the foreground of global governance, enhancing the plurality of the current international structure, and facilitating the reconstruction of international norm structure. In other words, contemporary TSMs also have comprehensive and profound influences on the transformation and evolution of the international system.
Therefore, the dissertation concludes that the significant burgeoning of contemporary TSMs is a symbol and a result of the development of golobal governance and the transformation of international system, while contemporary TSMs help to further the development and evolotion of global governance and internatioanl system in turn. This may be the dialectical movement in the interactions between contemporary TSMs and global governance and international system.
引文
1关于社会运动(Social Movement)超出一国的范围发展到国际层面,究竟是称之为“跨国社会运动”(Transnational Social Movement),还是“全球社会运动" (Global Social Movement),学者之间还存在着争论。具体详见第二章第一节的讨论。
2 Lester M. Salamon, "The Rise of the Nonprofit Sector", Foreign Affairs, Vol.73, No.4,1994, p.109.
3 Jessica T. Mathews, "Power shift", Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.1,1997, p.50.
4在国际社会中,非国家行为体(non-state actors)是与国家相对的一个概念,指国家之外的、所有独立进行跨国运作的国际行为体。尽管学者们对非国家行为体的定义和分类存在很多争论,但一般都将跨国社会运动、国际非政府组织、跨国公司和政府间国际组织等纳入非国家行为体的范畴。
5[美]查尔斯·德伯：《人高于利润》,钟和、邓瑶萍、王宏伟译,北京：中信出版社,2004年,第158页。
6 Patrick E. Tyler, "Threats and Responses:A New Power in the Streets", New York Times, February 17,2003.
7 Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty:Organised Hypocrisy, Princeton:Princeton University Press,1999. Kenneth N. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War", International Security, Vol.25, No.1,2000, pp.5-41.
8 Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
9在本文中,公民社会(civil society,又译为市民社会)是指独立于国家和市场的社团和行动领域,在这个领域中,公民可以组织起来,单独或集体地寻求实现各种各样的目标或价值观。相应地,全球公民社会(global civil society)也有学者称之为跨国公民社会(transnational civil society)就是指与国家间体系和全球经济相对且相互作用的一个跨国的公民公共空间或行动领域,其活动主体包括跨国社会运动、国际非政府组织以及其他具有跨国特征的公民社会组织或网络,但又将反动的(种族主义、法西斯主义和原教旨主义的)组织和运动排除在外。参见Rupert Taylor, "Interpreting Global Civil Society", in Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2004, p.4.
10关于“治理”与“统治”的区别与联系,参见[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙编：《没有政府的治理：世界政治中的秩序与变革》,张胜军、刘小林等译,南昌：江西人民出版社,2006年,第4-5页。
11全球治理理论的兴起“源于一些国际关系学者对20世纪70和80年代主导国际组织研究的现实主义和自由制度主义理论的日益不满。尤其是,它们没能充分地抓住全球化时代中非国家行为体在数量和影响上的增长以及技术变革的意义。”参见Thomas G. Weiss, "Governance, Good Governance and Global Governance: Conceptual and Actual Challenges", Third World Quarterly, Vol.21, No.5,2000, p.796.
12凯瑟琳·埃施利(Catherine Eschle)总结认为,国际关系学者对全球公民社会的研究主要有三个类似的主题：一是在分析上都倾向于超越那种强调国家在全球政治中具有压倒性的和始终不变的权力和统治地位的国际关系研究方法；二是都相信在全球政治中形成除国家管道之外的治理模式和／或参与形式非常必要,它们可以弥补国家的作用,甚至挑战其霸权地位；三是都有其聚焦于包括非政府组织和社会运动在内的非国家行为体在全球政治中的实际的和潜在的作用。参见Catherine Eschle, "Globalizing Civil Society? Social Movements and the Challenge of Global Politics from Below", in Pierre Hamel, Henri Lustiger-Thaler, Jan Nederveen Pieterse and Sasha Roseneil (eds.), Globalization and Social Movements, New York:Palgrave,2001, pp. 61-62.
13 Marc Williams, "The World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the Environmental Social Movement", in Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler (eds.), Non-State Actors and Authority in the Global System, London:Routledge,2000, p.242.
14 Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler, "Introduction:Globalisation and Non-State Actors", in Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler (eds.), Non-State Actors and Authority in the Global System, London:Routledge,2000, p.1.
15[美]凯格利和维特科普夫：《世界政治：趋势与变革》(影印本),北京：北京大学出版社,2004年,第182.页。
16 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", in Bas Arts, Math Noortmann and Bob Reinalda (eds.), Non-state Actors in International Relations, Aldershot:Ashgate Publishing Limited,2001, pp.15-16.
17跨国关系即跨国界的常规互动关系,在其中至少有一个行为体是非国家行为体或不是代表民族国家政府或政府间组织进行运作。参见Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", in Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-state Actors, Domestic Structure and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995, p.3.
18 R. B. J. Walker, "Social Movements/World Politics", Millennium, Vol.23, No.3,1994, pp.669-670.
19[美]入江昭：《全球共同体：国际组织在当代世界形成中的角色》,刘青等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2009年,第5页。
20 Catherine Eschle, "Constructing 'the Anti-Globalisation Movement'", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-Globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London; New York:Routledge,2005, p.17.
21全球治理在使用时至少具有三种不同的涵义：首先,从结构来看,全球治理是一个由多个分散的规则体系组成的整合的和协调的治理体系；其次,从过程来看,全球治理是主权国家与国际非政府组织、跨国社会运动、政府间组织和跨国公司等非国家行为体之间互动的一种动态结果；最后,“全球治理”也是一种分析框架。作为一种理论上的分析架构,全球治理为世界政治研究提供了一个与传统的“国际关系”理论不一样的视角。(从结构、进程和分析框架三个方面来阐释全球治理涵义的观点参见Jon Pierre and B. Guy Peters, Governance, Politics and the State, London:MacMillan,2000转引自刘坤亿：《全球治理的理想与现实》,第5-7页,。关于“全球治理作为世界政治的一种分析视角”的阐述,也可参见Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg, "Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politics", Global Governance, Vol.12, No.2,2006, pp.185-203.)
22[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,吴庆宏译,南京：译林出版社,2005年,第2页。
23[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,胡位钧译,上海：上海人民出版社,2009年,第9页。
24[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,阎小骏译,《当代世界社会主义问题》2006年第4期,第4页。
25现代化理论是研究社会运动的一种理论传统,其理论核心在于“强调社会变革的人类代价”,认为这是社会运动产生的主要原因。参见Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh, Social Movements in Politics:A Comparative Study, New York:Addison Wesley Longman,1997, p. xi.
26[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,第4页。
27赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2006年,第25页。
28马克思：《哲学的贫困》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第614页。
29马克思和恩格斯：《共产党宣言》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第二卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第43和 40页。
30列宁在1901-1902年间指出,俄国工人运动和革命“首要的最迫切的实际任务是要建立一个能使政治斗争具有力量、具有稳定性和继承性的革命家组织”,即无产阶级“先锋队”。参见列宁：《怎么办?我们运动中的迫切问题》,《列宁选集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,1995年,第386页。
31所谓框架(frame)是指社会运动的领导者或组织者,为了吸引人们加入和持续地参与社会运动,而对议题进行架构或塑造,以便与潜在的运动参与者的信仰、情感和愿望相吻合或与之产生共鸣。(参见Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.), The Social Movements Reader:Cases and Concepts,2nd edition, Malden, MA:Blackwell Pub.,2009, p.55.)框架理论源于美国学者斯诺(David A. Snow)等人借用欧文·戈夫曼(Erving Goffman)的框架分析(frame analysis)概念对社会运动微观动员过程的分析。(参见赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第212页。)
32[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第14-17页。
33 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth Simmons (eds.), Handbook of International Relations, London et al.:Sage Publications,2002, pp.256-257.
34康德认为贸易的精神品质是与战争不相容的,最早指出了经济相互依赖与世界和平之间的因果关系,提出了将民主社会、跨国主义与和平联系在一起“世界主义”思想。康德认为,“与战争无法共处的商业精神……迟早会支配每一个民族的”,并将世界各个民族结合在一起。(参见[德]伊曼努尔·康德：《永久和平论》,何兆武译,上海人民出版社,2005年,第38页。)他提出,建立在共和制民主基础上的“国家(公民)权利”体制、以自由国家的联盟制度为基础的“国际权利”体制以及以普遍的友好(好客)为条件的“世界公民权利”体制是“走向各国之间永久和平”的三项必要条件。(参见[德]伊曼努尔·康德：《永久和平论》,第13-27页。)康德的“世界主义”思想是后来的“民主和平论”的源头,不过,后人提出的“民主和平论”却只集中于民主社会与和平之间的联系,而丢掉了康德思想中的跨国主义的因素。
35托克维尔认为跨国关系,即不同国家的民主社会及其居民之间的联系,是阻止战争的重要手段。他指出,“随着平等在几个国家同时发展和这些国家的居民一起涌向工商业,不仅他们的爱好日趋一致,而且他们的利益也逐渐交融了。因此,任何一个国家加于他国的危害都不能不弹回到自己身上来,从而使人认识到战争是一种对战胜国和战败国来说损害差不多相等的灾难。”参见[法]托克维尔：《论美国的民主》(下卷),董果良译,北京：商务印书馆,1991年,第831页。
36恩格斯指出：“单是大工业建立了世界市场这一点,就把全球各国人民,尤其是各文明国家的人民,彼此紧密地联系起来,以致每一个国家的人民都受到另一国家发生的事情的影响。此外,大工业使所有文明国家的社会发展大致相同,以致在所有这些国家,资产阶级和无产阶级都成了社会上两个起决定作用的阶级,它们之间的斗争成了当前的主要斗争。”参见恩格斯：《共产主义原理》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第687页。
37列宁认为,那种主张资本主义经济上的相互依赖会“给人们带来资本主义制度下各民族间实现和平的希望”的观点是十分荒谬的。他指出,“资本主义发展到一定的、很高的阶段,资本主义的某些基本特性开始转化成自己的对立面……在这一过程中,经济上的基本事实,就是资本主义的自由竞争为资本主义的垄断所代替。”即他认为资本主义不可避免地走向垄断和金融资本阶段即帝国主义这一特殊的阶段,并断言在帝国主义阶段,资本主义国家之间的战争是不可避免的,“试问,在资本主义基础上,要消除生产力发展和资本积累同金融资本对殖民地和‘势力范围’的瓜分这两者之间不相适应的状况,除了用战争以外,还能有什么其他办法呢?”列宁：《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》,北京：人民出版社,2001年,第65、77和87页。
38Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and Social Classes, Cleveland, Ohio:Meridian Books,1955, p.73.
39参见[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆,1999年。
40 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", in Daphne Josselin and William Wallace (eds.), Non-State Actors in World Politics, Houndmills:Palgrave,2001, p.11.
41 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.257.
42 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.19.
43正如有学者所指出的,“主流的国际关系研究往往倾向于认为世界政治分析需要与其他背景中的政治分析不一样的概念和理论,因而将世界政治研究与主流的社会科学研究孤立起来。政治科学学者,尤其是国际关系学者对国家的全神贯注,使得难以察觉到其他跨国行为体的活动。而社会学家,尤其是北美的社会学家,也往往将其研究局限于社会内部的行为,而社会通常被认为是有着与国家一样的边界。”参见Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, pp.260-261.
44[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,第4页。
45社会运动研究是社会学和政治学的分支,二战以后在欧美逐渐发展成为一门显学,形成了很多理论学派。在历史发展过程中,西方社会运动研究分别形成了欧洲的历史哲学传统(马克思主义、新社会运动理论)和美国的实证主义传统(集体行为理论、资源动员理论和政治过程理论)。参见Nick Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, Buckingham; Philadelphia:Open University Press,2002, p.10.
46 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", Sociological Review, Vol.40, No.1,1992, p.3.
41 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.28.
48 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.11.
49卡尔·凯撒(Karl Kaiser)的“跨国政治”一文1969年发表时为德文版,1971年在《国际组织》上发表。参见Karl Kaiser, "Transnational Politics:Toward a Theory of Multinational Politics", International Organization, Vol.25, No.4,1971, p.790.
50 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), "Transnational Relations and World Politics", International Organization, special issue, Vol.25, No.3,1971.
51 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:An Introduction", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3,1971, p.331.
52 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Transgovernmental Relations and International Organizations", World Politics, Vol.27, No.1,1974, p.41.
53 James N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence:Essays on the Transnationalization of World Affairs, London:Frances Pinter,1980.
54 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", Annual Review of Political Science, Vol.4, No.1,2001, pp.3-4.
55例如Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), "Transnational Relations and World Politics", International Organization, special issue, Vol.25, No.3,1971; Richard W. Mansbach, Yale H. Ferguson, and Donald E. Lampert, The Web of World Politics:Non-State Actors in the Global System, Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall,1976; Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
56 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", pp.4-5.
57 Robert Keohane and Helen V. Milner (eds.), Internationalization and Domestic Politics, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
58 Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
59 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:An Introduction", p. 338.
60 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000, pp.15-16.
61 Robert Gilpin, "The Politics of Transnational Economic Relations", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3, 1971, pp.398-419.
62 Samuel P. Huntington, "Transnational Organizations in World Politics", World Politics, Vol.25, No.3,1973, p. 344, p.363.
63 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", p.5.
64 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence:World Politics in Transition, Boston:Little, Brown and Company,1977.
65 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, Reading, Mass.:Addison-Wesley Pub. Co.,1979.
66 David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism:The Contemporary Debate, New York:Columbia University Press,1993.
67 Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,1984.
68 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.11.
69 James Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics:A Theory of Change and Continuity, Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,1990. Joseph A. Camilleri and Jim Falk, The End of Sovereignty? The Politics of a Shrinking and Fragmenting World, Aldershot, UK:Edward Elgar,1992. Philip G. Cerny, "Globalization and the Changing Logic of Collective Action", International Organization, Vol.49, No.4,1995, pp.595-625. Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996. David Held, Democracy and the Global Order:From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,1995.
70 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", pp.11-12.
71 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.258.
72 Friedrich Kratochwil and John G. Ruggie, "International Organization:A State of the Art on an Art of the State", International Organization, Vol.40, No.4,1986, pp.753-775. Alexander Wendt, "The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory", International Organization, Vol.41, No.3,1987, pp.335-370. Friedrich Kratochwil, Rules, Norms, and Decisions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1989.
73 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", pp.258-259.
74 James N. Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics:A Theory of Change and Continuity, p.11.
75 Peter M. Haas (ed.), "Knowledge, Power and International Policy Coordination", International Organization, special issue, Vol.46, No.1,1992.
76 Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures, and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995.
77 Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1998.
78 Wolfgang H. Reinicke, Global Public Policy:Governing without Government? Washington DC:Brookings Institution Press,1998.
79 Thomas Risse. "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.259.
80 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.12.
81 James N. Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel (eds.), Governance without Government:Order and Change in World Politics, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1992.
82 Martin Shaw, "Global Society and Global Responsibility:The Theoretical, Historical and Political Limits of International Society", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3,1992, pp.421-434. Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", Human Rights Quarterly, Vol.18, No.1,1996, pp.107-141.
83 Marc Williams, "The World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the Environmental Social Movement", pp. 241-242.
84 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997. Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke:Macmillan,1999. Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002. Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield,2002.Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield,2005.
85 Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", p.261.
86 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", pp.9-10.
87例如Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor, and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society Yearbook 2002, Oxford: Oxford University Press,2002; Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995; Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3,1992, pp.389-420; Roger Coate et al., "The United Nations and Civil Society:Creative Partnerships for Sustainable Development", Alternatives, Vol.21, No.1,1996, pp.93-122; Craig Murphy, "Global Governance:Poorly Done and Poorly Understood", International Affairs, Vol.76, No.4,2000, pp.789-803.
88 Matthias Finger, "NGOs and Transformation:Beyond Social Movement Theory", in Thomas Princen and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics:Linking the Local and the Global, London: Routledge,1994, pp.48-66; Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", Millennium, Vol.23, No.3,1994, pp.650-654; R. B. J. Walker, "Social Movements/World Politics", pp.669-700; Christine Chin and James H. Mittleman, "Conceptualizing Resistance to Globalization", in Barry K. Gills (ed.), Globalization and the Politics of Resistance, New York:Palgrave,2000, pp.35-36.
89 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", Alternatives, Vol.29, Issue 3,2004, pp.336-337.
90 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", pp. 337-338.
91 Robert Keohane and Joseph S. Nye (eds.), Transnational Relations and World Politics, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1972; Thomas Risse-Kappan (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics,2nd edition. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press,1998. Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1998; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.:Macmillan,1999; Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss, "Pluralizing Global Governance:Analytical Approaches and Dimensions", in Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner, 1996, pp.17-47; Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982; Peter Willetts, "Transnational Actors and International Organizations", in John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics,2nd edition, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2001, pp.356-383.
Elizabeth Riddell-Dixon, "Social Movements and the United Nations", International Social Science Journal, Vol. 47, No.2,1995, pp.289-303;Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995; Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Barbara Adams, "The People's Organisations and the UN-NGOs in International Civil Society", in Erskine Childers (ed.), Challenges to the United Nations:Building a Safer World, London:Catholic Institute for International Relations,1995, pp.176-187.
93 Giovanni Arrighi et al., Anti-Systemic Movements, London:Verso,1989; Samuel Amin et al., Transforming the Revolution:Social Movements and the World System, New York:Monthly Review Press,1990; Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,2000.
94主要是一些新葛兰西学派的学者:Robert Cox, Production, Power, and World Order, New York:Columbia University Press,1987, pp.368-395; Robert Cox, "Democracy in Hard Times:Economic Globalization and the Limits of Democracy", in Anthony McGrew (ed.), The Transformation of Democracy? Cambridge:Polity Press, 1997, pp.64-66; Stephen Gill, "Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neo-Liberalism", Millennium,Vol.24,No.3,1995,pp.404-410.其他悲观的结构主义者有:Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" Review of International Political Economy, Vol.5, No.3,1998, pp.585-615; Mustapha Kamal Pasha and David L. Blaney, "Elusive Paradise:The Promise and Peril of Global Civil Society", Alternatives, Vol.23, No.4,1998, pp.417-450;Craig Murphy (ed.), Egalitarian Politics in the Age of Globalization, Basingstoke, U.K.:Palgrave,2002; Cecelia Lynch, "Social Movements and the Problem of Globalization", Alternatives, Vol.23, No.2,1998, pp.149-173.
Richard Falk, "The Global Promise of Social Movements:Explorations at the Edge of Time", Alternatives, Vol. 12, No.2,1987, pp.173-196; Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", pp.389-420; Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.107-141; Leslie Paul Thiele, "Making Democracy Safe for the World:Social Movements and Global Politics", Alternatives, Vol.8, No.3,1993, pp.273-305; Paul K. Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, Albany:State University of New York Press,1996.
96 Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements, and the New Internationalism,2nd edition, New York: Continuum,2002. John A. Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald, "Globalizations and Social Movements", in Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald (eds.), Globalizations and Social Movements: Culture, Power and the Transnational Public Sphere, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,2000, pp.1-32.
97 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.). Global Social Movements, London:Athlone Press,2000.
98 Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", pp.389-420.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,2000.
100 Barry K. Gills. "Introduction:Globalization and the Politics of Resistance", in Barrv K. Gills (ed.). Globalization and the Politics of Resistance, New York:Palgrave,2000, p.8.
101 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Little field,2002; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.:Macmillan,1999; Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis: Universitv of Minnesota Press,2002.
102 Robert Keohane and Joseph S. Nye (eds.), Transnational Relations and World Politics, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1972.
103 Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
104 Paul K. Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, Albany:State University of New York Press, 1996.
105例如Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner,1996; Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" Review of International Political Economy, Vol.5, No.3,1998, pp.585-615; Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.107-141.
106相关论述参见:David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow, "A Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century", in David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,1998, p.20. Antonio Donini, "The Bureaucracy and the Free Spirits:Stagnation and Innovation in the Relationship between the UN and NGOs", in Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner,1996, pp.88-92.
107例如Barbara Adams, "The People's Organisations and the UN-NGOs in International Civil Society", in Erskine Childers, Challenges to the United Nations:Building a Safer World, London:Catholic Institute for International Relations,1995, pp.178,184-185; Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995, pp.32-37,254-260; Elizabeth Riddell-Dixon, "Social Movements and the United Nations", International Social Science Journal, Vol.47, No.2,1995, p.291.
108 Peter Willetts, (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-Oriented Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.21-24.
109 Thomas Princen, "NGOs:Creating a Niche in Environmental Diplomacy", in Thomas Princen and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics:Linking the Global and the Local, London:Routledge,1994, p.34.
110 Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations:The System in Crisis, London:Hurst & Company,1990, pp.268-269.
111 Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.134-135.
112 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.256.
113 Richard Falk, Predatory Globalization, Cambridge:Polity Press,1999, pp.2-3.
114例如Valentine M. Moghadam, "Transnational Feminist Networks:Collective Action in an Era of Globalization", International Sociology, Vol.15, No.1,2000, p.57.
115 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", pp. 333-335.
116例如,高尔松《国际社会运动小史》,上海：光华书店,1927年。张云伏：《国际社会运动史》,上海：新建设书店,1929年。高希圣：《国际运动发达史》,上海：光华书局,1930年,等等。
117例如,中国人民大学马克思列宁主义教研室编：《一九○五—一九一四年国际工人运动》,北京：中国人民大学,1958年。国际共产主义运动史编写组：《国际共产主义运动史：从马克思主义诞生至十月社会主义革命胜利》,北京：人民出版社,1978年。梁守德等：《民族解放运动史：1775～1945》,北京大学出版社,1985年,等等。
118奚广庆、王谨主编：《西方新社会运动初探》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,1993年,第6和第2页。
119秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社,2004年。
120相关著作例如,庞中英：《全球化、反全球化与中国：理解全球化的复杂性与多样性》,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年。刘曙光：《全球化与反全球化》,长沙：湖南人民出版社,2003年。刘金源、李义中、黄光耀：《全球化进程中的反全球化运动》,重庆出版社,2006年。相关文章例如,吴易风：《反全球化运动考察与分析》,《当代思潮》2003年第3期。刘金源：《反全球化运动及其对全球化的制衡作用》,《国际政治研究》2005年第3期。李丹：《反全球化运动研究》,中国人民大学博士论文,2005年。
121刘颖：《新社会运动理论视角下的反全球化运动》,山东大学博士论文,2006年3月。
122胡键：《全球社会运动的兴起及其对全球治理的影响》,《国际论坛》2006年第1期。
123杜玉华：《全球秩序的新挑战：全球社会运动及其治理》,《社会科学》2009年第5期。
124刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议程的有效性分析》,《现代国际关系》2003年第10期。
125仅举数例,叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,《国外社会科学》1999年第6期。胡传荣：《国际进步妇女运动与冷战初期的国际关系——40年代中期至60年代的国际民主妇女联合会和世界保卫和平运动》,《国际观察》2000年第4期。汪铮：《和平运动：历史与现实》,《欧洲》1996年第1期。沈善荣：《论冷战时代世界和平运动的影响》,《东南亚纵横》2003年第5期。熊伟民：《和平之声：20世纪反战反核运动》,南京出版社,2006年。刘伯红、杜洁：《国际妇女运动和妇女组织》,北京：中国妇女出版社,2008年。
126例如,苏长和：《非国家行为体与当代国际关系》,《欧洲》1998年第1期；时殷弘：《全球性交往、互相依赖和非国家行为体》,《欧洲》2001年第5期；刘鸣：《经济全球化条件下国家与非国家行为体的关系》,《世界经济与政治》2002年第11期。
127徐任：《跨国政治初探》,《政治学研究》1986年第4期。苏长和：《跨国关系与国内政治——比较政治与国际政治经济学视野下的国际关系研究》,《美国研究》2003年第4期。
128例如,范丽珠：《全球化下的社会变迁与非政府组织》,上海人民出版社,2003年。王杰、张海滨、张志洲：《全球治理中的国际非政府组织》,北京大学出版社,2004年。刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》,天津人民出版社,2005年。徐莹：《当代国际政治中的非政府组织》,北京：当代世界出版社,2006年。刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》,北京：中国社会科学院出版社,2008年。沈中元：《全球化下非政府组织之研究》,复旦大学博士论文,2003年4月。甘锋：《全球治理视野中国际环境非政府组织的作用研究》,上海交通大学博士论文,2007年11月。
129刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》；刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》,第3章。
130徐莹：《当代国际政治中的非政府组织》,尤其是第16-18页。国际政治机会结构(international political opportunity structure),又译为国际政治机遇结构,是由政治机会结构(political opportunity structure)发展而来的概念。国家所提供的外部环境会对可能影响其政治进程的社会运动所发生的机会起到促进或限制作用,意即主权国家可以为社会运动的发生和发展提供某种政治背景。这种所谓的外部环境或政治背景被称为政治机会结构。而在国际层面,主权国家同样可以为国际非政府组织这类跨国社会运动行为体赖以发挥作用的国际政治机会的出现创造必要的环境结构条件。
131这是因为,与主要聚焦于国家之间关系的传统国际关系理论不同的是,全球治理强调主权国家并非垄断全球政治进程,而是与广泛的其他行为体互动。换言之,全球治理是主权国家与国际非政府组织、跨国社会运动、政府间组织和跨国公司等非国家行为体之间进行谈判或相互作用的过程,而且这种互动过程不仅是动态的、还是多层次的,即各种不同行为者之间的互动是在地方的、国家的和区域的乃至全球的层面上交互地展开。这就是说从基本理念上来说,全球治理就否认了国内政治与国际政治之间的界限以及“国家中心”视角和“社会中心”视角之间的对立,因而可以在国际关系理论与社会运动理论之间架起了沟通的桥梁。
132 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.255.
133郭树永：《国际政治社会学初探》,《世界经济与政治》2001年第11期,第10页。
134[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第15页。
135王逸舟教授提出未来的中国外交要“学会面对国际非政府组织”,不过,值得注意的是他所谈的实际上是由国际非政府组织发起或参与的跨国社会运动。因而,换言之,未来的中国外交也要“学会面对跨国社会运动”。参见王逸舟：《中国外交的思考与前瞻》,《国际经济评论》2008年第4期,第5-6页。
136 Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg, "Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politics", pp.191-193.
137[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,胡少华、王红缨译,北京：中国人民公安大学出版社,1992年,第93页。
138[美]罗伯特·基欧汉编：《新现实主义及其批判》,郭树勇译,北京大学出版社,2002年,第150页。
139[美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——寻求权力与和平的斗争》,徐听、郝望、李保平译,北京：中国人民公安大学出版社,1990年,第64和36页。
140[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,第107-108页。
141[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,第112页。
142[美]罗伯特·吉尔平：《世界政治中的战争与变革》,武军、杜建平、松宁译,北京：中国人民大学出版社,1994年,第18页。
143[美]罗伯特·吉尔平：《世界政治中的战争与变革》,第7-8页。
144[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,王义桅、唐小松译,上海人民出版社,2003年,第4-5页。
145[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,第509页。
146[美]罗伯特·基欧汉编：《新现实主义及其批判》,第146页。
147 Susan Strange, "Wake Up, Krasner! The World Has Changed", Review of International Politics Economy, Vol. 1,No.2,1994, pp.209-219.
148[美]阿诺德·沃尔弗斯：《纷争与协作：国际政治论集》,于铁军译,北京：世界知识出版社,2005年,第2-3页。
149 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:A Conclusion", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3,1971, pp.729-736.
150 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Transgovernmental Relations and International Organizations", p. 41. Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:A Conclusion", p.730.
151 Michael Suhr, "Robert O. Keohane:A Contemporary Classic", in Iver B.Neumann and Ole Waver (eds.), The Future of International Relations:Masters in the Making? London:Routledge,1997, pp.99-100.
152 Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power:Essays in International Relations Theory, Boulder:Westview Press,1989, p.8.
153门洪华：《罗伯特·O.基欧汉：诠释与发展世界政治理论的经典大师》,[美]罗伯特·基欧汉：《局部全球化世界中的自由主义、权力与治理》,门洪华译,北京大学出版社,2004年,序言第10页。
154参见[美]罗伯特·基欧汉和约瑟夫·奈：《导言》,载[美]约瑟夫·奈和约翰·唐纳胡主编：《全球化世界的治理》,王勇等译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第1-38页。
155 James N. Rosenau, "Chaos in Global Life:Structure and Process in the Two Worlds of World Politics", International Political Science Review, Vol.9, No.4,1988, pp.327-328.
156[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙：《全球新秩序中的治理》,[英]戴维·赫尔德,安东尼·麦克格鲁主编：《治理全球化：权力、权威与全球治理》,曹荣湘等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2004年,第75页。
157 Bas Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance", Paper to be presented at the 2003 ECPR Joint Sessions, Workshop 11:The Governance of Global Issues-Effectiveness, Accountability, and Constitutionalization, Edinburgh, Scotland, March 28-April 2,2003, p.8.
158 Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg, "Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politics", p.191.
160 Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian, Collective Behavior, Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice Hall,1987, p.223.转引自Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.4.
161 John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partial Theory", The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.82, No.6,1977, pp.1217-1218.
162 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", in Charles Bright and Susan Harding (eds.), Statemaking and Social Movements:Essays in History and Theory, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1984, p.306.
163 Alain Touraine, The Voice and the Eye:An Analysis of Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1981, p.77转引自Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.5.
164 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.29.
165[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,冯炳昆译,《国际社会科学杂志》(中文版)1996年第2期,第110页。
166 John Wilson, Introduction to Social Movements, New York:Basic Books,1973, p.8有学者将社会运动划分为四种类型：变革型(transformative)、改良型(reformative)、救赎型(redemptive)和另择型(alternative)。变革型社会运动：通过暴力方式或参与某种灾难性的变革,寻求改变整个社会结构,既包括左派运动,也包括原教旨主义运动。改良型社会运动：目的在于部分变革以补偿当前的不公与不平等,一般为单议题运动,如反核运动、女权运动等。救赎型运动：涉及个人的彻底改变,使个人问题从社会背景中分离出来,并成为人性改变和个性改善的问题。另择运动：并不一定要变革或改革体系,而是寻求发展切实可行的、可持续的另一种生活方式,以保护能源和稀缺资源,并更加关注精神价值层面。见该书第23-24页。
167 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.12.
168[美]曼纽尔·卡斯特：《认同的力量》(第二版),曹荣湘译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2006年,第3页。
169 Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", p.651.
170因而,本文中社会运动的概念实际上聚焦于“进步的”社会运动,而将恐怖主义和原教旨主义运动等激进运动排除在外。所谓“进步的(progressive)”是指一个比较宽泛的政治目标,即促进公正的、可持续的、和平的与文明的惯例以增进人权和社会正义。参见Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, "The Rise of Civic Transnationalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.66.
171 Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.), The Social Movements Reader:Cases and Concepts, p.4.
172[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第6页。
173 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.11.
174 Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh, Social Movements in Politics:A Comparative Study, London:Longman,1997, pp. 4-5.
175 Alan Scott, Ideology and the New Social Movements, London:Routledge,1990, p.6转引自Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", pp.651-652.
176 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.8.
177 Mario Diani, "Introduction:Social Movements, Contentious Actions, and Social Networks:'From Metaphor to Substance'?" in Mario Diani and Doug McAdam (eds.), Social Movements and Networks:Relational Approaches to Collective Action, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, p.1.
178 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.8.
179 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.13.
180 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", p.353.
181 Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction,2nd ed., Oxford, UK:Blackwell, 2006, Chapter 1.
182例如Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan,1999; Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,2002; Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002. 183 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", in Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000, p.8.
184 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.12-13.
185 Sandra Halperin and Gordon Laxer, "Effective Resistance to Corporate Globalization", in Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and Its Limits, Houndmills, et al.:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.6.
186 Alejandro Colas, International Civil Society:Social Movements in World Politics, Cambridge:Polity,2002.
187 Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, "The Rise of Civic Transnationalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.66.
188 Nicola Piper and Anders Uhlin, "New Perspectives on Transnational Activism", in Nicola Piper and Anders Uhlin (eds.), Transnational Activism in Asia:Problems of Power and Democracy, London:Routledge,2004, p.5.
189 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.11.
190 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, (eds.) Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.8.
191 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, pp.2-3.
192 Dieter Rucht, "The Transnationalization of Social Movements:Trends, Causes, Problems", in Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke: Macmillan,1999, p.207.
193 Jackie Smith, Ron Pagnucco and Charles Chatfield, "Social Movements and World Politics:A Theoretical Framework", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, pp.59-60.
194[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第2页。
195[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第9页。
196[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第52页。
197[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第46页。
198 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", in Pierre Hamel, Henri Lustiger-Thaler, Jan Nederveen Pieterse and Sasha Roseneil, Globalization and Social Movements, New York:Palgrave,2001, p.25.
199一般认为,跨国妇女运动可以划分为三个明显的阶段：第一阶段从19世纪晚期至20世纪早期；第二阶段涵盖整个20世纪中期；第三阶段自20世纪末至今。第一阶段主要包括改变社会习俗的社会改革运动以及争取投票权和避孕合法化的运动；第二阶段包括反殖运动中的妇女运动和新社会运动中的女权主义运动；第三阶段国际妇女运动成为一支强大的政治力量,并且日益成为广义而言的全球正义运动之一部分。参见：Peggy Antrobus and Gita Sen, "The Personal Is Global:The Project and Politics of the Transnational Women's Movement", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, pp.142-143也有将这三个阶段分别称为第一、第二、第三代女权主义。
200[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第59页。
201[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,文军等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2001年,第147页。
201[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第66页。
203 Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown, "Introduction:Why Transnational Civil Society Matters", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.11.
204 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.85.
205 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, London:Routledge, 2007, p.41.
206 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", p.87.
207 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, p.44.
208 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", p.88.
209第一次世界大战爆发后,第二国际瓦解,国际社会主义运动发生分裂,各党左派于1919年在莫斯科成立了共产国际即第三国际。同年,社会民主党的右派成立伯尔尼国际；1921年接近右派的“中派”也另组了维也纳国际,亦称“第二个半国际”。1923年5月21日,伯尔尼和维也纳国际合并,在德国汉堡成立了社会主义工人国际(Labor and Socialist International),它是1951年成立的社会党国际(Socialist International)的前身。参见周琪：《社会民主主义和欧洲共产主义理论的比较分析》,《政治学研究》1985年第4期,第74页。
210赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第297页。
211[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第440页。
212二战以后发达国家的和平运动经历了三个高潮：第一次是在20世纪四、五十年代,以欧洲为中心,主题是反战(特别是朝鲜战争),捍卫世界和平；第二次高潮发生于60年代后期,以美国为重心,主题是反对美侵越战争；第三次发生于80年代,西欧和美国均是重心,主题是反对以美苏军备竞争为主要内容的反核和平运动。参见秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,第52-53页。
213 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.17.
214后工业社会,指的是社会的服务业(包括知识、媒体和信息等产业)已成为最重要的财富和就业的源泉,与此相伴的是制造业比重相对下降、体力劳动工人减少、大学教育的普及和中产阶级的兴起。
215何平立：《认同感政治：西方新社会运动述评》,《探索与争鸣》2007年第9期,第66页。
216反叛西方主流文化的“嬉皮士”运动,是西方青年试图以各种反叛行为发泄对现实社会不满以及对抗传统价值观的一场文化抗议运动。
217周穗明：《西方新社会运动与新马克思主义》,《广东行政学院学报》2006年第3期,第89页。
218赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第291页。
219 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.28.
220[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第444页。
221赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第290-291页。
222[英]S.豪尔和M.杰奎斯：《从1988年看1968年：历史性的年代》,《国外社会科学》1988年11期,第34页。
223[美]马丁·休伊森、蒂莫西·辛克莱：《全球治理理论的兴起》,张胜军编译,《马克思主义与现实》2002年第1期,第45页。
224[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第468和148页。
225秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,第45页。
226叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,第38页。
227 John McCormick, The Global Environmental Movement:Reclaiming Paradise, London:Belhaven Pr.,1989转引自叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,第37-41页。
227 1972年6月在瑞典斯德哥尔摩召开的联合国人类环境会议,是人类历史上的第一次国际环境保护大会,世界上133个国家的1300多名代表出席了这次会议。这次会议在很大程度是20世纪60年代非政府组织和西方环境运动推动以及世界人民环境意识觉醒的结果。大会通过了《联合国人类环境会议宣言》和《行动宣言》,宣告了人类对环境的传统观念的终结,达成了“只有一个地球”、人类与环境是不可分割的“共同体”的共识。会议做出决议,在联合国框架下成立一个负责全球环境事务的组织,统一协调和规划有关环境方面的全球事务,联合国环境署(UNEP)由此诞生成立。
229 Michele M. Betsill and Elisabeth Corell, "Introduction to NGO Diplomacy", in Michele M. Betsill and Elisabeth Corell (eds.), NGO Diplomacy:The Influence of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Environmental Negotiations, Cambridge, Massachusetts:The MIT Press,2008, p.1.
230 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", Review of International Studies, Vol.22, No.1,1996,p.57.
231 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, Malden, Mass.:Polity Press,1997, p.118.
232 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", p.26.
233 1999年11月,美国西雅图世贸组织会议期间的大规模抗议活动,又称为“西雅图之战" (The Battle of Seattle)。西雅图事件是一个转折点,标志着新一轮的跨国社会运动的兴起,或者说是“反全球化运动”(anti-globalization movement)兴起的标志。
234 W. Lance Bennett, "Communicating Global Activism:Strengths and Vulnerabilities of Networked Politics", in Wim Van de Donk, Brian D. Loader, Paul G Nixon and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Cyberprotest:New Media, Citizens and Social Movements, London:Routledge,2004, p.143.
235 Thomas J. Sullivan, Introduction to Social Problems, Boston:Allyn and Bacon,2003, p.62.
236 Walden Bello, "The Global South", in Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements:Is Another World Really Possible? London & New York:Verso,2004, p.69.
237除了“全球正义运动" (global justice movement)之外,也有称之为“另一种全球化运动" (alternative globalization movement)或者是“改变全球化运动" (alter-globalization movement)。
238玛丽·卡尔多(Mary Kaldor)等人指出,“反全球化运动”是一开始媒体对该跨国社会运动略带贬义的称谓,有学者称之为“反资本主义运动”,目前越来越多的学者开始用“全球正义运动”来做表述。参见：Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius, "Global Civil Society in an Era of Regressive Globalisation", in Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, p.24.
239 Jackie Smith, "Behind the Anti-Globalization Label", Dissent, Vol.48, No.4, Fall 2001, pp.14-18.
240 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.16.
241 Sian Sullivan,'"We are heartbroken and furious!'Violence and the (anti-)globalization movement(s)", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London:Routledge,2005, p.192 note 1.
242 Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave, "New Media, New Movements? The Role of the Internet in Shaping the 'Anti-globalization' Movement", in Wim Van de Donk, Brian D. Loader, Paul G. Nixon and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Cyberprotest:New Media, Citizens and Social Movements, London:Routledge,2004, p.97.
243 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, New York:Zed Books,2004, p.110.
244 Frank J. Lechner and John Boli, The Globalization Reader, Malden, Mass.; Oxford:Blackwell Publishing LTD, 2004, p.407.
245 Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca, "Introduction", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-Globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London:Routledge,2005, p.2.
246 Leslie Sklair, Globalization:Capitalism and Its Alternatives,3rd edition, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2002, pp.277-293.
247 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, p.57
248 Antonio Carmona Baez, "Scholar-Activism and the Global Movement for Socioeconomic Justice", in Steve John and Stuart Thomson, New Activism and the Corporate Response, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.243.
249 John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots:The Politics of Global Adjustment, Oxford, UK; Cambridge, Mass.:Blackwell,1994.
250 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, pp.113-114.
251 Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave, "New Media, New Movements? The Role of the Internet in Shaping the 'Anti-globalization' Movement", p.122 note (2).
252 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, p.114.
253阿塔克组织(Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions for the Aid of Citizens, ATTAC),是一个提倡课征外汇交易税(又称托宾税,即对现货外汇交易课征全球统一的交易税,它是由美国经济学家、1981年诺贝尔经济学奖得主托宾1972年在普林斯顿大学演讲中首次提出的)的社会运动团体。ATTAC与英文与法文中的“进攻”谐音,它于1998年成立于法国,目前已在40国成立1000多个地方组织。它起初仅经营托宾税议题,现在则关注与全球化相关的各种议题,并监察世界贸易组织、经济合作与发展组织与国际货币基金的决策。阿塔克组织不认为自身是所谓反全球化团体,它只批判笼罩经济全球化的新自由主义意识形态,而支持公正并可持续发展的全球化。阿塔克组织反对社会商品化,它的口号是“世界不是拿来卖的”(The World is not for sale)。部分阿塔克组织成员也是世界社会论坛与欧洲社会论坛的发起人。参见阿塔克组织主页:
254 Public Citizen:
255这些非政府组织包括美国劳联-产联(AFL-CIO)、大赦国际(Amnesty International)、澳大利亚自然保护基金会(Australian Conservation Foundation)、地球之友(Friends of the Earth)、乐施会(Oxfam)、公民组织(Public Citizen)、塞拉俱乐部(Sierra Club)、第三世界网络(Third World Network)、美国钢铁工人联合会(United Steelworkers of America)、美国西部州长协会(Western Governors' Association)和英国世界发展运动组织(World Development Movement)等。
256 Stephen J. Kobrin, "The MAI and the Clash of Globalizations", Foreign Policy, No.112, Fall 1998, pp.97-98.
257 James Heartfield, "Contextualising the 'Anti-Capitalism' Movement in Global Civil Society", in Gideon Baker and David Chandler (eds.), Global Civil Society:Contested Futures, London:Routledge,2005, p.88.
258[英]阿列克斯·卡利尼科斯：《反资本主义宣言》,上海：上海译文出版社,2005年,引言第4页。
259 Jacklyn Cock, "The World Social Forum and New Forms of Social Activism", in Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield CT:Kumarian Press,2004, p.176.
260 2001年颁布的《世界社会论坛原则宪章》是世界社会论坛的活动指南,确定了世界社会论坛的性质和目 的。纲领第一条就明确指出：世界社会论坛是一个开放式的讨论空间,其目的在于拓深对民主思想的思考与探讨,形成建议；加强各种经验的自由交流,并联合成为有效的行动、决策和各种公民社会的运动。这一运动反对新自由主义,反对当今由资本所控制的主流世界及各种形式的扩张主义,以便建立起有益于人类的世界社会。William F. Fisher and Thomas Ponniah (eds.), Another World is Possible:Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum, London:Zed Books,2003, pp.354-357.
261 Robert O'Brien, "Global Civil Society and Global Governance", in Matthew J. Hoffmann and Alice D. Ba (eds.), Contending Perspectives on Global Governance:Coherence, Contestation and World Order, London: Routledge,2005, p.215.
262杀伤人员地雷(anti-personnel landmines)是指有人出现、接近或接触时,便起爆并引起一人或多人失能、伤残或死亡的地雷。当有车辆出现、接近或接触时便起爆的地雷,不属于杀伤人员地雷。参见《国际禁雷公约》(即《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种地雷的公约》)第2条第1款。
263 William R. Pace and Mark Thieroff, "Participation of Non-Governmental Organizations", in Roy S.Lee (ed.), The International Criminal Court:The Making of the Rome Statute--Issues, Negotiations, Results, The Hague: Kluwer Law International,1999, pp.391-392.另外参见国际刑事法庭联盟(Coalition for the International Criminal Court, CICC)网站:
264马利斯·格莱修斯(Marlies Glasius)指出,这是由于两点原因：首先,国际刑事法庭是不断地向“更少地以国家主权为基础和更多地以保护世界上所有公民免遭权力滥用的侵害为导向的”国际法律秩序转变的重要一步。其次,全球公民社会对罗马规约谈判的影响在国际条约谈判的历史上几乎是史无前例的,可与之相媲美的是全球公民社会对国际禁雷公约的贡献。Marlies Glasius, "Expertise in the Cause of Justice: Global Civil Society Influence on the Statute for an International Criminal Court", in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2002, p.137.
265 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.54.
266 1990年经济学家约翰·威廉姆森(John Williamson)杜撰了“华盛顿共识" (Washington Consensus)—词来指世界范围内的执政者们在至少10个政策领域采取的新自由主义式的安排,包括：财政制度、公共支出优先权、税务改革、金融自由化、竞争性汇率、贸易自由化、外商直接投资、私有化、放松管制、知识产权等。Robin Broad and John Cavanagh, "The Death of the Washington Consensus", World Policy Journal, Vol. 16, No.3,1999, p.87. (pp.79-88)
267 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.7.
268 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.8-9.
269 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", in Martin Shaw (ed.), Politics and Globalisation:Knowledge, Ethics and Agency, London:Routledge,1999, p.73.
270 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.7.
271 Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society:An Answer to War, Cambridge, UK:Polity Press,2003, p.7
272[美]塞缪尔·亨廷顿：《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》,刘军宁译,上海三联书店,1998年,序《第三波：二十年之后看未来》,第3页。
273查尔斯·蒂利指出,“在民主化程度较低的情况下以及在大多数历史时期,根本没有社会运动的形成可言。”“惟有具有广泛的民主制度和民主实践的政权,才会发生社会运动的可利用性和国际化。”参见[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第173-174页。
274 Steffan Lindberg and Arni Sverrisson, "Introduction", in Steffan Lindberg and Arni Sverrisson (eds.), Social Movements in Development:The Challenge of Globalization and Democratization, New York:St. Martin's Press, 1997, pp.5-11.
275[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第450-451页。
276 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance", pp.55-56.
277 Naomi Klein, "Reclaiming the Commons", in Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements, London & New York:Verso,2004, p.225.
278 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance," p.54.
279 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", p.26.
280[美]曼纽尔·卡斯特：《网络社会的崛起》,夏铸九、王志弘译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2001年。
281 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", in Eleonore Kofman and Gillian Youngs (eds.), Globalization:Theory and Practice,2nd edition, London & New York:Continuum,2003, p.83.
282 Jessica T. Mathews, "Power shift", pp.51-52.
283叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》,《国际观察》2008年第4期,第17页。
284 David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,1998.
285赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第37页。
286 Zsuzsa Hegedus, "Social Movements and Social Change in Self-Creative Society:New Civil Initiatives in the International Arena", International Sociology, Vol.4, No.1,1989, pp.19-36.
287 John Clark, "Conclusions:Globalizing Civic Engagement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, p.164.
288[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第159页。
289详见第三章第三节的有关论述。
290当然,这里仅仅是就当代跨国社会运动与19世纪的跨国社会运动的整体特征比较而言。例如,有学者指出,“环境运动十分多样化和复杂化。它们的组织形式既有高度组织化和制度化的,也有非常激进和非正式的,它们的活动范围从地方几乎到全球。它们关注的领域从单一议题到全球环境关切的全球问题。”(参见[英]克里斯托弗·卢茨主编：《西方环境运动：地方、国家和全球向度》,徐凯译,济南：山东大学出版 社,2005年,第2页。)可以看出,卢茨实际上谈的是环境运动组织的特征,而不是针对整个环境运动而言,因此,这与松散化和网络化是跨国社会运动主要特征的判断并不矛盾。
291 W. Lance Bennett, "Social Movements beyond Borders:Understanding Two Eras of Transnational Activism", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005,p.213.
292 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.12.
293 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.13-14.
294参见叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》的相关论述,《国际观察》2008年第4期,第16-24页。
295 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press, 1997, pp.12-13.
296 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", p.84.
297 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" in Ingo K. Richter, Sabine Berking and Ralf Muller-Schmid (eds.), Building a Transnational Civil Society:Global Issues and Global Actors, Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan,2006, pp.116-117.
298 Martin Hewson and Timothy Sinclair, "Emergence of Global Governance Theory", in Martin Hewson and Timothy Sinclair (eds.), Approaches to Global Governance Theory, Albany, NY:State University of New York Press,1999, pp.3-23.
299叶江：《全球治理与中国的大国战略转型》,北京：时事出版社,2010年,第1页。
300例如:Rodney Bruce Hall and Thomas J. Biersteker (eds.), The Emergence of Private Authority in Global Governance, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2002. Margaret P. Karns and Karen A. Mingst, International Organizations:The Politics and Processes of Global Governance,2nd ed., Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2010. Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner,1996国内的研究例如：王杰、张海滨、张志洲：《全球治理中的国际非政府组织》；刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》等。
301参见James Rosenau, "Governance in the Twenty-First Century", Global Governance, Vol.1, No.1,1995, p.24.詹姆斯·罗西瑙指出,社会运动的组织性虽然不是很强,但其重要性并不亚于非政府组织。“近几十年来的社会运动一直是全球治理的发展源泉。实际上,社会运动可能恰恰是有潜力成长为制度化治理机制的初级控制机制之精华所在。”“社会运动时常围绕着一些突出问题,如女权主义者、环保主义者、和平主义 者所关心的焦点,这就使得它能够满足那些国家政府、有组织的国内团体或私人企业所不能实现的跨国需求。”而且,它们起着“收拾由政府和商业跨国活动所留下的残局”的作用。
302 Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance", PS:Political Science & Politics, Vol.32, No.4,1999, p.696.
303 Robert Gilpin, "A Realist Perspective on International Governance", in David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds.), Governing Globalization:Power, Authority and Global Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,2002, p.238
304 Robert Gilpin, "A Realist Perspective on International Governance", p.237.
305 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", pp.76-77.
306 David Held, Democracy and the Global Order:From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,1995. Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford Universitv Press,1995.
307 Oran R. Young, "Global Governance:Toward a Theory of Decentralized World Order", in Oran R. Young (ed.), Global Governance:Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1997, p. 274.
308 Bice Maiguashca, "Governance and Resistance in World Politics", Review of International Studies, Vol.29, No. S1,2003, p.5.
309 Richard Falk, Predatory Globalization, pp.2-3
310 Ian Clark, "Legitimacy in a Global Order", Review of International Studies, Vol.29, No. S1,2003, pp.76-77.
311[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙：《全球新秩序中的治理》,第75页。
312 Rosaleen Duffy and Feargal Cochrane, "Conclusion:Global Governance, Conflict and Resistance", in Feargal Cochrane, Rosaleen Duffy and Jan Selby (eds.), Global Governance, Conflict and Resistance, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.217.
313 Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler, "Introduction:Globalisation and Non-State Actors", p.1.
314 Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", pp.260-275.
315 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.15-16.
316 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.11.
317[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《后记：社会运动研究者的议程》,[美]杰克·戈德斯通主编：《国家、政党与社会运动》,章延杰译,上海人民出版社,2009年,第220页。
318[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第70页。
319 Donatella della Porta, Globalization from Below:Transnational Activists and Protest Networks, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,2006, p.20.
320 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.13-14.
321 Charles Tillv, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.305.
Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.14-15.
323 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Atrangements for NGOs". n.62.
324 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.306.
Dieter Rucht. "The Transnationalization of Social Movements:Trends. Causes. Problems",p.207.
326有些学者用公民社会组织(civil society organizations, CSOs)来囊括在国内和跨国层面运作的各种非政府组织、社会运动组织和倡议网络等。
327 Jackie Smith, Ron Pagnucco and Charles Chatfield, "Social Movements and World Politics:A Theoretical Framework", pp.60-61.
328 Jackie Smith, "Transnational Political Processes and the Human Rights Movement", Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, Vol.18,1995, pp.211-212.
329虽然非政府组织(nongovernmental organizations, NGOs)概念的产生时间不长,但非政府组织却并非是一个新现象,其历史起点至少可以追溯到19世纪中期。非政府组织有着各种不同的称谓或相关的术语,比如,“非营利组织”、“民间组织”、“公民社会组织”、“志愿者组织”、“第三部门”、“公共组织”、“慈善组织”等等。现代行政学从营利与非营利的角度将社会组织或部门分为公共部门(又称政府部门)和私营部门(又称营利性企业)两大类。而当代组织社会学认为,由于现代社会分工的异常复杂,在公共部门与私营部门之间还存着不以赢利为目的和旨在为社会公益服务事业提供准公共产品的第三部门即非政府组织。
330 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.59.
331赵黎青：《联合国对非政府组织的界定》,《学会》2009年第3期,第3-4页。此外,美国学者莱斯特·M.萨拉蒙认为认为非政府组织(他称之为非营利部门),主要有以下几个方面共同的特征：①组织性,即这些机构都有一定的制度和结构；②私有性,即这些机构都在制度上与国家相分离；③非营利属性,即这些机构都不向他们的经营者或“所有者”提供利润；④自治性,即这些机构都基本上是独立处理各自的事务；⑤自愿性,即这些机构的成员不是法律要求而组成的,这些机构接受一定程度的时间和资金的自愿捐助。([美]莱斯特·M.萨拉蒙等著：《全球公民社会——非营利部门视界》,贾西津、魏玉等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2002年,第3-4页。)我国学者刘贞晔指出,一般认为,非政府组织通常具有以下特征：①应是非政府的社会组织,即应是自主管理、不受政府控制的组织；②应是合法的社会组织,犯罪集团和恐怖组织等都不是非政府组织；③应是非政党性质、不谋求政治权力的社会组织；④应是非营利的社会组织；⑤组织的活动目标是社会公益性的；⑥具有一定的志愿性质。(刘贞晔：《国际政治领域的非政府组织： 种互动关系的分析》,第56页。)
332[美]入江昭：《全球共同体：国际组织在当代世界形成中的角色》,第1页。
333转引自叶江、甘锋：《试论国际非政府组织对当代国际格局演变的影响》,《国际观察》2007年第3期,第58页。
334 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and global Transformation", p.12.
335 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, p.30.
336 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Transformation", p.12.
337 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.40.
338注：大体上来说,社会运动组织(SMOs)是非政府组织(NGOs)中的一部分,其中跨国运作的社会运动组织即跨国社会运动组织(TSMOs),也就是社会运动组织与国际非政府组织(INGOs)相互重叠的部分。来源:Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", p.13, Figure 1.
339 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" pp.116-117
340[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第46页。
341 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" p.121.
342 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.12.
343 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", pp.12-13.
344 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.61.
345 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.6.
346 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.62.
317叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》,第17页。
348 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", pp.6-7.
349[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第447页。
350[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第436页。
351刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议题的有效性分析》,《现代国际关系》2003年第10期,第19页。
352 Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" p.607.
353 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.62.
354 Steve Charnovitz, "Two Centuries of Participation:NGOs and International Governance", Michigan Journal of International Law, Vol.18, No.2,1997, pp.183-286.
Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, "Introducing Global Civil Society", in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global civil society 2001, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2001, p.4.
356[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第448页。
357[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第456页。
358 Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005, p.29.
359 Kathryn Sikkink, "Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance and the Insider-Outsider Coalition", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.158.
360政府间国际组织的概念是两个或两个以上主权国家政府为实现共同的政治经济目的,依据其缔结的条约或其他正式法律文件建立的常设性机构。这里的政府间国际组织,如果没有特别说明,主要是指联合国这一主要的全球性政治机构以及世界银行、世界货币基金组织和世界贸易组织这三个全球性经济机构。
361 Wendy E.F. Torrance and Andrew W. Torrance, "Spinning the Green Web:Transnational Environmentalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press,2006, p.102.
362 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.6.
363 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,2008, p. 124, Table 6.5-"Changes in TSMO Network Ties,1973-2003".
364 Jan Aart Scholte, "The IMF and Civil Society:An Interim Progress Report", in Michael Edwards and Johr Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.89.
365 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.178-179.
366 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.1-2.
367 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.21.
368 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.2-3.
369 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.18.
370 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.28.
371 Jackie Smith, "Social movements and multilateralism", in Edward Newman, Ramesh Thakur and John Tirman (eds.), Multilateralism under Challenge? Power, International Order, and Structural Change, New York:United Nations University Press,2006, pp.395-421.
372 Tony Hill, "Three Generations of UN-Civil Society Relations:A Quick Sketch", Civil Society Observer,2004, 2011-3-30
373 Tony Hill, "Three Generations of UN-Civil Society Relations:A Quick Sketch".这里提到的“第二轨道"(TrackTwo)主要指非官方的或民间的国际交往活动,是相对于正式的官方关系(“第一轨道”)而言的。
374当然,这二者本身也是在跨国公民社会运动和团体影响下产生的。
375 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.51.
376 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", pp. 5-6.
377 James N. Rosenau, "Powerful Tendencies, Enduring Tensions and Glaring Contradictions:The United Nations in a Turbulent World", in Albert J.Paolini, Anthony P. Jarvis and Christian Reus-Smit (eds.), Between Sovereignty and Global Governance:The United Nations, the State, and Civil Society, Houndmills:MacMillan Press,1998, p. 270.(pp.252-273)
378这是与政府和国际组织比较而言,相对来说社会运动的特点是等级制和集权较少,而内部的民主较多。
379[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第110页。
380[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第113-114页。
381 John D. Clark, "Dot-Causes and Protest:Transnational Economic Justice Movements", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.136.
382罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪认为可以从五个方面来定义跨国公司：在两个以上的国家进行经济活动；能使国家间的比较利益最大化,并从资源禀赋、工资率市场条件以及政治和经济的差异中获取利益；具有地理上的灵活性,即在全球不同地区转移资源和改变运作方式；在跨国公司的各分支机构中,在金融、组织和管理方面比在一个国家具有更大的流动性；有全球意义上的经济和社会影响。参见[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第175-176页。
383同上,第178页。
384参见Leslie Sklair, "Social Movements for Global Capitalism:The Transnational Capitalist Class in Action", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.4, No.3,1997, pp.514-538. Leslie Sklair, The Transnational Capitalist Class, Oxford:Blackwell Publishers Ltd,2001.
385 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.69.
386 Cooler Heads Coalition:
387 The Heartland Institute:
388非政府组织合法性问题的提出并不是偶然的,因为它正是在非政府组织开始在国际舞台上取得真正影响力之时。从这个意义上来说,它们成了自身成功的牺牲品。然而,实际上,非政府组织比企业(甚至比很多政府)更加负责。而且,尽管跨国公民社会远非民主可言,然而公民社会团体在世界舞台上作用的日益增强,为国家体系加入了一个重要的监督和制衡层面。参见Michael Edwards, "Introduction", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.7.
389 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.84-85.
390 Barry K. Gills, "Introduction:Globalization and the Politics of Resistance", p.3.
391[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第500-501页。
392[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第117页Shannon Shipp, "Modified Vendettas as a Method of Punishing Corporations", Journal of Business Ethics, Vol.6, No.8,1987, pp.603-612.
393这十项基本原则是：(1)企业应尊重并尊重国际公认的人权；(2)保证不与践踏人权者同流合污；(3)企业界应支持结社自由及切实承认集体谈判权；(4)消除一切形式的强迫和强制劳动；(5)切实废除童工；(6)消除就业和职业方面的歧视；(7)企业界应支持采用预防性方法应对环境挑战；(8)采取主动行动促进想环境方面更负责任的做法；(9)鼓励开发和推广环境友好型技术。(10)企业界应努力反对一切形式的腐败,包括敲诈和贿赂。2011-3-26
394 Brayden G King and Nicholas A. Pearce, "The Contentiousness of Markets:Politics, Social Movements, and Institutional Change in Markets", Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.36, No.1,2010, p.251.
395一些“全球主义者" (globalist)甚至认为全球化会不可避免地走向一个没有边界的世界和经济的“公平 的竞争场所”,在其中真正全球化的跨国公司会成为主要的行为体。除了提供商业所需的基础设施和公共物品之外,国家几乎没有或很少有什么作用(Kenichi Ohmae, The Borderless World:Power and Strategy in the Interlinked Economy, London:Collins,1990. Kenichi Ohmae, The End of the Nation State:The Rise of Regional Economies, London:Harper Collins,1995.)。当然,我们不能否认国家依然是国际经济和政治中的主要行为体,但同样不能忽视的是,在全球化的背景下,虽然国家的作用可能并未减少,但显然发生了改变。国家在一些领域得以加强,而在另一些领域则明显失去权力。
396[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第496页。
397 2002年圣诞前夕,雀巢公司因向陷入严重饥荒的埃塞俄比亚逼债而又一次成为跨国社会运动的目标。由于一家子公司1975年被埃塞俄比亚收归国有,27年后雀巢公司要求该国赔偿600万美元,而此时这个国家正面临着20年来最严重的饥荒。雀巢公司的“圣诞逼债”行为不仅是有问题的,而且也是没必要的,因为这些钱不过是雀巢公司一个小时的营业额,然而这笔钱却可以供一百万埃塞俄比亚人生活一个月时间。乐施会(Oxfam)和其他一些国际非政府组织要求雀巢公司放弃索赔要求,并发起大规模的电子动员对其施压。在乐施会的倡议下活动分子在3天内向雀巢公司发了15,000封信件,在随后的几周内,总数达到4万余封。与此同时,全世界的媒体迅速报道此事,有些还将之作为头版头条。编辑来信和媒体聊天网站上的评论源源不断。在大量的网络日志上,人们开始积极地呼吁抵制雀巢公司的产品。雀巢公司仓促作出反应。一开始表示要将埃塞俄比亚的赔款用于在当地投资,之后又改变立场提出将这笔款项捐赠给人道组织用于赈济饥荒。然而,乐施会对此并不满意继续其运动。2003年1月24日,雀巢公司和埃塞俄比亚政府达成协议,赔款减至150万美元,并将该笔款项用以救援当地饥荒。参见Duane Raymond, "Activism:Behind the Banners", in Steve John and Stuart Thomson (eds.), New Activism and the Corporate Response, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, pp.207-208.
398 Gay W. Seidman, "Monitoring Multinationals:Corporate Codes of Conduct", in Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions across Borders:Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.164.
399 Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown, "Shaping the Global Human Project:The Nature and Impact of Transnational Civil Activism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.210.
400 Wendy E.F. Torrance and Andrew W. Torrance, "Spinning the Green Web:Transnational Environmentalism", p. 117.
401正如有学者所指出的,经济正常情况下是嵌入在社会关系中的,然而在现代市场社会中,无论是19世纪的“自由放任”还是20世纪的“华盛顿共识”,使得经济和经济关系不再嵌入在社会、共同体、文化或宗教的管制形式之中,而且一些市场原教旨主义者甚至要将社会嵌入在经济之中,而我们现在需要的是使经济重新嵌入在社会之中。因为,一个真正自由的自我管制的市场体系只是一个神话而绝不可能在现实中存在。市场是经济的一部分,而经济则是社会的一部分。参见Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation: The New Great Counter-Movement, p.18.
402 John Markoff, Waves of Democracy:Social Movements and Political Change, Thousand Oaks, Calif.:Pine Forge Press,1996, p.45.
403 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.314.
404赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第111-113页。
405 John Topey, The Invention of the Passport:Surveillance, Citizenship and the State, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000, pp.93-117.
406 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.2.
407 Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
408社会运动的跨国化进程有三个主要方式：“传播(diffusion)”即运动的思想、实践和框架(frame)由—国向另一国的扩散；“内部化(domestication)”即国内领土上上演的冲突有着外部的根源；和“外部化(externalization)”即挑战超国家机构以干预国内问题或冲突。参见Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.2.
409 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.1.
410 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.9.
411赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第295页。
412 Ghanshyam Shah, "Introduction", in Ghanshyam Shah (eds.), Social Movements and the State, Thousand Oaks, CA:Sage Publications,2002, p.23.
413[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第440页。
414胡位钧：《从民族国家到社会运动》,[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,译序第8页。
415 Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, Frankfurt; New York: Campus Verlag,2007, p.92.
416 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", pp.25-28.
417“政治机会结构”(Political Opportunity Structure)是西方社会学学者在研究“社会运动”时所引入的一个重要概念,它指的是主权国家为可能影响其社会政治进程的社会运动所提供的外部环境或者政治背景。
418[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第15页。
419 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Structures of Governance and Transnational Relations:What have we Learned?" in Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-state Actors, Domestic Structure and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995, p.289.
420 W. Lance Bennett, "Social Movements beyond Borders:Understanding Two Eras of Transnational Activism", p. 214.
421 Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, p.5.
422 M. J. Peterson, "Transnational Activity, International Society and World Politics", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3, 1992, pp.371-389.
423 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.85.
424 Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", p.140.
425 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
426 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, (eds.) Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.301.
427Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.306.
428社会运动也会以国际组织或国际条约为对象,促使其成员国或签字国遵守某些规则和规范。通过这一路径,国内社会运动不必依靠跨国中介,而是可以直接以国际机构为对象。例如,美国公民权组织不断地向联合国请愿来抗议美国的种族歧视。不过,这一路径也有一些制约因素：社会运动所追求的政策目标在国际协议中制度化程度不同,那么相应地国家对国际压力的脆弱性也不同；国家嵌入在国际治理结构中的程度不同；国际组织本身是否存在强有力的执行机制。参见Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, pp.90-91.
429 1957年,国际劳工组织通过了《土著与部落种群公约》,即国际劳工组织第107号公约(The Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention,1957 [No.107]),印度是签约国。关于围绕大坝问题的跨国社会运动详见后文的论述或者参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press,2004.
430 George Manuel and Michael Posluns, The Fourth World:An Indian Reality, Toronto:Collier-Macmillian,1974. Noel Dyck (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and the Nation-State:Fourth World Politics in Canada, Australia, and Norway, St Johns, Newfoundland:Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland,1985.转引自Paul Havemann, "Enmeshed in the Web:Indigenous Peoples'Rights in the Network Society", in Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000, p.19.
431 1989年,联合国通过《土著和部落民公约》即《国际劳工组织第169号公约》,公约规定：“独立国家中的部落民是指在社会、文化和经济条件上不同于民族共同体中的其他部分的群体,其地位全部或部分地是由他们自己的习俗或传统或依据特别的法律或法规所规定的；独立国家中的土著民是那些在被征服、殖民或建立现时的国家疆域时居住在一个国家或一地理区域内的居民的后裔,无论其法律地位如何,他们还保留着其部分或全部自己的社会、经济、文化和政治制度。" International Labour Organisation, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (C169),1989. 2010-12-2
432 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", p.86.
433 Robert O'Brien. "Global Civil Society and Global Governance",p.224.
434 Jan Aart Scholte. "The Globalization of World Politics", in John Bavlis and Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics:An Introduction to International Relations, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1997, p.26.
435 Robert O'Brien, Anne M. Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.21-22.
436 Dieter Rucht, "Social Movements Challenging Neo-liberal Globalization", in Pedro Ibarra (ed.), Social Movements and Democracy, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.223.
437 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.110.
438 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.232, p.17.
439Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.4.
440整体性研究的著作：“反全球化运动”例如Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, New York:Zed Books,2004.Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements:Is Another World Really Possible? London; New York:Verso,2004“全球正义运动”例如Donatella della Porta (ed.), The Global Justice Movement:Cross-national and Transnational Perspectives, Boulder, USA: Paradigm Publishers,2007.“自下而上的全球化运动”例如Donatella della Porta, Globalization from Below: Transnational Activists and Protest Networks, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2006.“反资本主义运动”例如[英]阿列克斯·卡利尼科斯：《反资本主义宣言》,上海译文出版社,2005年。“反体系运动”例如Giovanni Arrighi, Terence K. Hopkins & Immanuel Wallerstein, Antisystemic Movements, London; New York: Verso,1989.“反跨国公司运动”例如Amory Starr, Naming the Enemy:Anti-corporate Movements Confront Globalization, London:Zed Books,2000. Evan Osborne, The Rise of the Anti-Corporate Movement:Corporations and the People who Hate Them, Westport, CT:Praeger Publishers,2007.
441 Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y:Cornell University Press,1998. Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield,2005. Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005. Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2004. Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006.
442也有学者称之为社会运动部门(social movement industry)。正如经济部门是由提供类似产品的所有公司所组成一样,社会运动部门(SMI)则是由具有相似目标的所有社会运动组织(SMOs)所组成的。参见：Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Social Movement Industries:Competition and Cooperation among Movement Organizations", CRSO Working Paper No.201,1979, p.2.
443 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000.
444 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000.
445 Charles Chatfield, "Introduction", p. xv.
446 Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000.
447 Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", International Organization, Vol.52, No.3,1998, pp.613-644.
448 Marlies Glasius, The International Criminal Court:A Global Civil Society Achievement, London:Routledge, 2007. Michael J. Struett, The Politics of Constructing the International Criminal Court:NGOs, Discourse, and Agency, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2008.
449 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.123.
450 Jackie Smith and Joe Bandy, "Introduction:Cooperation and Conflict in Transnational Protest", in Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions across Borders:Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.5.
451根据杰姬·史密斯的上述统计,人权与和平两大议题领域的跨国社会运动组织占总数的比例一直稳定在50%左右。因此,安全领域的案例研究就显得尤为必要。
452冷战后兴起的反对新自由主义全球化运动的首次重要活动可以追溯到20世纪80年代发生的减债和反大坝等跨国社会运动。尤其是,跨国减债运动在1998年伯明翰和1999年科隆八国峰会期间发起的大规模反债务示威,从中我们已经可以隐约看到日后西雅图和热那亚更大规模对抗的影子。参见第二章第二节第三部分的有关论述。
453参见刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》和刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》。不过,二者都是从非政府组织的角度对国际禁雷运动和反战反核和平运动进行了研究。
454 Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello and Brendan Smith, "Globalization and Social Movements", in D. Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn (eds.), Globalization:The Transformation of Social Worlds, Belmont, CA:Thomson Wadsworth,2006, p.335.
454杰姬·史密斯等人统计发现,跨国社会运动组织聚焦的议题由单议题向多议题的发展趋势,从20世纪70年代早期到2000年为止,多议题跨国社会运动组织所占的比重由7%增至17%,数量则增加9倍。参见Jackie Smith and Joe Bandy, "Introduction:Cooperation and Conflict in Transnational Protest", p.6.
456 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.156.
457 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p. 136.
458 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.158.
459 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement:Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, p.89.
460 Romilly Greenhill, Ann Pettifor, Henry Northover and Ashok Sinha, "Did the G8 Drop the Debt?" May 2003, p. 6. 2011-4-30
461 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.136.
462 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", pp.172-173
463巴黎俱乐部(Paris Club),由负责处理官方双边债务的债权国政府组成,1956年因处理阿根廷债务问题而成立,是一个非正式的官方机构。巴黎俱乐部的宗旨是专门讨论与协调发展中国家与西方债权国的官方债务推迟偿还事宜；协调成员国的货币政策,以便在国际货币基金组织内采取一致行动；在国际金融领域的许多方面加强合作,以应付国际收支的不平衡和货币危机。该俱乐部的运转有五个重要的原则：以具体 问题具体分析为原则进行决策,以便适应每一个债务国的特殊情况；在出席会议的所有债权国之间寻求妥协和一致；俱乐部只同那些与国际货币基金组织签署了有关经济调整方面的协议的债务国进行谈判；在处理任何一个债务国债务时,所有成员同意采取一致的集体行动；各债权国享受的“待遇有可比较性”,这些国家应当受到平等的对待。现有美国、英国、法国、德国、意大利、日本、荷兰、加拿大、比利时、瑞典、瑞士等19个成员国。参见巴黎俱乐部官网:
464赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,《时代金融》2007年第3期,第65页。
465 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.173.
466 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.163.
467赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,第65页。
468 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.164.
469 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.135.
470 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.161福音两千运动援引圣经利未记(Book of Leviticus)中的一个圣经规范,将2000年这一千禧年定为免除债务和减少贫困的“福音”之年。引入圣经规范有助于增加运动的道义力量。运动尤其关注世界银行列入“重债”类的36个低收入国家和12个中等收入国家。福音两千的组织者强调,重债国将过多的国内预算用于偿付债务利息,而用于急需的健康教育、住房和创造就业方面的开支则所剩无几。这一联盟也抗议国际货币基金组织和世界银行为配合债务重新安排与减免而推行的结构调整方案(structural adjustment programs)对穷国所施加的沉重负担。
471 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", p.86.
472 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.135.
473 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.164.
474 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.138.
475 1997年美国丹佛峰会上,俄罗斯的加入使得七国集团转变为八国集团,但跨国减债运动主要以原七国集团的成员国政府为对象,因为它们都是重要的债权人,同时又是在国际货币基金组织和世界银行中占绝大多数份额的股东。它们能够为新的减债资金提供担保,还可以促使国际货币基金组织和世界银行改变政策从而为更多的国家实现更大幅度的债务减免。因此,行文中也大多沿用七国集团的称谓。
476 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", pp.138-139.
477 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.165.
478 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.139.
479 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.165.
480 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.139.
481 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", p.88.
482美国学者彼得·卡赞斯坦等人认为“规范是对具有给定认同所应该采取的适当行为的集体期望”,并将规范分成两类：管制性规范和建构性规范,前者制约行为体的行动,后者建构行为体的身份。这里的减债规范属于管制性规范。参见[美]彼得·卡赞斯坦主编：《国家安全的文化：世界政治中的规范与认同》,宋伟、刘铁娃译,北京大学出版社,2009年,第56页。
483 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.148, p.139.
484 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", in Chris Jochnick and Fraser A. Preston (eds.), Sovereign Debt at the Crossroads:Challenges and Proposals for Resolving the Third World Debt Crisis, Oxford: Oxford University Press,2006, pp.305-306.
485 G8 Kananaskis Summit:"G8 African Action Plan",2002, p.12. 2010-11-8
486时怡：《非洲减债终获历史性突破》,《国际商报》2005年6月14日。
487多边减债计划旨在为那些已经在“重债穷国计划”(HIPC)下获得减债的国家提供进一步的融资支持,免除他们积欠多边开发机构和双边债权人的所有债务,同时不影响这些国际组织未来的贷款能力。参见赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,第65页。
488袁正清：《国际制度研究：理论·实证·趋势》,李慎明、王逸舟主编：《2005年：全球政治与安全报告》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2004年,第243页。
489 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
490[美]小约瑟夫·奈：《理解国际冲突：理论与历史》,张小明译,上海人民出版社,2002年,第76页。
491 2009年8月18日刚果(金)政府表示,将削减与中国的“矿产换基础设施”协议规模,从而取得国际货币基金组织的债务减免承诺。该协议规模将由原先的90亿美元缩小至60亿美元。“矿产换基础设施”协议给予中国企业通过协助建设基础设施的方式来获取采矿权。不过,国际货币基金组织担心协议可能会加重刚果(金)债务负担,要求刚果(金)修改协议规模,否则拒绝减免刚果(金)欠下的外债。国际货币基金组织未详细说明债务减免规模,但世界银行估计,刚果(金)可获减免欠国际机构和其他政府约70亿美元债务。路透中文网：《迫于IMF压力,刚果修改与中国‘矿产换基础设施’协议规模》,2009年8月19日。网址: 2010-8-30
492 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.64.
493 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development:Transnational Civil Society Organizing around Big Dams", in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000, p.83.
494据统计,全世界每年建成的大坝数量从1900年几乎为零到20世纪中期增长为约250个。在此之后,从20世纪50年代中期到70年代中期出现爆炸式增长,每年完工的大坝达到顶峰的1000个。但是到20世纪末时,这一数量急剧地下降至不足200个,在十几年时间里减少了75%。参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.8.
495 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.85.
496 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.88.
497 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", pp.85-86.
498 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.94.
499 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development:The Case of India's Narmada Valley Dams", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p. 208.
500 Franklin Daniel Rothman and Pamela E. Oliver, "From Local to Global:The Anti-dam Movement in Southern Brazil,1979-1992", Mobilization:An International Journal, Vol.4, No.1,1999, pp.41-57.
501 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.103.
502依据国际大坝委员会(International Commission on Large Dam, ICOLD),高度超过15米以及达到其他技术要求(如库容超过300万立方米)的10至15米高的水坝为大坝(large dams)。满足下述条件之一的为大型水坝(major dams)：高度超过150米,体积超过1500万立方米,库容超过25立方千米,以及发电量超过1000千瓦等。这里将二者统称为大坝(big dams)。参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development: Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.217.
503 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.206.
504 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.104.
505 Narmada Bachao Andolan的涵义是“拯救纳尔默达运动(Save the Narmada Movement)",
506尼玛(Nimar)是纳尔默达河沿岸中央邦的一个地区,如果萨达尔·萨诺瓦项目按拟议的455英尺高进行建设,那么尼玛将会被淹没。
507萨达尔·萨诺瓦大坝的坝址位于古吉拉特邦境内。
508 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.206.
509其中Yuva Sangharsh Vahini的涵义是“青年行动小组(Youth action squads)”。参见Ramya Ramanath, "From Conflict to Collaboration:Nongovernmental Organizations and their Negotiations for Local Control of Slum and Squatter Housing in Mumbai, India", Blacksburg, Virginia:Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University PhD Dissertation,2005, p. xii, 2010-9-9
510 Arch Vahini一词的涵义是“社区健康与发展行动研究(Action Research in Community Health and Development)”,是古吉拉特邦的一个市民组织,这里简称“社区行动研究组织”。参见： 2010-9-9
511 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.211-212.
512 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.212.
513生存国际(Survival International)是一个致力于保护全世界部落民族和土著民权利的国际非政府组织。网址:
514即国际劳工组织第107号公约(ILO Convention 107):THE ILO CONVENTION ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL POPULATIONS,1957 (No.107)。印度是签约国。
515萨达尔·萨诺瓦工程动迁的人数约有20万人,其中57.6%是部落民。参见:"Dams, Displacement, Policy and Law in India", p.14, 2010-11-4
516这就是跨国社会运动经常采用的“局内人”策略。
517 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.213-214.
518在印度,这些人被称为“土地侵占者(encroachers)”,即不合法的土地占有者,因为他们居住和耕作的土地没有合法的地契。他们一般是土著或部落民。参见William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", in William F. Fisher (ed.), Toward Sustainable Development? Struggling over India's Narmada River, Armonk,N.Y.:M.E. Sharpe,1995, p.31.
519 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.216.
520 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.216-217.
521即受纳尔默达大坝影响者委员会(Committee for Narmada dam-affected people),是马哈拉施特拉邦的一个非政府组织。参见 2010-9-10
522也有译为“卡尔帕日什”,全称为卡尔帕克希环境行动组织(Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group)。 Kalpavriksh是1979年在德里建立的一个致力于环境和社会议题的非营利组织。该组织认为一个国家的发展只有确保生态的可持续性和社会的公正才是有意义的。参见
523 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.217.
524 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.217-218.
525 Sanieev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.218-219.
526实际上,世界银行比较早就认识到其项目所产生的环境影响以及应对这些影响的重要性。早在1970年,麦克纳马拉任命詹姆斯·李(James Lee)为世界银行史上的第一位环境顾问。参见Ryan Powers, "A New Measure of Environmental Aid:Measuring and Explaining Mainstreaming at the World Bank", Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 50th Annual Convention "Exploring the Past, Anticipating the Future", New York, Feb 15,2009, pp.5-6. 2010-11-04
527第二年更名为环境与科学事务办公室(Office of Environmental and Scientific Affairs)。
528 Bradford Morse and Thomas Berger, Sardar Sarovar:Report of the Independent Review, Ottawa:Resources Futures International,1992, pp.217-230.
529 Jonathan A. Fox and L. David Brown (eds.), The Struggle for Accountability:The World Bank, NGOs, and Grassroots Movements, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1998.
530 Kenneth Piddington, "The Role of World Bank", in Andrew Hurrell and Benedict Kingsbury (eds.), The International Politics of the Environment:Actors, Interests, and Institutions, Oxford:Clarendon Press,1992, p. 217.
531 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.217.
532 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.220-221.
533 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.221-222.
534拯救纳尔默达运动是信奉甘地非暴力抵抗方式和强调草根成员基础与目标的环境和人权活动分子团体、科学家、学者和受纳尔默达工程影响的人们所组成的一个国内联盟。自1988年之后,在卡尔帕克希组织(Kalpavriksh)等非政府组织的支持下,纳尔默达运动领导着反对萨达尔·萨诺瓦项目的斗争。参见William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.23, p.42 note (18).
535 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.222.
536 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.222-
537探索国际(Probe International, PI) "是一个独立的环境倡议组织,致力于阻止考虑不周的援助、贸易项目以及外国投资等。但是更重要的是,我们努力为公民提供他们所需的工具,用于阻止这些计划。这些工具包括法治、民主程序以及诚实而透明的账目。”参见: 2010-9-19
538 Lori Udall, "The International Narmada Campaign:A Case Study of Sustained Advocacy", in William F. Fisher (ed.), Toward Sustainable Development? Struggling over India's Narmada River, Armonk, N.Y.:M.E. Sharpe, 1995, p.212.
539 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.223-224.
540 William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.5.
541 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.224-225.
542 Bradford Morse and Thomas Berger, Sardar Sarovar:Report of the Independent Review, pp.337-338.
543 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.225-226.
544 Anumita Roychowdhury and Nitya Jacob, "Was India Forced to Reject World Bank Aid?" Down to Earth,29 April 1993参见印度环境门户网站: 2010-9-19
545 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.226-227.
546张淑兰：《印度的环境非政府组织——拯救纳尔默达运动》,《南亚研究季刊》2007年第3期,第81页。
547[美]戴维·布朗等：《全球化、非政府组织与多部门关系》,[美]约瑟夫·奈和约翰·唐纳胡主编：《全球化世界的治理》,王勇等译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第228页。
548 Harsh Sethi, "Micro-struggles, NGOs and the State", in Manoranjan Mohanty, Partha Nath Mukherji and Olle Tornquist (eds.), People's Rights:Social Movements and the State in the Third World, New Delhi; Thousand Oaks, Calif.:Sage Publications,1997, p.416.
549 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.104.
550 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.226.
551 William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.19.
552 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.228.
553 1993年日内瓦裁军大会达成了《禁止化学武器公约》；1995年《核不扩散条约》延长为无限期有效；1996年联合国通过《全面禁止核试验条约》；1997年《渥太华禁雷公约》缔结。关于跨国社会运动在其中的作用,分别参见:Daniel Feakes, "Global Civil Society and Biological and Chemical Weapons", in Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, pp. 87-117. Rebecca Johnson, "Advocates and Activists:Conflicting Approaches on Nonproliferation and the Test Ban Treaty", in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000, pp.49-81. Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", International Organization, Vol.52, No.3,1998, pp.613-644.
554关于重申和发展适用于武装冲突的国际人道法外交会议(Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of International Human Law Applicable in Armed Conflict),1974年至1977年在日内瓦召开。
555 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, New York; Geneva:United Nations, UNIDIR,2009, pp.5-6.
556英文Cluster Munitions,有的翻译为集束弹药,有的翻译为集束炸弹,从武器名称和类别上来看,似乎后者更为恰当,故笔者使用“集束炸弹”一词。类似地, Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM)有译作《集束弹药公约》,为了保持行文的一致性,这里译为《集束炸弹公约》。
557朱利江：《从国际法角度看<集束弹药公约>》,《武大国际法评论》2010年第1期,第93页。
558 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.25关于集束炸弹违反了这几项国际法原则的具体谈论,参见朱利江：《从国际法角度看<集束弹药公约>》,《武大国际法评论》2010年第1期,第95页。
559 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp.13-14.
560 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.12.
561 1980年10月10日,日内瓦裁军会议通过《禁止或限制使用某些可被认为具有过分伤害力或滥杀滥伤作用的常规武器公约》(Convention on Prohibitions and Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects),简称《特定常规武器公约》(Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, CCW)。该公约起初有三个附加议定书,即《关于无法检测的碎片的议定书》(Protocol Ⅰ on Non-Detectable Fragments),《禁止或限制使用地雷(水雷)、饵雷和其他装置的议定书》(Protocol Ⅱ on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Mines, Booby Traps and Other Devices)和《禁止或限制使用燃烧武器议定书》(Protocol Ⅲ on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Incendiary Weapons)。1981年4月10日《特定常规武器公约》在纽约开放签署,1983年12月2日公约和议定书生效。1995年10月13日,第一次公约审查大会期间通过了第Ⅳ议定书即《关于激光致盲武器的议定书》(Protocol Ⅳ on Blinding Laser Weapons); 1996年5月3日通过了修订后的第Ⅱ议定书(Amended Protocol Ⅱ)即新的地雷议定书。2003年12月28日,第二次公约审查大会期间通过第Ⅴ议定书,即《战争遗留爆炸物议定书》(Protocol Ⅴ on Explosive Remnants of War)。参见The United Nations Office at Geneva, UNOG:2010-11-18
562 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.15.
563特定常规武器公约第Ⅱ议定书,即“禁止或限制使用地雷(水雷)、饵雷和其他装置的议定书”,通常称为地雷议定书。第Ⅱ议定书第2条第1款规定,“地雷(水雷)”是指“任何置于地面或其他表面上、下或其附近地点而在人员或车辆出现、接近或接触时引爆的弹药”。参见国际红十字委员会网站： 2010-11-18
564杀伤人员地雷廉价、技术含量低且易于大规模生产,因而对各国政府和非国家武装集团都是很有吸引力和非常有用的武器。国际禁雷公约(即《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种地雷的公约》)第2条第1款规定,“杀伤人员地雷”是指有人出现、接近或接触时,便起爆并引起一人或多人失能、伤残或死亡的地雷。当有车辆出现、接近或接触时便起爆的地雷,不属于杀伤人员地雷。
565 1992年10月,残障国际(Handicap International)、国际医师组织(Medico International)、地雷咨询组织(Mines Advisory Group)、人权观察组织(Human Rights Watch)、人权医师组织(Physicians for Human Rights)和美国越南老兵基金会(Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation)等6个在雷患区从事人道救助的非政府组织在纽约举行会议决定协调它们的行动,并发起了国际禁雷运动(ICBL)。参见国际禁雷运动网站： 2010-12-18值得注意的是,作为国际禁雷运动的发起者,残障国际和人权观察后来在禁止集束弹药运动中也发挥着重要作用,最终国际禁雷运动也加入到禁止集束弹药的跨国运动中来,成为集束弹药联盟的一个成员。
566参见国际禁雷运动(ICBL)网站: 2010-12-20
567 1996年5月3日,常规武器公约第一次公约审查会议通过了修订后的第Ⅱ议定书(Amended Protocol Ⅱ)即新的地雷议定书,并于1998年12月3日生效。
568 Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", p.634.
569 1997年12月3日,122个国家在渥太华签署了《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种武器的公约》,简称禁雷公约(Mine Ban Treaty)。公约禁止在任何情况下发展、生产、储存、转移和使用此种武器,并且禁止“以任何方式资助、鼓励或诱使任何人从事公约缔约方所禁止的任何活动”。它也规定了销毁地雷的最终截止期限以及国际援助和合作的规定,同时公约中所包含的援助杀伤人员地雷受害者的承诺是国际武器法律法规中的一个新颖和重要的因素。1999年3月1日,131个国家签署、65个国家批准了禁雷公约,公约正式生效。目前禁雷公约的缔约国已达156个。
570 这里对国际禁雷运动和跨国禁雷运动作了区分,在本文中,国际禁雷运动专指ICBL这个组织(非政府组织联盟),而跨国禁雷运动则指包括国际禁雷运动(ICBL)和其他主张禁雷的非政府组织(例如国际红十字委员会)、非政府组织网络以及活动分子等在内的运动网络。
571 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.34.
572 1991年的海湾战争再次让世人看到新一代集束炸弹在数量和威力上的巨大破坏性。
573 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.41.
574 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.40.
575又译为门诺中央委员会(Mennonite Central Committee, MCC),1920年成立,最初致力于救援和赈灾活动,后扩展并囊括和平与正义等议题,是一个非营利性的宗教非政府组织。
576 Virgil Wiebe and Titus Peachey, "Drop Today, Kill Tomorrow:Cluster Munitions as Inhumane and Indiscriminate Weapons", Mennonite Central Committee, December 1997/Revised June 1999, 2010-12-3
577 Virgil Wiebe and Titus Peachey, "Clusters of Death", Mennonite Central Committee,2000,
578 2000年9月,国际红十字委员会在瑞士小镇尼翁(Nyon)主持召开了一次战争遗留爆炸物问题的专家会议,会议主要目的在于评估包括子弹药在内的战争遗留爆炸物的冲突后影响。
579 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.49.
580 Human Rights Watch, "Cluster Munition a Foreseeable Hazard in Iraq", briefing paper,2003, p.2, 2010-12-21
581 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp.51-52.
582 Irene A. Tzinis, "Cluster bombs and International Humanitarian Law", Mennonite Central Committee,
583 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.53.
584 Rae McGrath, "Campaigning against Cluster Munitions-Strategic Issues:A Discussion Paper", October 2004, 2010-12-21
585 Rae McGrath, "Cluster Munitions-Weapons of Deadly Convenience? Reviewing the Legality and Utility of Cluster Munitions", Meeting of humanitarian experts, Geneva,11 November 2004, 2010-12-21
586 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.59.
587 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.83.
588 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.64.
589 在2006年黎巴嫩南部冲突中,黎巴嫩真主党(Hizbullah)使用集束炸弹袭击以色列,这表明集束炸弹已经扩散到非国家的武装集团手中,而且它们在获取和使用集束炸弹时往往置国际人道法于不顾。这引起国际社会对集束炸弹武器进一步扩散的担忧。
590 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.83.
591 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Norway to take the lead in efforts to achieve an international ban on cluster munitions", Press release, No.142/06,3 November 2006, 2010-12-21
592 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Norway takes the initiative for a ban on cluster munitions", Press release, No.149/06,17 November 2006, 2010-12-21
593 主要包括挪威、爱尔兰、新西兰、墨西哥、奥地利、秘鲁和梵蒂冈等国。
594 Cluster Munition Coalition, "NGOs call on states to join Norwegian initiative for a new cluster munitions treaty: Calls for a new treaty come as Conventional Weapons talks fail to deliver results", Press release,17 November 2006, 2010-12-26
595 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.219.
596 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.148.
597 "Appeal to governments from the Cluster Munition Coalition", Oslo,21 February 2007, 2010-12-21
598 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Oslo Conference on Cluster Munitions-Declaration",23 February 2007.2010-12-21
599 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.167.
600 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.168.
601 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.174.
602 2006年,原国际禁雷运动协调官和1997年诺贝尔和平奖得主乔迪·威廉姆斯(Jody Williams)与危地马拉的曼殊(Rigoberta Menchu Turn)、伊朗的希尔琳-艾芭迪(Shirin Ebadi)、肯尼亚的旺加里-马塔伊(Wangari Maathai)、爱尔兰的贝蒂-威廉斯(Betty Williams)和玛基尔(Mairead Corrigan Maguire)等6名获得诺贝尔和平奖的女性共同发起诺贝尔奖女性得主倡议(Nobel Women's Initiative),旨在利用诺贝尔奖的知名度和声誉共同促进世界的和平、正义和公正。。
603 Jody Williams, "Closing remarks to the Lima, Peru Conference on Cluster Munitions", Nobel Women's Initiative,25 May 2007, 2010-12-25
604 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.175.
605 2007年10月25日,国际红十字委员会在集束弹药及紧急行动必要性问题上的立场的声明中,表示现在比以往任何时候都更加确信“一部新的国际条约对于禁止那些让平民居民付出巨大代价的集束弹药并防止其继续扩散是非常重要的”,并“呼吁各国立即在国内终止使用此类武器,不向任何一方转让此类武器,并销毁现有储备”。红十字国际委员会呼吁各国尽快缔结一部国际人道法新条约以：“禁止使用、发展、生产、储存和转让不精准和不可靠的集束弹药；规定清除目前储存的不精准和不可靠的集束弹药；就援助受害者、清除集束弹药以及旨在减少这些武器对平民之影响的活动做出规定。”参见:"The ICRC's position on cluster munitions and the need for urgent action",25 October 2007, 2010-12-12
606 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.233.
607 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.228.
608值得注意的是,出席奥斯陆进程维也纳会议的国家数量超过了常规武器公约的成员国数目,至2008年4月18日,常规武器公约有105个成员国。
609 Vienna Discussion Text,14 November 2007,2010-12-11 610 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp. 188-189.
611 由黎巴嫩、柬埔寨、智利、哥斯达黎加、克罗地亚、印度尼西亚、老挝、摩洛哥、塞拉利昂和赞比亚等国组成。
612新西兰集束弹药联盟(Aotearoa New Zealand Cluster Munitions Coalition, ANZCMC)是在奥斯陆进程启动之后的2007年3月22日,由新西兰乐施会(Oxfam NZ)等24个新西兰当地非政府组织组建的国内网络,以响应和支持停止集束弹药伤害平民的国际呼吁。
613 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.217.
614 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp. 252-253.
615 2003年4月末,爱尔兰基督和平组织(Pax Christi Ireland)和爱尔兰外交部在都柏林城堡(Dublin Castle)组织一次有关战争遗留爆炸物所带来的进一步挑战问题的会议。会议邀请了政府、国际组织以及人权观察、地雷行动等非政府组织与会。尽管都柏林城堡会议表面上聚焦于战争遗留爆炸物议题,且希望推动尽快完成常规武器公约的战争遗留爆炸物谈判,然而许多出席都柏林城堡会议的代表已经将真正的注意力转向对集束炸弹采取何种措施的问题,鉴于其在阿富汗和伊拉克中的影响。就在都柏林城堡会议期间,地雷行动组织主持了一次会议,一些非政府组织代表聚集在一起讨论如何将战争遗留爆炸物和集束炸弹议题进一步向前推进的问题。John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won. o.51.
616 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.259.
617 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.266.
618 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.261.
619 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp. 281-282.
620 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.262.
621 "Breakthrough on cluster bombs draws closer",28 May 2008, 2010-12-25
622 Department of Foreign Affairs (Ireland), "Minister Martin welcomes historic agreement at Croke Park", Press releases,30 May 2008, 2011-1-14 "111个国家签署全面禁止集束炸弹国际协定”,《现代军事》2008年第8期,摘要。
623 Katherine Harrison, "A Gift to the World", Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,30 May 2008, 2010-12-15
624 Jan Aart Scholte, "The Globalization of World Politics", p.25.
625 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
626 John Clark, "Conclusions:Globalizing Civic Engagement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, pp.165,169.
627 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p. 135.
628 国际减债运动认为,“债务就像污染或全球变暖一样都是不平等和不可持续的全球政治经济体系的一个副产品”。Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.303.
629 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.301.
630 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
631 Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello and Brendan Smith, "Globalization and Social Movements", p.341.
632 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
633 Ann Florini, The Coming Democracy:New Rules for Running a New World, Washington:Island Press,2003, p. 132.
634 Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.178.
635 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.4,17.
636保罗·韦普纳(Paul Wapner)认为全球公民社会的治理功能是“对国家体系治理功能的补充而非取代”,笔者认为这对于跨国社会运动也是适用的。参见Paul Wapner, "Governance in Global Civil Society", in Oran R. Young (ed.), Global Governance:Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1997, p.67.
637原文为：“全球治理不仅意味着正式的制度和组织——国家机构、政府间合作等——制定(或不制定)和维持管理世界秩序的规则和规范,而且意味着所有的其他组织和压力团体——从多国公司、跨国社会运动到众多的非政府组织——都追求对跨国规则和权威体系产生影响的目标和对象。很显然,联合国体系、世界贸易组织以及各国政府的活动是全球统治的核心因素,但是,它们绝不是惟一的因素。如果社会运动、非政府组织、区域性的政治组织等被排除在全球治理的含义之外的话,那么,全球治理的形式和动力将得不到恰当的理解。”参见[英]戴维·赫尔德等：《全球大变革：全球化时代的政治、经济与文化》,杨雪冬等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社2001年版,第70页。(引文中加粗字体为笔者所加)
638 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.21.
639 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.13.
640梁守德主编：《新世纪的国际政治》,北京：学习出版社,2001年,第104-108页。
641 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
642[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,第16页。
645[英]赫德利·布尔：《无政府社会：世界政治秩序研究》,张小明译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第10-11页。
646 John Ruggie, "International Regimes, Transactions, and Change:Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order", International Organization, Vol.36, No.2,1982, p.385.
647[美]亚历山大·温特：《国际政治的社会理论》,秦亚青译,上海人民出版社,2000年,第5页。
648 John Ruggie, "International Regimes, Transactions, and Change:Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order", p.388.
649[美]彼得·卡赞斯坦主编：《国家安全的文化：世界政治中的规范与认同》,第56页。
650 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.301.
651 Ethan A. Nadelmann, "Global Prohibition Regimes:The Evolution of Norms in International Society", International Organization, Vol.44, No.4,1990, p.482.
652 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.306.
653 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.302.
654《胡锦涛主席同加拿大总理哈珀举行会谈》载《人民日报海外版》2010年06月26日,第1版。
656参见[英]卡尔·波兰尼：《大转型：我们时代的政治与经济起源》,冯钢、刘阳译,杭州：浙江人民出版社,2007年。
657 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.90.
658 Michael Edwards, "Introduction", p.3.
659 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.84.
660 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, pp.30-31.
661 Michael Edwards, "Introduction", pp.3-4.
662 Ann M. Florini, "Transnational Civil Society", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.30.
663正如西德尼·塔罗所言：跨国社会运动“并不像历史中的一股巨浪,而更像一连串的波涛,轻轻地拍击着国际社会的海滩,同时又不断地退回到国内社会的大海之中,但却给国际社会的堤岸留下了日益增加的变化"。Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005, p.219.
664参见叶江：《大变局——全球化、冷战与当代国际政治经济关系》,上海三联书店,2004年。
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1. 国际红十字委员会(ICRC):http://www.icrc.org/
2. 福音两千运动:http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/
3. 福音减债运动:http://www.jubileedebtcampaign.org.uk/
4. 纳尔默达河之友(Friends of River Narmada):http://www.narmada.org/
5. 联合国驻日内瓦办事处(UNOG):http://www.unog.ch/
6. 国际禁雷组织(ICBL):http://www.icbl.org/
7. 地雷信息网络(E-Mine):http://www.mineaction.org/
8. 集束炸弹联盟(CMC):http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/
9. 门诺会互助促进社(MCC):http://clusterbombs.mcc.org/
10.集束炸弹公约(CCM):http://www.clusterconvention.org/
2 Lester M. Salamon, "The Rise of the Nonprofit Sector", Foreign Affairs, Vol.73, No.4,1994, p.109.
3 Jessica T. Mathews, "Power shift", Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.1,1997, p.50.
4在国际社会中,非国家行为体(non-state actors)是与国家相对的一个概念,指国家之外的、所有独立进行跨国运作的国际行为体。尽管学者们对非国家行为体的定义和分类存在很多争论,但一般都将跨国社会运动、国际非政府组织、跨国公司和政府间国际组织等纳入非国家行为体的范畴。
5[美]查尔斯·德伯：《人高于利润》,钟和、邓瑶萍、王宏伟译,北京：中信出版社,2004年,第158页。
6 Patrick E. Tyler, "Threats and Responses:A New Power in the Streets", New York Times, February 17,2003.
7 Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty:Organised Hypocrisy, Princeton:Princeton University Press,1999. Kenneth N. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War", International Security, Vol.25, No.1,2000, pp.5-41.
8 Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
9在本文中,公民社会(civil society,又译为市民社会)是指独立于国家和市场的社团和行动领域,在这个领域中,公民可以组织起来,单独或集体地寻求实现各种各样的目标或价值观。相应地,全球公民社会(global civil society)也有学者称之为跨国公民社会(transnational civil society)就是指与国家间体系和全球经济相对且相互作用的一个跨国的公民公共空间或行动领域,其活动主体包括跨国社会运动、国际非政府组织以及其他具有跨国特征的公民社会组织或网络,但又将反动的(种族主义、法西斯主义和原教旨主义的)组织和运动排除在外。参见Rupert Taylor, "Interpreting Global Civil Society", in Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2004, p.4.
10关于“治理”与“统治”的区别与联系,参见[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙编：《没有政府的治理：世界政治中的秩序与变革》,张胜军、刘小林等译,南昌：江西人民出版社,2006年,第4-5页。
11全球治理理论的兴起“源于一些国际关系学者对20世纪70和80年代主导国际组织研究的现实主义和自由制度主义理论的日益不满。尤其是,它们没能充分地抓住全球化时代中非国家行为体在数量和影响上的增长以及技术变革的意义。”参见Thomas G. Weiss, "Governance, Good Governance and Global Governance: Conceptual and Actual Challenges", Third World Quarterly, Vol.21, No.5,2000, p.796.
12凯瑟琳·埃施利(Catherine Eschle)总结认为,国际关系学者对全球公民社会的研究主要有三个类似的主题：一是在分析上都倾向于超越那种强调国家在全球政治中具有压倒性的和始终不变的权力和统治地位的国际关系研究方法；二是都相信在全球政治中形成除国家管道之外的治理模式和／或参与形式非常必要,它们可以弥补国家的作用,甚至挑战其霸权地位；三是都有其聚焦于包括非政府组织和社会运动在内的非国家行为体在全球政治中的实际的和潜在的作用。参见Catherine Eschle, "Globalizing Civil Society? Social Movements and the Challenge of Global Politics from Below", in Pierre Hamel, Henri Lustiger-Thaler, Jan Nederveen Pieterse and Sasha Roseneil (eds.), Globalization and Social Movements, New York:Palgrave,2001, pp. 61-62.
13 Marc Williams, "The World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the Environmental Social Movement", in Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler (eds.), Non-State Actors and Authority in the Global System, London:Routledge,2000, p.242.
14 Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler, "Introduction:Globalisation and Non-State Actors", in Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler (eds.), Non-State Actors and Authority in the Global System, London:Routledge,2000, p.1.
15[美]凯格利和维特科普夫：《世界政治：趋势与变革》(影印本),北京：北京大学出版社,2004年,第182.页。
16 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", in Bas Arts, Math Noortmann and Bob Reinalda (eds.), Non-state Actors in International Relations, Aldershot:Ashgate Publishing Limited,2001, pp.15-16.
17跨国关系即跨国界的常规互动关系,在其中至少有一个行为体是非国家行为体或不是代表民族国家政府或政府间组织进行运作。参见Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", in Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-state Actors, Domestic Structure and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995, p.3.
18 R. B. J. Walker, "Social Movements/World Politics", Millennium, Vol.23, No.3,1994, pp.669-670.
19[美]入江昭：《全球共同体：国际组织在当代世界形成中的角色》,刘青等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2009年,第5页。
20 Catherine Eschle, "Constructing 'the Anti-Globalisation Movement'", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-Globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London; New York:Routledge,2005, p.17.
21全球治理在使用时至少具有三种不同的涵义：首先,从结构来看,全球治理是一个由多个分散的规则体系组成的整合的和协调的治理体系；其次,从过程来看,全球治理是主权国家与国际非政府组织、跨国社会运动、政府间组织和跨国公司等非国家行为体之间互动的一种动态结果；最后,“全球治理”也是一种分析框架。作为一种理论上的分析架构,全球治理为世界政治研究提供了一个与传统的“国际关系”理论不一样的视角。(从结构、进程和分析框架三个方面来阐释全球治理涵义的观点参见Jon Pierre and B. Guy Peters, Governance, Politics and the State, London:MacMillan,2000转引自刘坤亿：《全球治理的理想与现实》,第5-7页,
22[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,吴庆宏译,南京：译林出版社,2005年,第2页。
23[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,胡位钧译,上海：上海人民出版社,2009年,第9页。
24[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,阎小骏译,《当代世界社会主义问题》2006年第4期,第4页。
25现代化理论是研究社会运动的一种理论传统,其理论核心在于“强调社会变革的人类代价”,认为这是社会运动产生的主要原因。参见Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh, Social Movements in Politics:A Comparative Study, New York:Addison Wesley Longman,1997, p. xi.
26[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,第4页。
27赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2006年,第25页。
28马克思：《哲学的贫困》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第614页。
29马克思和恩格斯：《共产党宣言》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第二卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第43和 40页。
30列宁在1901-1902年间指出,俄国工人运动和革命“首要的最迫切的实际任务是要建立一个能使政治斗争具有力量、具有稳定性和继承性的革命家组织”,即无产阶级“先锋队”。参见列宁：《怎么办?我们运动中的迫切问题》,《列宁选集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,1995年,第386页。
31所谓框架(frame)是指社会运动的领导者或组织者,为了吸引人们加入和持续地参与社会运动,而对议题进行架构或塑造,以便与潜在的运动参与者的信仰、情感和愿望相吻合或与之产生共鸣。(参见Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.), The Social Movements Reader:Cases and Concepts,2nd edition, Malden, MA:Blackwell Pub.,2009, p.55.)框架理论源于美国学者斯诺(David A. Snow)等人借用欧文·戈夫曼(Erving Goffman)的框架分析(frame analysis)概念对社会运动微观动员过程的分析。(参见赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第212页。)
32[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第14-17页。
33 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth Simmons (eds.), Handbook of International Relations, London et al.:Sage Publications,2002, pp.256-257.
34康德认为贸易的精神品质是与战争不相容的,最早指出了经济相互依赖与世界和平之间的因果关系,提出了将民主社会、跨国主义与和平联系在一起“世界主义”思想。康德认为,“与战争无法共处的商业精神……迟早会支配每一个民族的”,并将世界各个民族结合在一起。(参见[德]伊曼努尔·康德：《永久和平论》,何兆武译,上海人民出版社,2005年,第38页。)他提出,建立在共和制民主基础上的“国家(公民)权利”体制、以自由国家的联盟制度为基础的“国际权利”体制以及以普遍的友好(好客)为条件的“世界公民权利”体制是“走向各国之间永久和平”的三项必要条件。(参见[德]伊曼努尔·康德：《永久和平论》,第13-27页。)康德的“世界主义”思想是后来的“民主和平论”的源头,不过,后人提出的“民主和平论”却只集中于民主社会与和平之间的联系,而丢掉了康德思想中的跨国主义的因素。
35托克维尔认为跨国关系,即不同国家的民主社会及其居民之间的联系,是阻止战争的重要手段。他指出,“随着平等在几个国家同时发展和这些国家的居民一起涌向工商业,不仅他们的爱好日趋一致,而且他们的利益也逐渐交融了。因此,任何一个国家加于他国的危害都不能不弹回到自己身上来,从而使人认识到战争是一种对战胜国和战败国来说损害差不多相等的灾难。”参见[法]托克维尔：《论美国的民主》(下卷),董果良译,北京：商务印书馆,1991年,第831页。
36恩格斯指出：“单是大工业建立了世界市场这一点,就把全球各国人民,尤其是各文明国家的人民,彼此紧密地联系起来,以致每一个国家的人民都受到另一国家发生的事情的影响。此外,大工业使所有文明国家的社会发展大致相同,以致在所有这些国家,资产阶级和无产阶级都成了社会上两个起决定作用的阶级,它们之间的斗争成了当前的主要斗争。”参见恩格斯：《共产主义原理》,《马克思恩格斯文集》第一卷,北京：人民出版社,2009年,第687页。
37列宁认为,那种主张资本主义经济上的相互依赖会“给人们带来资本主义制度下各民族间实现和平的希望”的观点是十分荒谬的。他指出,“资本主义发展到一定的、很高的阶段,资本主义的某些基本特性开始转化成自己的对立面……在这一过程中,经济上的基本事实,就是资本主义的自由竞争为资本主义的垄断所代替。”即他认为资本主义不可避免地走向垄断和金融资本阶段即帝国主义这一特殊的阶段,并断言在帝国主义阶段,资本主义国家之间的战争是不可避免的,“试问,在资本主义基础上,要消除生产力发展和资本积累同金融资本对殖民地和‘势力范围’的瓜分这两者之间不相适应的状况,除了用战争以外,还能有什么其他办法呢?”列宁：《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》,北京：人民出版社,2001年,第65、77和87页。
38Joseph Schumpeter, Imperialism and Social Classes, Cleveland, Ohio:Meridian Books,1955, p.73.
39参见[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆,1999年。
40 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", in Daphne Josselin and William Wallace (eds.), Non-State Actors in World Politics, Houndmills:Palgrave,2001, p.11.
41 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.257.
42 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.19.
43正如有学者所指出的,“主流的国际关系研究往往倾向于认为世界政治分析需要与其他背景中的政治分析不一样的概念和理论,因而将世界政治研究与主流的社会科学研究孤立起来。政治科学学者,尤其是国际关系学者对国家的全神贯注,使得难以察觉到其他跨国行为体的活动。而社会学家,尤其是北美的社会学家,也往往将其研究局限于社会内部的行为,而社会通常被认为是有着与国家一样的边界。”参见Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, pp.260-261.
44[美]裴宜理：《社会运动理论的发展》,第4页。
45社会运动研究是社会学和政治学的分支,二战以后在欧美逐渐发展成为一门显学,形成了很多理论学派。在历史发展过程中,西方社会运动研究分别形成了欧洲的历史哲学传统(马克思主义、新社会运动理论)和美国的实证主义传统(集体行为理论、资源动员理论和政治过程理论)。参见Nick Crossley, Making Sense of Social Movements, Buckingham; Philadelphia:Open University Press,2002, p.10.
46 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", Sociological Review, Vol.40, No.1,1992, p.3.
41 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.28.
48 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.11.
49卡尔·凯撒(Karl Kaiser)的“跨国政治”一文1969年发表时为德文版,1971年在《国际组织》上发表。参见Karl Kaiser, "Transnational Politics:Toward a Theory of Multinational Politics", International Organization, Vol.25, No.4,1971, p.790.
50 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), "Transnational Relations and World Politics", International Organization, special issue, Vol.25, No.3,1971.
51 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:An Introduction", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3,1971, p.331.
52 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Transgovernmental Relations and International Organizations", World Politics, Vol.27, No.1,1974, p.41.
53 James N. Rosenau, The Study of Global Interdependence:Essays on the Transnationalization of World Affairs, London:Frances Pinter,1980.
54 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", Annual Review of Political Science, Vol.4, No.1,2001, pp.3-4.
55例如Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane (eds.), "Transnational Relations and World Politics", International Organization, special issue, Vol.25, No.3,1971; Richard W. Mansbach, Yale H. Ferguson, and Donald E. Lampert, The Web of World Politics:Non-State Actors in the Global System, Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall,1976; Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
56 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", pp.4-5.
57 Robert Keohane and Helen V. Milner (eds.), Internationalization and Domestic Politics, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
58 Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
59 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:An Introduction", p. 338.
60 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000, pp.15-16.
61 Robert Gilpin, "The Politics of Transnational Economic Relations", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3, 1971, pp.398-419.
62 Samuel P. Huntington, "Transnational Organizations in World Politics", World Politics, Vol.25, No.3,1973, p. 344, p.363.
63 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", p.5.
64 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence:World Politics in Transition, Boston:Little, Brown and Company,1977.
65 Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, Reading, Mass.:Addison-Wesley Pub. Co.,1979.
66 David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism:The Contemporary Debate, New York:Columbia University Press,1993.
67 Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,1984.
68 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.11.
69 James Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics:A Theory of Change and Continuity, Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,1990. Joseph A. Camilleri and Jim Falk, The End of Sovereignty? The Politics of a Shrinking and Fragmenting World, Aldershot, UK:Edward Elgar,1992. Philip G. Cerny, "Globalization and the Changing Logic of Collective Action", International Organization, Vol.49, No.4,1995, pp.595-625. Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996. David Held, Democracy and the Global Order:From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,1995.
70 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", pp.11-12.
71 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.258.
72 Friedrich Kratochwil and John G. Ruggie, "International Organization:A State of the Art on an Art of the State", International Organization, Vol.40, No.4,1986, pp.753-775. Alexander Wendt, "The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory", International Organization, Vol.41, No.3,1987, pp.335-370. Friedrich Kratochwil, Rules, Norms, and Decisions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1989.
73 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", pp.258-259.
74 James N. Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics:A Theory of Change and Continuity, p.11.
75 Peter M. Haas (ed.), "Knowledge, Power and International Policy Coordination", International Organization, special issue, Vol.46, No.1,1992.
76 Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures, and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995.
77 Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1998.
78 Wolfgang H. Reinicke, Global Public Policy:Governing without Government? Washington DC:Brookings Institution Press,1998.
79 Thomas Risse. "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.259.
80 Daphne Josselin and William Wallace, "Non-State Actors in World Politics:A Framework", p.12.
81 James N. Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel (eds.), Governance without Government:Order and Change in World Politics, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1992.
82 Martin Shaw, "Global Society and Global Responsibility:The Theoretical, Historical and Political Limits of International Society", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3,1992, pp.421-434. Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", Human Rights Quarterly, Vol.18, No.1,1996, pp.107-141.
83 Marc Williams, "The World Bank, the World Trade Organisation and the Environmental Social Movement", pp. 241-242.
84 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997. Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke:Macmillan,1999. Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002. Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield,2002.Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield,2005.
85 Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", p.261.
86 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", pp.9-10.
87例如Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor, and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society Yearbook 2002, Oxford: Oxford University Press,2002; Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995; Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3,1992, pp.389-420; Roger Coate et al., "The United Nations and Civil Society:Creative Partnerships for Sustainable Development", Alternatives, Vol.21, No.1,1996, pp.93-122; Craig Murphy, "Global Governance:Poorly Done and Poorly Understood", International Affairs, Vol.76, No.4,2000, pp.789-803.
88 Matthias Finger, "NGOs and Transformation:Beyond Social Movement Theory", in Thomas Princen and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics:Linking the Local and the Global, London: Routledge,1994, pp.48-66; Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", Millennium, Vol.23, No.3,1994, pp.650-654; R. B. J. Walker, "Social Movements/World Politics", pp.669-700; Christine Chin and James H. Mittleman, "Conceptualizing Resistance to Globalization", in Barry K. Gills (ed.), Globalization and the Politics of Resistance, New York:Palgrave,2000, pp.35-36.
89 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", Alternatives, Vol.29, Issue 3,2004, pp.336-337.
90 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", pp. 337-338.
91 Robert Keohane and Joseph S. Nye (eds.), Transnational Relations and World Politics, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1972; Thomas Risse-Kappan (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics,2nd edition. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press,1998. Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1998; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.:Macmillan,1999; Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss, "Pluralizing Global Governance:Analytical Approaches and Dimensions", in Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner, 1996, pp.17-47; Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982; Peter Willetts, "Transnational Actors and International Organizations", in John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics,2nd edition, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2001, pp.356-383.
Elizabeth Riddell-Dixon, "Social Movements and the United Nations", International Social Science Journal, Vol. 47, No.2,1995, pp.289-303;Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995; Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Barbara Adams, "The People's Organisations and the UN-NGOs in International Civil Society", in Erskine Childers (ed.), Challenges to the United Nations:Building a Safer World, London:Catholic Institute for International Relations,1995, pp.176-187.
93 Giovanni Arrighi et al., Anti-Systemic Movements, London:Verso,1989; Samuel Amin et al., Transforming the Revolution:Social Movements and the World System, New York:Monthly Review Press,1990; Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,2000.
94主要是一些新葛兰西学派的学者:Robert Cox, Production, Power, and World Order, New York:Columbia University Press,1987, pp.368-395; Robert Cox, "Democracy in Hard Times:Economic Globalization and the Limits of Democracy", in Anthony McGrew (ed.), The Transformation of Democracy? Cambridge:Polity Press, 1997, pp.64-66; Stephen Gill, "Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neo-Liberalism", Millennium,Vol.24,No.3,1995,pp.404-410.其他悲观的结构主义者有:Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" Review of International Political Economy, Vol.5, No.3,1998, pp.585-615; Mustapha Kamal Pasha and David L. Blaney, "Elusive Paradise:The Promise and Peril of Global Civil Society", Alternatives, Vol.23, No.4,1998, pp.417-450;Craig Murphy (ed.), Egalitarian Politics in the Age of Globalization, Basingstoke, U.K.:Palgrave,2002; Cecelia Lynch, "Social Movements and the Problem of Globalization", Alternatives, Vol.23, No.2,1998, pp.149-173.
Richard Falk, "The Global Promise of Social Movements:Explorations at the Edge of Time", Alternatives, Vol. 12, No.2,1987, pp.173-196; Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", pp.389-420; Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.107-141; Leslie Paul Thiele, "Making Democracy Safe for the World:Social Movements and Global Politics", Alternatives, Vol.8, No.3,1993, pp.273-305; Paul K. Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, Albany:State University of New York Press,1996.
96 Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements, and the New Internationalism,2nd edition, New York: Continuum,2002. John A. Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald, "Globalizations and Social Movements", in Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald (eds.), Globalizations and Social Movements: Culture, Power and the Transnational Public Sphere, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,2000, pp.1-32.
97 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.). Global Social Movements, London:Athlone Press,2000.
98 Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics:The Emergence of Global Civil Society", pp.389-420.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,2000.
100 Barry K. Gills. "Introduction:Globalization and the Politics of Resistance", in Barrv K. Gills (ed.). Globalization and the Politics of Resistance, New York:Palgrave,2000, p.8.
101 Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Little field,2002; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.:Macmillan,1999; Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis: Universitv of Minnesota Press,2002.
102 Robert Keohane and Joseph S. Nye (eds.), Transnational Relations and World Politics, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1972.
103 Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-oriented Non-governmental Organization, London:Pinter,1982.
104 Paul K. Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, Albany:State University of New York Press, 1996.
105例如Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner,1996; Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" Review of International Political Economy, Vol.5, No.3,1998, pp.585-615; Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.107-141.
106相关论述参见:David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow, "A Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century", in David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,1998, p.20. Antonio Donini, "The Bureaucracy and the Free Spirits:Stagnation and Innovation in the Relationship between the UN and NGOs", in Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner,1996, pp.88-92.
107例如Barbara Adams, "The People's Organisations and the UN-NGOs in International Civil Society", in Erskine Childers, Challenges to the United Nations:Building a Safer World, London:Catholic Institute for International Relations,1995, pp.178,184-185; Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1995, pp.32-37,254-260; Elizabeth Riddell-Dixon, "Social Movements and the United Nations", International Social Science Journal, Vol.47, No.2,1995, p.291.
108 Peter Willetts, (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System:The Transnational Relations of Issue-Oriented Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.21-24.
109 Thomas Princen, "NGOs:Creating a Niche in Environmental Diplomacy", in Thomas Princen and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics:Linking the Global and the Local, London:Routledge,1994, p.34.
110 Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations:The System in Crisis, London:Hurst & Company,1990, pp.268-269.
111 Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", pp.134-135.
112 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.256.
113 Richard Falk, Predatory Globalization, Cambridge:Polity Press,1999, pp.2-3.
114例如Valentine M. Moghadam, "Transnational Feminist Networks:Collective Action in an Era of Globalization", International Sociology, Vol.15, No.1,2000, p.57.
115 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", pp. 333-335.
116例如,高尔松《国际社会运动小史》,上海：光华书店,1927年。张云伏：《国际社会运动史》,上海：新建设书店,1929年。高希圣：《国际运动发达史》,上海：光华书局,1930年,等等。
117例如,中国人民大学马克思列宁主义教研室编：《一九○五—一九一四年国际工人运动》,北京：中国人民大学,1958年。国际共产主义运动史编写组：《国际共产主义运动史：从马克思主义诞生至十月社会主义革命胜利》,北京：人民出版社,1978年。梁守德等：《民族解放运动史：1775～1945》,北京大学出版社,1985年,等等。
118奚广庆、王谨主编：《西方新社会运动初探》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,1993年,第6和第2页。
119秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社,2004年。
120相关著作例如,庞中英：《全球化、反全球化与中国：理解全球化的复杂性与多样性》,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年。刘曙光：《全球化与反全球化》,长沙：湖南人民出版社,2003年。刘金源、李义中、黄光耀：《全球化进程中的反全球化运动》,重庆出版社,2006年。相关文章例如,吴易风：《反全球化运动考察与分析》,《当代思潮》2003年第3期。刘金源：《反全球化运动及其对全球化的制衡作用》,《国际政治研究》2005年第3期。李丹：《反全球化运动研究》,中国人民大学博士论文,2005年。
121刘颖：《新社会运动理论视角下的反全球化运动》,山东大学博士论文,2006年3月。
122胡键：《全球社会运动的兴起及其对全球治理的影响》,《国际论坛》2006年第1期。
123杜玉华：《全球秩序的新挑战：全球社会运动及其治理》,《社会科学》2009年第5期。
124刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议程的有效性分析》,《现代国际关系》2003年第10期。
125仅举数例,叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,《国外社会科学》1999年第6期。胡传荣：《国际进步妇女运动与冷战初期的国际关系——40年代中期至60年代的国际民主妇女联合会和世界保卫和平运动》,《国际观察》2000年第4期。汪铮：《和平运动：历史与现实》,《欧洲》1996年第1期。沈善荣：《论冷战时代世界和平运动的影响》,《东南亚纵横》2003年第5期。熊伟民：《和平之声：20世纪反战反核运动》,南京出版社,2006年。刘伯红、杜洁：《国际妇女运动和妇女组织》,北京：中国妇女出版社,2008年。
126例如,苏长和：《非国家行为体与当代国际关系》,《欧洲》1998年第1期；时殷弘：《全球性交往、互相依赖和非国家行为体》,《欧洲》2001年第5期；刘鸣：《经济全球化条件下国家与非国家行为体的关系》,《世界经济与政治》2002年第11期。
127徐任：《跨国政治初探》,《政治学研究》1986年第4期。苏长和：《跨国关系与国内政治——比较政治与国际政治经济学视野下的国际关系研究》,《美国研究》2003年第4期。
128例如,范丽珠：《全球化下的社会变迁与非政府组织》,上海人民出版社,2003年。王杰、张海滨、张志洲：《全球治理中的国际非政府组织》,北京大学出版社,2004年。刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》,天津人民出版社,2005年。徐莹：《当代国际政治中的非政府组织》,北京：当代世界出版社,2006年。刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》,北京：中国社会科学院出版社,2008年。沈中元：《全球化下非政府组织之研究》,复旦大学博士论文,2003年4月。甘锋：《全球治理视野中国际环境非政府组织的作用研究》,上海交通大学博士论文,2007年11月。
129刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》；刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》,第3章。
130徐莹：《当代国际政治中的非政府组织》,尤其是第16-18页。国际政治机会结构(international political opportunity structure),又译为国际政治机遇结构,是由政治机会结构(political opportunity structure)发展而来的概念。国家所提供的外部环境会对可能影响其政治进程的社会运动所发生的机会起到促进或限制作用,意即主权国家可以为社会运动的发生和发展提供某种政治背景。这种所谓的外部环境或政治背景被称为政治机会结构。而在国际层面,主权国家同样可以为国际非政府组织这类跨国社会运动行为体赖以发挥作用的国际政治机会的出现创造必要的环境结构条件。
131这是因为,与主要聚焦于国家之间关系的传统国际关系理论不同的是,全球治理强调主权国家并非垄断全球政治进程,而是与广泛的其他行为体互动。换言之,全球治理是主权国家与国际非政府组织、跨国社会运动、政府间组织和跨国公司等非国家行为体之间进行谈判或相互作用的过程,而且这种互动过程不仅是动态的、还是多层次的,即各种不同行为者之间的互动是在地方的、国家的和区域的乃至全球的层面上交互地展开。这就是说从基本理念上来说,全球治理就否认了国内政治与国际政治之间的界限以及“国家中心”视角和“社会中心”视角之间的对立,因而可以在国际关系理论与社会运动理论之间架起了沟通的桥梁。
132 Thomas Risse, "Transnational Actors and World Politics", p.255.
133郭树永：《国际政治社会学初探》,《世界经济与政治》2001年第11期,第10页。
134[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第15页。
135王逸舟教授提出未来的中国外交要“学会面对国际非政府组织”,不过,值得注意的是他所谈的实际上是由国际非政府组织发起或参与的跨国社会运动。因而,换言之,未来的中国外交也要“学会面对跨国社会运动”。参见王逸舟：《中国外交的思考与前瞻》,《国际经济评论》2008年第4期,第5-6页。
136 Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg, "Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politics", pp.191-193.
137[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,胡少华、王红缨译,北京：中国人民公安大学出版社,1992年,第93页。
138[美]罗伯特·基欧汉编：《新现实主义及其批判》,郭树勇译,北京大学出版社,2002年,第150页。
139[美]汉斯·摩根索：《国家间政治——寻求权力与和平的斗争》,徐听、郝望、李保平译,北京：中国人民公安大学出版社,1990年,第64和36页。
140[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,第107-108页。
141[美]肯尼斯·沃尔兹：《国际政治理论》,第112页。
142[美]罗伯特·吉尔平：《世界政治中的战争与变革》,武军、杜建平、松宁译,北京：中国人民大学出版社,1994年,第18页。
143[美]罗伯特·吉尔平：《世界政治中的战争与变革》,第7-8页。
144[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,王义桅、唐小松译,上海人民出版社,2003年,第4-5页。
145[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,第509页。
146[美]罗伯特·基欧汉编：《新现实主义及其批判》,第146页。
147 Susan Strange, "Wake Up, Krasner! The World Has Changed", Review of International Politics Economy, Vol. 1,No.2,1994, pp.209-219.
148[美]阿诺德·沃尔弗斯：《纷争与协作：国际政治论集》,于铁军译,北京：世界知识出版社,2005年,第2-3页。
149 Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:A Conclusion", International Organization, Vol.25, No.3,1971, pp.729-736.
150 Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Transgovernmental Relations and International Organizations", p. 41. Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Robert O. Keohane, "Transnational Relations and World Politics:A Conclusion", p.730.
151 Michael Suhr, "Robert O. Keohane:A Contemporary Classic", in Iver B.Neumann and Ole Waver (eds.), The Future of International Relations:Masters in the Making? London:Routledge,1997, pp.99-100.
152 Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power:Essays in International Relations Theory, Boulder:Westview Press,1989, p.8.
153门洪华：《罗伯特·O.基欧汉：诠释与发展世界政治理论的经典大师》,[美]罗伯特·基欧汉：《局部全球化世界中的自由主义、权力与治理》,门洪华译,北京大学出版社,2004年,序言第10页。
154参见[美]罗伯特·基欧汉和约瑟夫·奈：《导言》,载[美]约瑟夫·奈和约翰·唐纳胡主编：《全球化世界的治理》,王勇等译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第1-38页。
155 James N. Rosenau, "Chaos in Global Life:Structure and Process in the Two Worlds of World Politics", International Political Science Review, Vol.9, No.4,1988, pp.327-328.
156[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙：《全球新秩序中的治理》,[英]戴维·赫尔德,安东尼·麦克格鲁主编：《治理全球化：权力、权威与全球治理》,曹荣湘等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2004年,第75页。
157 Bas Arts, "Non-State Actors in Global Governance", Paper to be presented at the 2003 ECPR Joint Sessions, Workshop 11:The Governance of Global Issues-Effectiveness, Accountability, and Constitutionalization, Edinburgh, Scotland, March 28-April 2,2003, p.8.
158 Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg, "Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politics", p.191.
160 Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian, Collective Behavior, Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice Hall,1987, p.223.转引自Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.4.
161 John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partial Theory", The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.82, No.6,1977, pp.1217-1218.
162 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", in Charles Bright and Susan Harding (eds.), Statemaking and Social Movements:Essays in History and Theory, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1984, p.306.
163 Alain Touraine, The Voice and the Eye:An Analysis of Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1981, p.77转引自Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.5.
164 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.29.
165[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,冯炳昆译,《国际社会科学杂志》(中文版)1996年第2期,第110页。
166 John Wilson, Introduction to Social Movements, New York:Basic Books,1973, p.8有学者将社会运动划分为四种类型：变革型(transformative)、改良型(reformative)、救赎型(redemptive)和另择型(alternative)。变革型社会运动：通过暴力方式或参与某种灾难性的变革,寻求改变整个社会结构,既包括左派运动,也包括原教旨主义运动。改良型社会运动：目的在于部分变革以补偿当前的不公与不平等,一般为单议题运动,如反核运动、女权运动等。救赎型运动：涉及个人的彻底改变,使个人问题从社会背景中分离出来,并成为人性改变和个性改善的问题。另择运动：并不一定要变革或改革体系,而是寻求发展切实可行的、可持续的另一种生活方式,以保护能源和稀缺资源,并更加关注精神价值层面。见该书第23-24页。
167 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.12.
168[美]曼纽尔·卡斯特：《认同的力量》(第二版),曹荣湘译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2006年,第3页。
169 Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", p.651.
170因而,本文中社会运动的概念实际上聚焦于“进步的”社会运动,而将恐怖主义和原教旨主义运动等激进运动排除在外。所谓“进步的(progressive)”是指一个比较宽泛的政治目标,即促进公正的、可持续的、和平的与文明的惯例以增进人权和社会正义。参见Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, "The Rise of Civic Transnationalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.66.
171 Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.), The Social Movements Reader:Cases and Concepts, p.4.
172[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第6页。
173 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.11.
174 Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh, Social Movements in Politics:A Comparative Study, London:Longman,1997, pp. 4-5.
175 Alan Scott, Ideology and the New Social Movements, London:Routledge,1990, p.6转引自Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics:Beyond a Social Movements Approach", pp.651-652.
176 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.8.
177 Mario Diani, "Introduction:Social Movements, Contentious Actions, and Social Networks:'From Metaphor to Substance'?" in Mario Diani and Doug McAdam (eds.), Social Movements and Networks:Relational Approaches to Collective Action, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, p.1.
178 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.8.
179 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", p.13.
180 Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, "Taking Part:Social Movements, INGOs, and Global Change", p.353.
181 Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction,2nd ed., Oxford, UK:Blackwell, 2006, Chapter 1.
182例如Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity Beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997; Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan,1999; Jackie Smith and Hank Johnston (eds.), Globalization and Resistance:Transnational Dimensions of Social Movements, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,2002; Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002. 183 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", in Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000, p.8.
184 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.12-13.
185 Sandra Halperin and Gordon Laxer, "Effective Resistance to Corporate Globalization", in Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and Its Limits, Houndmills, et al.:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.6.
186 Alejandro Colas, International Civil Society:Social Movements in World Politics, Cambridge:Polity,2002.
187 Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, "The Rise of Civic Transnationalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.66.
188 Nicola Piper and Anders Uhlin, "New Perspectives on Transnational Activism", in Nicola Piper and Anders Uhlin (eds.), Transnational Activism in Asia:Problems of Power and Democracy, London:Routledge,2004, p.5.
189 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.11.
190 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, (eds.) Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.8.
191 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, pp.2-3.
192 Dieter Rucht, "The Transnationalization of Social Movements:Trends, Causes, Problems", in Donatella Della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Basingstoke: Macmillan,1999, p.207.
193 Jackie Smith, Ron Pagnucco and Charles Chatfield, "Social Movements and World Politics:A Theoretical Framework", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, pp.59-60.
194[美]西德尼·塔罗：《运动中的力量——社会运动与斗争政治》,第2页。
195[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第9页。
196[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第52页。
197[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第46页。
198 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", in Pierre Hamel, Henri Lustiger-Thaler, Jan Nederveen Pieterse and Sasha Roseneil, Globalization and Social Movements, New York:Palgrave,2001, p.25.
199一般认为,跨国妇女运动可以划分为三个明显的阶段：第一阶段从19世纪晚期至20世纪早期；第二阶段涵盖整个20世纪中期；第三阶段自20世纪末至今。第一阶段主要包括改变社会习俗的社会改革运动以及争取投票权和避孕合法化的运动；第二阶段包括反殖运动中的妇女运动和新社会运动中的女权主义运动；第三阶段国际妇女运动成为一支强大的政治力量,并且日益成为广义而言的全球正义运动之一部分。参见：Peggy Antrobus and Gita Sen, "The Personal Is Global:The Project and Politics of the Transnational Women's Movement", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, pp.142-143也有将这三个阶段分别称为第一、第二、第三代女权主义。
200[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第59页。
201[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,文军等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2001年,第147页。
201[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第66页。
203 Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown, "Introduction:Why Transnational Civil Society Matters", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.11.
204 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.85.
205 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, London:Routledge, 2007, p.41.
206 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", p.87.
207 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, p.44.
208 Dan Gallin, "Transnational Pioneers:The International Labor Movement", p.88.
209第一次世界大战爆发后,第二国际瓦解,国际社会主义运动发生分裂,各党左派于1919年在莫斯科成立了共产国际即第三国际。同年,社会民主党的右派成立伯尔尼国际；1921年接近右派的“中派”也另组了维也纳国际,亦称“第二个半国际”。1923年5月21日,伯尔尼和维也纳国际合并,在德国汉堡成立了社会主义工人国际(Labor and Socialist International),它是1951年成立的社会党国际(Socialist International)的前身。参见周琪：《社会民主主义和欧洲共产主义理论的比较分析》,《政治学研究》1985年第4期,第74页。
210赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第297页。
211[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第440页。
212二战以后发达国家的和平运动经历了三个高潮：第一次是在20世纪四、五十年代,以欧洲为中心,主题是反战(特别是朝鲜战争),捍卫世界和平；第二次高潮发生于60年代后期,以美国为重心,主题是反对美侵越战争；第三次发生于80年代,西欧和美国均是重心,主题是反对以美苏军备竞争为主要内容的反核和平运动。参见秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,第52-53页。
213 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.17.
214后工业社会,指的是社会的服务业(包括知识、媒体和信息等产业)已成为最重要的财富和就业的源泉,与此相伴的是制造业比重相对下降、体力劳动工人减少、大学教育的普及和中产阶级的兴起。
215何平立：《认同感政治：西方新社会运动述评》,《探索与争鸣》2007年第9期,第66页。
216反叛西方主流文化的“嬉皮士”运动,是西方青年试图以各种反叛行为发泄对现实社会不满以及对抗传统价值观的一场文化抗议运动。
217周穗明：《西方新社会运动与新马克思主义》,《广东行政学院学报》2006年第3期,第89页。
218赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第291页。
219 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.28.
220[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第444页。
221赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第290-291页。
222[英]S.豪尔和M.杰奎斯：《从1988年看1968年：历史性的年代》,《国外社会科学》1988年11期,第34页。
223[美]马丁·休伊森、蒂莫西·辛克莱：《全球治理理论的兴起》,张胜军编译,《马克思主义与现实》2002年第1期,第45页。
224[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第468和148页。
225秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,第45页。
226叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,第38页。
227 John McCormick, The Global Environmental Movement:Reclaiming Paradise, London:Belhaven Pr.,1989转引自叶平：《全球环境运动及其理性考察》,第37-41页。
227 1972年6月在瑞典斯德哥尔摩召开的联合国人类环境会议,是人类历史上的第一次国际环境保护大会,世界上133个国家的1300多名代表出席了这次会议。这次会议在很大程度是20世纪60年代非政府组织和西方环境运动推动以及世界人民环境意识觉醒的结果。大会通过了《联合国人类环境会议宣言》和《行动宣言》,宣告了人类对环境的传统观念的终结,达成了“只有一个地球”、人类与环境是不可分割的“共同体”的共识。会议做出决议,在联合国框架下成立一个负责全球环境事务的组织,统一协调和规划有关环境方面的全球事务,联合国环境署(UNEP)由此诞生成立。
229 Michele M. Betsill and Elisabeth Corell, "Introduction to NGO Diplomacy", in Michele M. Betsill and Elisabeth Corell (eds.), NGO Diplomacy:The Influence of Nongovernmental Organizations in International Environmental Negotiations, Cambridge, Massachusetts:The MIT Press,2008, p.1.
230 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", Review of International Studies, Vol.22, No.1,1996,p.57.
231 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, Malden, Mass.:Polity Press,1997, p.118.
232 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", p.26.
233 1999年11月,美国西雅图世贸组织会议期间的大规模抗议活动,又称为“西雅图之战" (The Battle of Seattle)。西雅图事件是一个转折点,标志着新一轮的跨国社会运动的兴起,或者说是“反全球化运动”(anti-globalization movement)兴起的标志。
234 W. Lance Bennett, "Communicating Global Activism:Strengths and Vulnerabilities of Networked Politics", in Wim Van de Donk, Brian D. Loader, Paul G Nixon and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Cyberprotest:New Media, Citizens and Social Movements, London:Routledge,2004, p.143.
235 Thomas J. Sullivan, Introduction to Social Problems, Boston:Allyn and Bacon,2003, p.62.
236 Walden Bello, "The Global South", in Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements:Is Another World Really Possible? London & New York:Verso,2004, p.69.
237除了“全球正义运动" (global justice movement)之外,也有称之为“另一种全球化运动" (alternative globalization movement)或者是“改变全球化运动" (alter-globalization movement)。
238玛丽·卡尔多(Mary Kaldor)等人指出,“反全球化运动”是一开始媒体对该跨国社会运动略带贬义的称谓,有学者称之为“反资本主义运动”,目前越来越多的学者开始用“全球正义运动”来做表述。参见：Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius, "Global Civil Society in an Era of Regressive Globalisation", in Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier, and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, p.24.
239 Jackie Smith, "Behind the Anti-Globalization Label", Dissent, Vol.48, No.4, Fall 2001, pp.14-18.
240 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.16.
241 Sian Sullivan,'"We are heartbroken and furious!'Violence and the (anti-)globalization movement(s)", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London:Routledge,2005, p.192 note 1.
242 Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave, "New Media, New Movements? The Role of the Internet in Shaping the 'Anti-globalization' Movement", in Wim Van de Donk, Brian D. Loader, Paul G. Nixon and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Cyberprotest:New Media, Citizens and Social Movements, London:Routledge,2004, p.97.
243 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, New York:Zed Books,2004, p.110.
244 Frank J. Lechner and John Boli, The Globalization Reader, Malden, Mass.; Oxford:Blackwell Publishing LTD, 2004, p.407.
245 Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca, "Introduction", in Catherine Eschle and Bice Maiguashca (eds.), Critical Theories, International Relations and'the Anti-Globalisation Movement':The Politics of Global Resistance, London:Routledge,2005, p.2.
246 Leslie Sklair, Globalization:Capitalism and Its Alternatives,3rd edition, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2002, pp.277-293.
247 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, p.57
248 Antonio Carmona Baez, "Scholar-Activism and the Global Movement for Socioeconomic Justice", in Steve John and Stuart Thomson, New Activism and the Corporate Response, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.243.
249 John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots:The Politics of Global Adjustment, Oxford, UK; Cambridge, Mass.:Blackwell,1994.
250 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, pp.113-114.
251 Peter Van Aelst and Stefaan Walgrave, "New Media, New Movements? The Role of the Internet in Shaping the 'Anti-globalization' Movement", p.122 note (2).
252 Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, p.114.
253阿塔克组织(Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions for the Aid of Citizens, ATTAC),是一个提倡课征外汇交易税(又称托宾税,即对现货外汇交易课征全球统一的交易税,它是由美国经济学家、1981年诺贝尔经济学奖得主托宾1972年在普林斯顿大学演讲中首次提出的)的社会运动团体。ATTAC与英文与法文中的“进攻”谐音,它于1998年成立于法国,目前已在40国成立1000多个地方组织。它起初仅经营托宾税议题,现在则关注与全球化相关的各种议题,并监察世界贸易组织、经济合作与发展组织与国际货币基金的决策。阿塔克组织不认为自身是所谓反全球化团体,它只批判笼罩经济全球化的新自由主义意识形态,而支持公正并可持续发展的全球化。阿塔克组织反对社会商品化,它的口号是“世界不是拿来卖的”(The World is not for sale)。部分阿塔克组织成员也是世界社会论坛与欧洲社会论坛的发起人。参见阿塔克组织主页:
254 Public Citizen:
255这些非政府组织包括美国劳联-产联(AFL-CIO)、大赦国际(Amnesty International)、澳大利亚自然保护基金会(Australian Conservation Foundation)、地球之友(Friends of the Earth)、乐施会(Oxfam)、公民组织(Public Citizen)、塞拉俱乐部(Sierra Club)、第三世界网络(Third World Network)、美国钢铁工人联合会(United Steelworkers of America)、美国西部州长协会(Western Governors' Association)和英国世界发展运动组织(World Development Movement)等。
256 Stephen J. Kobrin, "The MAI and the Clash of Globalizations", Foreign Policy, No.112, Fall 1998, pp.97-98.
257 James Heartfield, "Contextualising the 'Anti-Capitalism' Movement in Global Civil Society", in Gideon Baker and David Chandler (eds.), Global Civil Society:Contested Futures, London:Routledge,2005, p.88.
258[英]阿列克斯·卡利尼科斯：《反资本主义宣言》,上海：上海译文出版社,2005年,引言第4页。
259 Jacklyn Cock, "The World Social Forum and New Forms of Social Activism", in Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield CT:Kumarian Press,2004, p.176.
260 2001年颁布的《世界社会论坛原则宪章》是世界社会论坛的活动指南,确定了世界社会论坛的性质和目 的。纲领第一条就明确指出：世界社会论坛是一个开放式的讨论空间,其目的在于拓深对民主思想的思考与探讨,形成建议；加强各种经验的自由交流,并联合成为有效的行动、决策和各种公民社会的运动。这一运动反对新自由主义,反对当今由资本所控制的主流世界及各种形式的扩张主义,以便建立起有益于人类的世界社会。William F. Fisher and Thomas Ponniah (eds.), Another World is Possible:Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum, London:Zed Books,2003, pp.354-357.
261 Robert O'Brien, "Global Civil Society and Global Governance", in Matthew J. Hoffmann and Alice D. Ba (eds.), Contending Perspectives on Global Governance:Coherence, Contestation and World Order, London: Routledge,2005, p.215.
262杀伤人员地雷(anti-personnel landmines)是指有人出现、接近或接触时,便起爆并引起一人或多人失能、伤残或死亡的地雷。当有车辆出现、接近或接触时便起爆的地雷,不属于杀伤人员地雷。参见《国际禁雷公约》(即《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种地雷的公约》)第2条第1款。
263 William R. Pace and Mark Thieroff, "Participation of Non-Governmental Organizations", in Roy S.Lee (ed.), The International Criminal Court:The Making of the Rome Statute--Issues, Negotiations, Results, The Hague: Kluwer Law International,1999, pp.391-392.另外参见国际刑事法庭联盟(Coalition for the International Criminal Court, CICC)网站:
264马利斯·格莱修斯(Marlies Glasius)指出,这是由于两点原因：首先,国际刑事法庭是不断地向“更少地以国家主权为基础和更多地以保护世界上所有公民免遭权力滥用的侵害为导向的”国际法律秩序转变的重要一步。其次,全球公民社会对罗马规约谈判的影响在国际条约谈判的历史上几乎是史无前例的,可与之相媲美的是全球公民社会对国际禁雷公约的贡献。Marlies Glasius, "Expertise in the Cause of Justice: Global Civil Society Influence on the Statute for an International Criminal Court", in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2002, p.137.
265 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.54.
266 1990年经济学家约翰·威廉姆森(John Williamson)杜撰了“华盛顿共识" (Washington Consensus)—词来指世界范围内的执政者们在至少10个政策领域采取的新自由主义式的安排,包括：财政制度、公共支出优先权、税务改革、金融自由化、竞争性汇率、贸易自由化、外商直接投资、私有化、放松管制、知识产权等。Robin Broad and John Cavanagh, "The Death of the Washington Consensus", World Policy Journal, Vol. 16, No.3,1999, p.87. (pp.79-88)
267 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.7.
268 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.8-9.
269 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", in Martin Shaw (ed.), Politics and Globalisation:Knowledge, Ethics and Agency, London:Routledge,1999, p.73.
270 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.7.
271 Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society:An Answer to War, Cambridge, UK:Polity Press,2003, p.7
272[美]塞缪尔·亨廷顿：《第三波——20世纪后期民主化浪潮》,刘军宁译,上海三联书店,1998年,序《第三波：二十年之后看未来》,第3页。
273查尔斯·蒂利指出,“在民主化程度较低的情况下以及在大多数历史时期,根本没有社会运动的形成可言。”“惟有具有广泛的民主制度和民主实践的政权,才会发生社会运动的可利用性和国际化。”参见[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第173-174页。
274 Steffan Lindberg and Arni Sverrisson, "Introduction", in Steffan Lindberg and Arni Sverrisson (eds.), Social Movements in Development:The Challenge of Globalization and Democratization, New York:St. Martin's Press, 1997, pp.5-11.
275[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第450-451页。
276 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance", pp.55-56.
277 Naomi Klein, "Reclaiming the Commons", in Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements, London & New York:Verso,2004, p.225.
278 Kumi Naidoo, "Claiming Global Power:Transnational Civil Society and Global Governance," p.54.
279 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Globalization and Collective Action", p.26.
280[美]曼纽尔·卡斯特：《网络社会的崛起》,夏铸九、王志弘译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2001年。
281 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", in Eleonore Kofman and Gillian Youngs (eds.), Globalization:Theory and Practice,2nd edition, London & New York:Continuum,2003, p.83.
282 Jessica T. Mathews, "Power shift", pp.51-52.
283叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》,《国际观察》2008年第4期,第17页。
284 David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,1998.
285赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第37页。
286 Zsuzsa Hegedus, "Social Movements and Social Change in Self-Creative Society:New Civil Initiatives in the International Arena", International Sociology, Vol.4, No.1,1989, pp.19-36.
287 John Clark, "Conclusions:Globalizing Civic Engagement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, p.164.
288[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第159页。
289详见第三章第三节的有关论述。
290当然,这里仅仅是就当代跨国社会运动与19世纪的跨国社会运动的整体特征比较而言。例如,有学者指出,“环境运动十分多样化和复杂化。它们的组织形式既有高度组织化和制度化的,也有非常激进和非正式的,它们的活动范围从地方几乎到全球。它们关注的领域从单一议题到全球环境关切的全球问题。”(参见[英]克里斯托弗·卢茨主编：《西方环境运动：地方、国家和全球向度》,徐凯译,济南：山东大学出版 社,2005年,第2页。)可以看出,卢茨实际上谈的是环境运动组织的特征,而不是针对整个环境运动而言,因此,这与松散化和网络化是跨国社会运动主要特征的判断并不矛盾。
291 W. Lance Bennett, "Social Movements beyond Borders:Understanding Two Eras of Transnational Activism", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005,p.213.
292 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.12.
293 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.13-14.
294参见叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》的相关论述,《国际观察》2008年第4期,第16-24页。
295 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press, 1997, pp.12-13.
296 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", p.84.
297 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" in Ingo K. Richter, Sabine Berking and Ralf Muller-Schmid (eds.), Building a Transnational Civil Society:Global Issues and Global Actors, Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan,2006, pp.116-117.
298 Martin Hewson and Timothy Sinclair, "Emergence of Global Governance Theory", in Martin Hewson and Timothy Sinclair (eds.), Approaches to Global Governance Theory, Albany, NY:State University of New York Press,1999, pp.3-23.
299叶江：《全球治理与中国的大国战略转型》,北京：时事出版社,2010年,第1页。
300例如:Rodney Bruce Hall and Thomas J. Biersteker (eds.), The Emergence of Private Authority in Global Governance, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2002. Margaret P. Karns and Karen A. Mingst, International Organizations:The Politics and Processes of Global Governance,2nd ed., Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2010. Leon Gordenker and Thomas Weiss (eds.), NGOs, the UN, and Global Governance, Boulder, Colo.:Lynne Rienner,1996国内的研究例如：王杰、张海滨、张志洲：《全球治理中的国际非政府组织》；刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》等。
301参见James Rosenau, "Governance in the Twenty-First Century", Global Governance, Vol.1, No.1,1995, p.24.詹姆斯·罗西瑙指出,社会运动的组织性虽然不是很强,但其重要性并不亚于非政府组织。“近几十年来的社会运动一直是全球治理的发展源泉。实际上,社会运动可能恰恰是有潜力成长为制度化治理机制的初级控制机制之精华所在。”“社会运动时常围绕着一些突出问题,如女权主义者、环保主义者、和平主义 者所关心的焦点,这就使得它能够满足那些国家政府、有组织的国内团体或私人企业所不能实现的跨国需求。”而且,它们起着“收拾由政府和商业跨国活动所留下的残局”的作用。
302 Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance", PS:Political Science & Politics, Vol.32, No.4,1999, p.696.
303 Robert Gilpin, "A Realist Perspective on International Governance", in David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds.), Governing Globalization:Power, Authority and Global Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,2002, p.238
304 Robert Gilpin, "A Realist Perspective on International Governance", p.237.
305 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", pp.76-77.
306 David Held, Democracy and the Global Order:From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Cambridge:Polity Press,1995. Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood, Oxford:Oxford Universitv Press,1995.
307 Oran R. Young, "Global Governance:Toward a Theory of Decentralized World Order", in Oran R. Young (ed.), Global Governance:Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1997, p. 274.
308 Bice Maiguashca, "Governance and Resistance in World Politics", Review of International Studies, Vol.29, No. S1,2003, p.5.
309 Richard Falk, Predatory Globalization, pp.2-3
310 Ian Clark, "Legitimacy in a Global Order", Review of International Studies, Vol.29, No. S1,2003, pp.76-77.
311[美]詹姆斯·罗西瑙：《全球新秩序中的治理》,第75页。
312 Rosaleen Duffy and Feargal Cochrane, "Conclusion:Global Governance, Conflict and Resistance", in Feargal Cochrane, Rosaleen Duffy and Jan Selby (eds.), Global Governance, Conflict and Resistance, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.217.
313 Richard A. Higgott, Geoffrey R. D. Underhill and Andreas Bieler, "Introduction:Globalisation and Non-State Actors", p.1.
314 Chadwick F. Alger, "Transnational Social Movements, World Politics and Global Governance", pp.260-275.
315 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.15-16.
316 Bob Reinalda, "Private in Form, Public in Purpose:NGOs in International Relations Theory", p.11.
317[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《后记：社会运动研究者的议程》,[美]杰克·戈德斯通主编：《国家、政党与社会运动》,章延杰译,上海人民出版社,2009年,第220页。
318[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,第70页。
319 Donatella della Porta, Globalization from Below:Transnational Activists and Protest Networks, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,2006, p.20.
320 Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.13-14.
321 Charles Tillv, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.305.
Mario Diani, "The Concept of Social Movement", pp.14-15.
323 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Atrangements for NGOs". n.62.
324 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.306.
Dieter Rucht. "The Transnationalization of Social Movements:Trends. Causes. Problems",p.207.
326有些学者用公民社会组织(civil society organizations, CSOs)来囊括在国内和跨国层面运作的各种非政府组织、社会运动组织和倡议网络等。
327 Jackie Smith, Ron Pagnucco and Charles Chatfield, "Social Movements and World Politics:A Theoretical Framework", pp.60-61.
328 Jackie Smith, "Transnational Political Processes and the Human Rights Movement", Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, Vol.18,1995, pp.211-212.
329虽然非政府组织(nongovernmental organizations, NGOs)概念的产生时间不长,但非政府组织却并非是一个新现象,其历史起点至少可以追溯到19世纪中期。非政府组织有着各种不同的称谓或相关的术语,比如,“非营利组织”、“民间组织”、“公民社会组织”、“志愿者组织”、“第三部门”、“公共组织”、“慈善组织”等等。现代行政学从营利与非营利的角度将社会组织或部门分为公共部门(又称政府部门)和私营部门(又称营利性企业)两大类。而当代组织社会学认为,由于现代社会分工的异常复杂,在公共部门与私营部门之间还存着不以赢利为目的和旨在为社会公益服务事业提供准公共产品的第三部门即非政府组织。
330 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.59.
331赵黎青：《联合国对非政府组织的界定》,《学会》2009年第3期,第3-4页。此外,美国学者莱斯特·M.萨拉蒙认为认为非政府组织(他称之为非营利部门),主要有以下几个方面共同的特征：①组织性,即这些机构都有一定的制度和结构；②私有性,即这些机构都在制度上与国家相分离；③非营利属性,即这些机构都不向他们的经营者或“所有者”提供利润；④自治性,即这些机构都基本上是独立处理各自的事务；⑤自愿性,即这些机构的成员不是法律要求而组成的,这些机构接受一定程度的时间和资金的自愿捐助。([美]莱斯特·M.萨拉蒙等著：《全球公民社会——非营利部门视界》,贾西津、魏玉等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2002年,第3-4页。)我国学者刘贞晔指出,一般认为,非政府组织通常具有以下特征：①应是非政府的社会组织,即应是自主管理、不受政府控制的组织；②应是合法的社会组织,犯罪集团和恐怖组织等都不是非政府组织；③应是非政党性质、不谋求政治权力的社会组织；④应是非营利的社会组织；⑤组织的活动目标是社会公益性的；⑥具有一定的志愿性质。(刘贞晔：《国际政治领域的非政府组织： 种互动关系的分析》,第56页。)
332[美]入江昭：《全球共同体：国际组织在当代世界形成中的角色》,第1页。
333转引自叶江、甘锋：《试论国际非政府组织对当代国际格局演变的影响》,《国际观察》2007年第3期,第58页。
334 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and global Transformation", p.12.
335 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:Solidarity beyond the State, Syracuse, N.Y.:Syracuse University Press,1997, p.30.
336 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Transformation", p.12.
337 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.40.
338注：大体上来说,社会运动组织(SMOs)是非政府组织(NGOs)中的一部分,其中跨国运作的社会运动组织即跨国社会运动组织(TSMOs),也就是社会运动组织与国际非政府组织(INGOs)相互重叠的部分。来源:Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", p.13, Figure 1.
339 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" pp.116-117
340[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第46页。
341 Dieter Rucht, "Critique of Capitalism in the Era of Globalization--Old Wine in New Bottles?" p.121.
342 Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Politics:Contention and Institutions in International Politics", p.12.
343 Louis Kriesberg, "Social Movements and Global Transformation", pp.12-13.
344 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.61.
345 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.6.
346 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.62.
317叶江：《试论国际非政府组织参与全球治理的途径》,第17页。
348 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", pp.6-7.
349[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第447页。
350[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第436页。
351刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议题的有效性分析》,《现代国际关系》2003年第10期,第19页。
352 Christoph Gorg and Joachim Hirsch, "Is International Democracy Possible?" p.607.
353 Peter Willetts, "From Stockholm to Rio and beyond:The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs", p.62.
354 Steve Charnovitz, "Two Centuries of Participation:NGOs and International Governance", Michigan Journal of International Law, Vol.18, No.2,1997, pp.183-286.
Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, "Introducing Global Civil Society", in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global civil society 2001, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2001, p.4.
356[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第448页。
357[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第456页。
358 Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005, p.29.
359 Kathryn Sikkink, "Patterns of Dynamic Multilevel Governance and the Insider-Outsider Coalition", in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.158.
360政府间国际组织的概念是两个或两个以上主权国家政府为实现共同的政治经济目的,依据其缔结的条约或其他正式法律文件建立的常设性机构。这里的政府间国际组织,如果没有特别说明,主要是指联合国这一主要的全球性政治机构以及世界银行、世界货币基金组织和世界贸易组织这三个全球性经济机构。
361 Wendy E.F. Torrance and Andrew W. Torrance, "Spinning the Green Web:Transnational Environmentalism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press,2006, p.102.
362 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.6.
363 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,2008, p. 124, Table 6.5-"Changes in TSMO Network Ties,1973-2003".
364 Jan Aart Scholte, "The IMF and Civil Society:An Interim Progress Report", in Michael Edwards and Johr Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.89.
365 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.178-179.
366 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.1-2.
367 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.21.
368 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.2-3.
369 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, p.18.
370 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.28.
371 Jackie Smith, "Social movements and multilateralism", in Edward Newman, Ramesh Thakur and John Tirman (eds.), Multilateralism under Challenge? Power, International Order, and Structural Change, New York:United Nations University Press,2006, pp.395-421.
372 Tony Hill, "Three Generations of UN-Civil Society Relations:A Quick Sketch", Civil Society Observer,2004,
373 Tony Hill, "Three Generations of UN-Civil Society Relations:A Quick Sketch".这里提到的“第二轨道"(TrackTwo)主要指非官方的或民间的国际交往活动,是相对于正式的官方关系(“第一轨道”)而言的。
374当然,这二者本身也是在跨国公民社会运动和团体影响下产生的。
375 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.51.
376 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", pp. 5-6.
377 James N. Rosenau, "Powerful Tendencies, Enduring Tensions and Glaring Contradictions:The United Nations in a Turbulent World", in Albert J.Paolini, Anthony P. Jarvis and Christian Reus-Smit (eds.), Between Sovereignty and Global Governance:The United Nations, the State, and Civil Society, Houndmills:MacMillan Press,1998, p. 270.(pp.252-273)
378这是与政府和国际组织比较而言,相对来说社会运动的特点是等级制和集权较少,而内部的民主较多。
379[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第110页。
380[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第113-114页。
381 John D. Clark, "Dot-Causes and Protest:Transnational Economic Justice Movements", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.136.
382罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪认为可以从五个方面来定义跨国公司：在两个以上的国家进行经济活动；能使国家间的比较利益最大化,并从资源禀赋、工资率市场条件以及政治和经济的差异中获取利益；具有地理上的灵活性,即在全球不同地区转移资源和改变运作方式；在跨国公司的各分支机构中,在金融、组织和管理方面比在一个国家具有更大的流动性；有全球意义上的经济和社会影响。参见[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第175-176页。
383同上,第178页。
384参见Leslie Sklair, "Social Movements for Global Capitalism:The Transnational Capitalist Class in Action", Review of International Political Economy, Vol.4, No.3,1997, pp.514-538. Leslie Sklair, The Transnational Capitalist Class, Oxford:Blackwell Publishers Ltd,2001.
385 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.69.
386 Cooler Heads Coalition:
387 The Heartland Institute:
388非政府组织合法性问题的提出并不是偶然的,因为它正是在非政府组织开始在国际舞台上取得真正影响力之时。从这个意义上来说,它们成了自身成功的牺牲品。然而,实际上,非政府组织比企业(甚至比很多政府)更加负责。而且,尽管跨国公民社会远非民主可言,然而公民社会团体在世界舞台上作用的日益增强,为国家体系加入了一个重要的监督和制衡层面。参见Michael Edwards, "Introduction", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.7.
389 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.84-85.
390 Barry K. Gills, "Introduction:Globalization and the Politics of Resistance", p.3.
391[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第500-501页。
392[加]伊丽莎白·里德尔-狄克逊：《社会运动与联合国》,第117页Shannon Shipp, "Modified Vendettas as a Method of Punishing Corporations", Journal of Business Ethics, Vol.6, No.8,1987, pp.603-612.
393这十项基本原则是：(1)企业应尊重并尊重国际公认的人权；(2)保证不与践踏人权者同流合污；(3)企业界应支持结社自由及切实承认集体谈判权；(4)消除一切形式的强迫和强制劳动；(5)切实废除童工；(6)消除就业和职业方面的歧视；(7)企业界应支持采用预防性方法应对环境挑战；(8)采取主动行动促进想环境方面更负责任的做法；(9)鼓励开发和推广环境友好型技术。(10)企业界应努力反对一切形式的腐败,包括敲诈和贿赂。
394 Brayden G King and Nicholas A. Pearce, "The Contentiousness of Markets:Politics, Social Movements, and Institutional Change in Markets", Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.36, No.1,2010, p.251.
395一些“全球主义者" (globalist)甚至认为全球化会不可避免地走向一个没有边界的世界和经济的“公平 的竞争场所”,在其中真正全球化的跨国公司会成为主要的行为体。除了提供商业所需的基础设施和公共物品之外,国家几乎没有或很少有什么作用(Kenichi Ohmae, The Borderless World:Power and Strategy in the Interlinked Economy, London:Collins,1990. Kenichi Ohmae, The End of the Nation State:The Rise of Regional Economies, London:Harper Collins,1995.)。当然,我们不能否认国家依然是国际经济和政治中的主要行为体,但同样不能忽视的是,在全球化的背景下,虽然国家的作用可能并未减少,但显然发生了改变。国家在一些领域得以加强,而在另一些领域则明显失去权力。
396[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第496页。
397 2002年圣诞前夕,雀巢公司因向陷入严重饥荒的埃塞俄比亚逼债而又一次成为跨国社会运动的目标。由于一家子公司1975年被埃塞俄比亚收归国有,27年后雀巢公司要求该国赔偿600万美元,而此时这个国家正面临着20年来最严重的饥荒。雀巢公司的“圣诞逼债”行为不仅是有问题的,而且也是没必要的,因为这些钱不过是雀巢公司一个小时的营业额,然而这笔钱却可以供一百万埃塞俄比亚人生活一个月时间。乐施会(Oxfam)和其他一些国际非政府组织要求雀巢公司放弃索赔要求,并发起大规模的电子动员对其施压。在乐施会的倡议下活动分子在3天内向雀巢公司发了15,000封信件,在随后的几周内,总数达到4万余封。与此同时,全世界的媒体迅速报道此事,有些还将之作为头版头条。编辑来信和媒体聊天网站上的评论源源不断。在大量的网络日志上,人们开始积极地呼吁抵制雀巢公司的产品。雀巢公司仓促作出反应。一开始表示要将埃塞俄比亚的赔款用于在当地投资,之后又改变立场提出将这笔款项捐赠给人道组织用于赈济饥荒。然而,乐施会对此并不满意继续其运动。2003年1月24日,雀巢公司和埃塞俄比亚政府达成协议,赔款减至150万美元,并将该笔款项用以救援当地饥荒。参见Duane Raymond, "Activism:Behind the Banners", in Steve John and Stuart Thomson (eds.), New Activism and the Corporate Response, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, pp.207-208.
398 Gay W. Seidman, "Monitoring Multinationals:Corporate Codes of Conduct", in Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions across Borders:Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order, Lanham, Md.:Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.164.
399 Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown, "Shaping the Global Human Project:The Nature and Impact of Transnational Civil Activism", in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006, p.210.
400 Wendy E.F. Torrance and Andrew W. Torrance, "Spinning the Green Web:Transnational Environmentalism", p. 117.
401正如有学者所指出的,经济正常情况下是嵌入在社会关系中的,然而在现代市场社会中,无论是19世纪的“自由放任”还是20世纪的“华盛顿共识”,使得经济和经济关系不再嵌入在社会、共同体、文化或宗教的管制形式之中,而且一些市场原教旨主义者甚至要将社会嵌入在经济之中,而我们现在需要的是使经济重新嵌入在社会之中。因为,一个真正自由的自我管制的市场体系只是一个神话而绝不可能在现实中存在。市场是经济的一部分,而经济则是社会的一部分。参见Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation: The New Great Counter-Movement, p.18.
402 John Markoff, Waves of Democracy:Social Movements and Political Change, Thousand Oaks, Calif.:Pine Forge Press,1996, p.45.
403 Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics", p.314.
404赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第111-113页。
405 John Topey, The Invention of the Passport:Surveillance, Citizenship and the State, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000, pp.93-117.
406 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.2.
407 Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996.
408社会运动的跨国化进程有三个主要方式：“传播(diffusion)”即运动的思想、实践和框架(frame)由—国向另一国的扩散；“内部化(domestication)”即国内领土上上演的冲突有着外部的根源；和“外部化(externalization)”即挑战超国家机构以干预国内问题或冲突。参见Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.2.
409 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.1.
410 Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow, "Transnational Processes and Social Activism:An Introduction", p.9.
411赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,第295页。
412 Ghanshyam Shah, "Introduction", in Ghanshyam Shah (eds.), Social Movements and the State, Thousand Oaks, CA:Sage Publications,2002, p.23.
413[英]罗宾·科恩和保罗·肯尼迪：《全球社会学》,第440页。
414胡位钧：《从民族国家到社会运动》,[美]查尔斯·蒂利：《社会运动1768-2004》,译序第8页。
415 Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, Frankfurt; New York: Campus Verlag,2007, p.92.
416 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Introduction", pp.25-28.
417“政治机会结构”(Political Opportunity Structure)是西方社会学学者在研究“社会运动”时所引入的一个重要概念,它指的是主权国家为可能影响其社会政治进程的社会运动所提供的外部环境或者政治背景。
418[美]玛格丽特·凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克：《超越国界的活动家：国际政治中的倡议网络》,第15页。
419 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Structures of Governance and Transnational Relations:What have we Learned?" in Thomas Risse-Kappen (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In:Non-state Actors, Domestic Structure and International Institutions, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995, p.289.
420 W. Lance Bennett, "Social Movements beyond Borders:Understanding Two Eras of Transnational Activism", p. 214.
421 Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, p.5.
422 M. J. Peterson, "Transnational Activity, International Society and World Politics", Millennium, Vol.21, No.3, 1992, pp.371-389.
423 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.85.
424 Dianne Otto, "Nongovernmental Organizations in the United Nations System:The Emerging Role of International Civil Society", p.140.
425 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
426 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, (eds.) Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.301.
427Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.306.
428社会运动也会以国际组织或国际条约为对象,促使其成员国或签字国遵守某些规则和规范。通过这一路径,国内社会运动不必依靠跨国中介,而是可以直接以国际机构为对象。例如,美国公民权组织不断地向联合国请愿来抗议美国的种族歧视。不过,这一路径也有一些制约因素：社会运动所追求的政策目标在国际协议中制度化程度不同,那么相应地国家对国际压力的脆弱性也不同；国家嵌入在国际治理结构中的程度不同；国际组织本身是否存在强有力的执行机制。参见Felix Kolb, Protest and Opportunities:The Political Outcomes of Social Movements, pp.90-91.
429 1957年,国际劳工组织通过了《土著与部落种群公约》,即国际劳工组织第107号公约(The Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention,1957 [No.107]),印度是签约国。关于围绕大坝问题的跨国社会运动详见后文的论述或者参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press,2004.
430 George Manuel and Michael Posluns, The Fourth World:An Indian Reality, Toronto:Collier-Macmillian,1974. Noel Dyck (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and the Nation-State:Fourth World Politics in Canada, Australia, and Norway, St Johns, Newfoundland:Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland,1985.转引自Paul Havemann, "Enmeshed in the Web:Indigenous Peoples'Rights in the Network Society", in Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000, p.19.
431 1989年,联合国通过《土著和部落民公约》即《国际劳工组织第169号公约》,公约规定：“独立国家中的部落民是指在社会、文化和经济条件上不同于民族共同体中的其他部分的群体,其地位全部或部分地是由他们自己的习俗或传统或依据特别的法律或法规所规定的；独立国家中的土著民是那些在被征服、殖民或建立现时的国家疆域时居住在一个国家或一地理区域内的居民的后裔,无论其法律地位如何,他们还保留着其部分或全部自己的社会、经济、文化和政治制度。" International Labour Organisation, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (C169),1989.
432 Neil Stammers, "Social Movements and the Challenge to Power", p.86.
433 Robert O'Brien. "Global Civil Society and Global Governance",p.224.
434 Jan Aart Scholte. "The Globalization of World Politics", in John Bavlis and Steve Smith (eds.), The Globalization of World Politics:An Introduction to International Relations, Oxford:Oxford University Press,1997, p.26.
435 Robert O'Brien, Anne M. Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, pp.21-22.
436 Dieter Rucht, "Social Movements Challenging Neo-liberal Globalization", in Pedro Ibarra (ed.), Social Movements and Democracy, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2003, p.223.
437 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.110.
438 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.232, p.17.
439Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.4.
440整体性研究的著作：“反全球化运动”例如Greg Buckman, Globalization:Tame It or Scrap It? Mapping the Alternatives of the Anti-globalization Movement, New York:Zed Books,2004.Tom Mertes (ed.), A Movement of Movements:Is Another World Really Possible? London; New York:Verso,2004“全球正义运动”例如Donatella della Porta (ed.), The Global Justice Movement:Cross-national and Transnational Perspectives, Boulder, USA: Paradigm Publishers,2007.“自下而上的全球化运动”例如Donatella della Porta, Globalization from Below: Transnational Activists and Protest Networks, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2006.“反资本主义运动”例如[英]阿列克斯·卡利尼科斯：《反资本主义宣言》,上海译文出版社,2005年。“反体系运动”例如Giovanni Arrighi, Terence K. Hopkins & Immanuel Wallerstein, Antisystemic Movements, London; New York: Verso,1989.“反跨国公司运动”例如Amory Starr, Naming the Enemy:Anti-corporate Movements Confront Globalization, London:Zed Books,2000. Evan Osborne, The Rise of the Anti-Corporate Movement:Corporations and the People who Hate Them, Westport, CT:Praeger Publishers,2007.
441 Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders:Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca, N.Y:Cornell University Press,1998. Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield,2005. Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005. Rupert Taylor (ed.), Creating a Better World:Interpreting Global Civil Society, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2004. Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society:An Introduction, Bloomfield, CT:Kumarian Press,2006.
442也有学者称之为社会运动部门(social movement industry)。正如经济部门是由提供类似产品的所有公司所组成一样,社会运动部门(SMI)则是由具有相似目标的所有社会运动组织(SMOs)所组成的。参见：Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Social Movement Industries:Competition and Cooperation among Movement Organizations", CRSO Working Paper No.201,1979, p.2.
443 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai (eds.), Global Social Movements, London:Continuum,2000.
444 Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte and Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000.
445 Charles Chatfield, "Introduction", p. xv.
446 Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000.
447 Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", International Organization, Vol.52, No.3,1998, pp.613-644.
448 Marlies Glasius, The International Criminal Court:A Global Civil Society Achievement, London:Routledge, 2007. Michael J. Struett, The Politics of Constructing the International Criminal Court:NGOs, Discourse, and Agency, New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2008.
449 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, p.123.
450 Jackie Smith and Joe Bandy, "Introduction:Cooperation and Conflict in Transnational Protest", in Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions across Borders:Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order, Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield,2005, p.5.
451根据杰姬·史密斯的上述统计,人权与和平两大议题领域的跨国社会运动组织占总数的比例一直稳定在50%左右。因此,安全领域的案例研究就显得尤为必要。
452冷战后兴起的反对新自由主义全球化运动的首次重要活动可以追溯到20世纪80年代发生的减债和反大坝等跨国社会运动。尤其是,跨国减债运动在1998年伯明翰和1999年科隆八国峰会期间发起的大规模反债务示威,从中我们已经可以隐约看到日后西雅图和热那亚更大规模对抗的影子。参见第二章第二节第三部分的有关论述。
453参见刘贞晔：《国际政治领域中的非政府组织：一种互动关系的分析》和刘华平：《非政府组织与核军控》。不过,二者都是从非政府组织的角度对国际禁雷运动和反战反核和平运动进行了研究。
454 Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello and Brendan Smith, "Globalization and Social Movements", in D. Stanley Eitzen and Maxine Baca Zinn (eds.), Globalization:The Transformation of Social Worlds, Belmont, CA:Thomson Wadsworth,2006, p.335.
454杰姬·史密斯等人统计发现,跨国社会运动组织聚焦的议题由单议题向多议题的发展趋势,从20世纪70年代早期到2000年为止,多议题跨国社会运动组织所占的比重由7%增至17%,数量则增加9倍。参见Jackie Smith and Joe Bandy, "Introduction:Cooperation and Conflict in Transnational Protest", p.6.
456 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p.156.
457 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p. 136.
458 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.158.
459 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement:Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, p.89.
460 Romilly Greenhill, Ann Pettifor, Henry Northover and Ashok Sinha, "Did the G8 Drop the Debt?" May 2003, p. 6.
461 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.136.
462 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", pp.172-173
463巴黎俱乐部(Paris Club),由负责处理官方双边债务的债权国政府组成,1956年因处理阿根廷债务问题而成立,是一个非正式的官方机构。巴黎俱乐部的宗旨是专门讨论与协调发展中国家与西方债权国的官方债务推迟偿还事宜；协调成员国的货币政策,以便在国际货币基金组织内采取一致行动；在国际金融领域的许多方面加强合作,以应付国际收支的不平衡和货币危机。该俱乐部的运转有五个重要的原则：以具体 问题具体分析为原则进行决策,以便适应每一个债务国的特殊情况；在出席会议的所有债权国之间寻求妥协和一致；俱乐部只同那些与国际货币基金组织签署了有关经济调整方面的协议的债务国进行谈判；在处理任何一个债务国债务时,所有成员同意采取一致的集体行动；各债权国享受的“待遇有可比较性”,这些国家应当受到平等的对待。现有美国、英国、法国、德国、意大利、日本、荷兰、加拿大、比利时、瑞典、瑞士等19个成员国。参见巴黎俱乐部官网:
464赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,《时代金融》2007年第3期,第65页。
465 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.173.
466 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.163.
467赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,第65页。
468 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.164.
469 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.135.
470 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.161福音两千运动援引圣经利未记(Book of Leviticus)中的一个圣经规范,将2000年这一千禧年定为免除债务和减少贫困的“福音”之年。引入圣经规范有助于增加运动的道义力量。运动尤其关注世界银行列入“重债”类的36个低收入国家和12个中等收入国家。福音两千的组织者强调,重债国将过多的国内预算用于偿付债务利息,而用于急需的健康教育、住房和创造就业方面的开支则所剩无几。这一联盟也抗议国际货币基金组织和世界银行为配合债务重新安排与减免而推行的结构调整方案(structural adjustment programs)对穷国所施加的沉重负担。
471 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", p.86.
472 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.135.
473 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.164.
474 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.138.
475 1997年美国丹佛峰会上,俄罗斯的加入使得七国集团转变为八国集团,但跨国减债运动主要以原七国集团的成员国政府为对象,因为它们都是重要的债权人,同时又是在国际货币基金组织和世界银行中占绝大多数份额的股东。它们能够为新的减债资金提供担保,还可以促使国际货币基金组织和世界银行改变政策从而为更多的国家实现更大幅度的债务减免。因此,行文中也大多沿用七国集团的称谓。
476 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", pp.138-139.
477 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.165.
478 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.139.
479 Elizabeth A. Donnelly, "Proclaiming Jubilee:The Debt and Structural Adjustment Network", p.165.
480 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.139.
481 Paola Grenier, "Jubilee 2000:Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement", p.88.
482美国学者彼得·卡赞斯坦等人认为“规范是对具有给定认同所应该采取的适当行为的集体期望”,并将规范分成两类：管制性规范和建构性规范,前者制约行为体的行动,后者建构行为体的身份。这里的减债规范属于管制性规范。参见[美]彼得·卡赞斯坦主编：《国家安全的文化：世界政治中的规范与认同》,宋伟、刘铁娃译,北京大学出版社,2009年,第56页。
483 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", p.148, p.139.
484 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", in Chris Jochnick and Fraser A. Preston (eds.), Sovereign Debt at the Crossroads:Challenges and Proposals for Resolving the Third World Debt Crisis, Oxford: Oxford University Press,2006, pp.305-306.
485 G8 Kananaskis Summit:"G8 African Action Plan",2002, p.12.
486时怡：《非洲减债终获历史性突破》,《国际商报》2005年6月14日。
487多边减债计划旨在为那些已经在“重债穷国计划”(HIPC)下获得减债的国家提供进一步的融资支持,免除他们积欠多边开发机构和双边债权人的所有债务,同时不影响这些国际组织未来的贷款能力。参见赵昌川、高玮琪：《重债穷国减债援助计划与目标》,第65页。
488袁正清：《国际制度研究：理论·实证·趋势》,李慎明、王逸舟主编：《2005年：全球政治与安全报告》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,2004年,第243页。
489 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
490[美]小约瑟夫·奈：《理解国际冲突：理论与历史》,张小明译,上海人民出版社,2002年,第76页。
491 2009年8月18日刚果(金)政府表示,将削减与中国的“矿产换基础设施”协议规模,从而取得国际货币基金组织的债务减免承诺。该协议规模将由原先的90亿美元缩小至60亿美元。“矿产换基础设施”协议给予中国企业通过协助建设基础设施的方式来获取采矿权。不过,国际货币基金组织担心协议可能会加重刚果(金)债务负担,要求刚果(金)修改协议规模,否则拒绝减免刚果(金)欠下的外债。国际货币基金组织未详细说明债务减免规模,但世界银行估计,刚果(金)可获减免欠国际机构和其他政府约70亿美元债务。路透中文网：《迫于IMF压力,刚果修改与中国‘矿产换基础设施’协议规模》,2009年8月19日。网址:
492 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.64.
493 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development:Transnational Civil Society Organizing around Big Dams", in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000, p.83.
494据统计,全世界每年建成的大坝数量从1900年几乎为零到20世纪中期增长为约250个。在此之后,从20世纪50年代中期到70年代中期出现爆炸式增长,每年完工的大坝达到顶峰的1000个。但是到20世纪末时,这一数量急剧地下降至不足200个,在十几年时间里减少了75%。参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.8.
495 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.85.
496 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.88.
497 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", pp.85-86.
498 Sanjeev Khagram, "Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development", p.94.
499 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development:The Case of India's Narmada Valley Dams", in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2002, p. 208.
500 Franklin Daniel Rothman and Pamela E. Oliver, "From Local to Global:The Anti-dam Movement in Southern Brazil,1979-1992", Mobilization:An International Journal, Vol.4, No.1,1999, pp.41-57.
501 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.103.
502依据国际大坝委员会(International Commission on Large Dam, ICOLD),高度超过15米以及达到其他技术要求(如库容超过300万立方米)的10至15米高的水坝为大坝(large dams)。满足下述条件之一的为大型水坝(major dams)：高度超过150米,体积超过1500万立方米,库容超过25立方千米,以及发电量超过1000千瓦等。这里将二者统称为大坝(big dams)。参见Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development: Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.217.
503 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.206.
504 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.104.
505 Narmada Bachao Andolan的涵义是“拯救纳尔默达运动(Save the Narmada Movement)",
506尼玛(Nimar)是纳尔默达河沿岸中央邦的一个地区,如果萨达尔·萨诺瓦项目按拟议的455英尺高进行建设,那么尼玛将会被淹没。
507萨达尔·萨诺瓦大坝的坝址位于古吉拉特邦境内。
508 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.206.
509其中Yuva Sangharsh Vahini的涵义是“青年行动小组(Youth action squads)”。参见Ramya Ramanath, "From Conflict to Collaboration:Nongovernmental Organizations and their Negotiations for Local Control of Slum and Squatter Housing in Mumbai, India", Blacksburg, Virginia:Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University PhD Dissertation,2005, p. xii,
510 Arch Vahini一词的涵义是“社区健康与发展行动研究(Action Research in Community Health and Development)”,是古吉拉特邦的一个市民组织,这里简称“社区行动研究组织”。参见：
511 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.211-212.
512 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.212.
513生存国际(Survival International)是一个致力于保护全世界部落民族和土著民权利的国际非政府组织。网址:
514即国际劳工组织第107号公约(ILO Convention 107):THE ILO CONVENTION ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL POPULATIONS,1957 (No.107)。印度是签约国。
515萨达尔·萨诺瓦工程动迁的人数约有20万人,其中57.6%是部落民。参见:"Dams, Displacement, Policy and Law in India", p.14,
516这就是跨国社会运动经常采用的“局内人”策略。
517 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.213-214.
518在印度,这些人被称为“土地侵占者(encroachers)”,即不合法的土地占有者,因为他们居住和耕作的土地没有合法的地契。他们一般是土著或部落民。参见William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", in William F. Fisher (ed.), Toward Sustainable Development? Struggling over India's Narmada River, Armonk,N.Y.:M.E. Sharpe,1995, p.31.
519 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.216.
520 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.216-217.
521即受纳尔默达大坝影响者委员会(Committee for Narmada dam-affected people),是马哈拉施特拉邦的一个非政府组织。参见
522也有译为“卡尔帕日什”,全称为卡尔帕克希环境行动组织(Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group)。 Kalpavriksh是1979年在德里建立的一个致力于环境和社会议题的非营利组织。该组织认为一个国家的发展只有确保生态的可持续性和社会的公正才是有意义的。参见
523 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.217.
524 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.217-218.
525 Sanieev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.218-219.
526实际上,世界银行比较早就认识到其项目所产生的环境影响以及应对这些影响的重要性。早在1970年,麦克纳马拉任命詹姆斯·李(James Lee)为世界银行史上的第一位环境顾问。参见Ryan Powers, "A New Measure of Environmental Aid:Measuring and Explaining Mainstreaming at the World Bank", Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 50th Annual Convention "Exploring the Past, Anticipating the Future", New York, Feb 15,2009, pp.5-6.
527第二年更名为环境与科学事务办公室(Office of Environmental and Scientific Affairs)。
528 Bradford Morse and Thomas Berger, Sardar Sarovar:Report of the Independent Review, Ottawa:Resources Futures International,1992, pp.217-230.
529 Jonathan A. Fox and L. David Brown (eds.), The Struggle for Accountability:The World Bank, NGOs, and Grassroots Movements, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1998.
530 Kenneth Piddington, "The Role of World Bank", in Andrew Hurrell and Benedict Kingsbury (eds.), The International Politics of the Environment:Actors, Interests, and Institutions, Oxford:Clarendon Press,1992, p. 217.
531 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.217.
532 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.220-221.
533 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.221-222.
534拯救纳尔默达运动是信奉甘地非暴力抵抗方式和强调草根成员基础与目标的环境和人权活动分子团体、科学家、学者和受纳尔默达工程影响的人们所组成的一个国内联盟。自1988年之后,在卡尔帕克希组织(Kalpavriksh)等非政府组织的支持下,纳尔默达运动领导着反对萨达尔·萨诺瓦项目的斗争。参见William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.23, p.42 note (18).
535 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.222.
536 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.222-
537探索国际(Probe International, PI) "是一个独立的环境倡议组织,致力于阻止考虑不周的援助、贸易项目以及外国投资等。但是更重要的是,我们努力为公民提供他们所需的工具,用于阻止这些计划。这些工具包括法治、民主程序以及诚实而透明的账目。”参见:
538 Lori Udall, "The International Narmada Campaign:A Case Study of Sustained Advocacy", in William F. Fisher (ed.), Toward Sustainable Development? Struggling over India's Narmada River, Armonk, N.Y.:M.E. Sharpe, 1995, p.212.
539 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.223-224.
540 William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.5.
541 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.224-225.
542 Bradford Morse and Thomas Berger, Sardar Sarovar:Report of the Independent Review, pp.337-338.
543 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.225-226.
544 Anumita Roychowdhury and Nitya Jacob, "Was India Forced to Reject World Bank Aid?" Down to Earth,29 April 1993参见印度环境门户网站:
545 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", pp.226-227.
546张淑兰：《印度的环境非政府组织——拯救纳尔默达运动》,《南亚研究季刊》2007年第3期,第81页。
547[美]戴维·布朗等：《全球化、非政府组织与多部门关系》,[美]约瑟夫·奈和约翰·唐纳胡主编：《全球化世界的治理》,王勇等译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第228页。
548 Harsh Sethi, "Micro-struggles, NGOs and the State", in Manoranjan Mohanty, Partha Nath Mukherji and Olle Tornquist (eds.), People's Rights:Social Movements and the State in the Third World, New Delhi; Thousand Oaks, Calif.:Sage Publications,1997, p.416.
549 Jeff Haynes, Democracy and Civil Society in the Third World:Politics and New Political Movements, p.104.
550 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.226.
551 William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley", p.19.
552 Sanjeev Khagram, "Restructuring the Global Politics of Development", p.228.
553 1993年日内瓦裁军大会达成了《禁止化学武器公约》；1995年《核不扩散条约》延长为无限期有效；1996年联合国通过《全面禁止核试验条约》；1997年《渥太华禁雷公约》缔结。关于跨国社会运动在其中的作用,分别参见:Daniel Feakes, "Global Civil Society and Biological and Chemical Weapons", in Mary Kaldor, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2003, Oxford:Oxford University Press,2003, pp. 87-117. Rebecca Johnson, "Advocates and Activists:Conflicting Approaches on Nonproliferation and the Test Ban Treaty", in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force:The Rise of Transnational Civil Society, Tokyo:Japan Center for International Exchange and Washington, DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2000, pp.49-81. Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", International Organization, Vol.52, No.3,1998, pp.613-644.
554关于重申和发展适用于武装冲突的国际人道法外交会议(Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of International Human Law Applicable in Armed Conflict),1974年至1977年在日内瓦召开。
555 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, New York; Geneva:United Nations, UNIDIR,2009, pp.5-6.
556英文Cluster Munitions,有的翻译为集束弹药,有的翻译为集束炸弹,从武器名称和类别上来看,似乎后者更为恰当,故笔者使用“集束炸弹”一词。类似地, Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM)有译作《集束弹药公约》,为了保持行文的一致性,这里译为《集束炸弹公约》。
557朱利江：《从国际法角度看<集束弹药公约>》,《武大国际法评论》2010年第1期,第93页。
558 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.25关于集束炸弹违反了这几项国际法原则的具体谈论,参见朱利江：《从国际法角度看<集束弹药公约>》,《武大国际法评论》2010年第1期,第95页。
559 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp.13-14.
560 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.12.
561 1980年10月10日,日内瓦裁军会议通过《禁止或限制使用某些可被认为具有过分伤害力或滥杀滥伤作用的常规武器公约》(Convention on Prohibitions and Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects),简称《特定常规武器公约》(Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, CCW)。该公约起初有三个附加议定书,即《关于无法检测的碎片的议定书》(Protocol Ⅰ on Non-Detectable Fragments),《禁止或限制使用地雷(水雷)、饵雷和其他装置的议定书》(Protocol Ⅱ on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Mines, Booby Traps and Other Devices)和《禁止或限制使用燃烧武器议定书》(Protocol Ⅲ on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Incendiary Weapons)。1981年4月10日《特定常规武器公约》在纽约开放签署,1983年12月2日公约和议定书生效。1995年10月13日,第一次公约审查大会期间通过了第Ⅳ议定书即《关于激光致盲武器的议定书》(Protocol Ⅳ on Blinding Laser Weapons); 1996年5月3日通过了修订后的第Ⅱ议定书(Amended Protocol Ⅱ)即新的地雷议定书。2003年12月28日,第二次公约审查大会期间通过第Ⅴ议定书,即《战争遗留爆炸物议定书》(Protocol Ⅴ on Explosive Remnants of War)。参见The United Nations Office at Geneva, UNOG:
562 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.15.
563特定常规武器公约第Ⅱ议定书,即“禁止或限制使用地雷(水雷)、饵雷和其他装置的议定书”,通常称为地雷议定书。第Ⅱ议定书第2条第1款规定,“地雷(水雷)”是指“任何置于地面或其他表面上、下或其附近地点而在人员或车辆出现、接近或接触时引爆的弹药”。参见国际红十字委员会网站：
564杀伤人员地雷廉价、技术含量低且易于大规模生产,因而对各国政府和非国家武装集团都是很有吸引力和非常有用的武器。国际禁雷公约(即《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种地雷的公约》)第2条第1款规定,“杀伤人员地雷”是指有人出现、接近或接触时,便起爆并引起一人或多人失能、伤残或死亡的地雷。当有车辆出现、接近或接触时便起爆的地雷,不属于杀伤人员地雷。
565 1992年10月,残障国际(Handicap International)、国际医师组织(Medico International)、地雷咨询组织(Mines Advisory Group)、人权观察组织(Human Rights Watch)、人权医师组织(Physicians for Human Rights)和美国越南老兵基金会(Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation)等6个在雷患区从事人道救助的非政府组织在纽约举行会议决定协调它们的行动,并发起了国际禁雷运动(ICBL)。参见国际禁雷运动网站：
566参见国际禁雷运动(ICBL)网站:
567 1996年5月3日,常规武器公约第一次公约审查会议通过了修订后的第Ⅱ议定书(Amended Protocol Ⅱ)即新的地雷议定书,并于1998年12月3日生效。
568 Richard Rice, "Reversing the Gun Sights:Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines", p.634.
569 1997年12月3日,122个国家在渥太华签署了《关于禁止使用、储存、生产和转让杀伤人员地雷及销毁此种武器的公约》,简称禁雷公约(Mine Ban Treaty)。
570 这里对国际禁雷运动和跨国禁雷运动作了区分,在本文中,国际禁雷运动专指ICBL这个组织(非政府组织联盟),而跨国禁雷运动则指包括国际禁雷运动(ICBL)和其他主张禁雷的非政府组织(例如国际红十字委员会)、非政府组织网络以及活动分子等在内的运动网络。
571 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.34.
572 1991年的海湾战争再次让世人看到新一代集束炸弹在数量和威力上的巨大破坏性。
573 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.41.
574 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.40.
575又译为门诺中央委员会(Mennonite Central Committee, MCC),1920年成立,最初致力于救援和赈灾活动,后扩展并囊括和平与正义等议题,是一个非营利性的宗教非政府组织。
576 Virgil Wiebe and Titus Peachey, "Drop Today, Kill Tomorrow:Cluster Munitions as Inhumane and Indiscriminate Weapons", Mennonite Central Committee, December 1997/Revised June 1999,
577 Virgil Wiebe and Titus Peachey, "Clusters of Death", Mennonite Central Committee,2000,
578 2000年9月,国际红十字委员会在瑞士小镇尼翁(Nyon)主持召开了一次战争遗留爆炸物问题的专家会议,会议主要目的在于评估包括子弹药在内的战争遗留爆炸物的冲突后影响。
579 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.49.
580 Human Rights Watch, "Cluster Munition a Foreseeable Hazard in Iraq", briefing paper,2003, p.2,
581 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp.51-52.
582 Irene A. Tzinis, "Cluster bombs and International Humanitarian Law", Mennonite Central Committee,
583 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.53.
584 Rae McGrath, "Campaigning against Cluster Munitions-Strategic Issues:A Discussion Paper", October 2004,
585 Rae McGrath, "Cluster Munitions-Weapons of Deadly Convenience? Reviewing the Legality and Utility of Cluster Munitions", Meeting of humanitarian experts, Geneva,11 November 2004,
586 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.59.
587 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.83.
588 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.64.
589 在2006年黎巴嫩南部冲突中,黎巴嫩真主党(Hizbullah)使用集束炸弹袭击以色列,这表明集束炸弹已经扩散到非国家的武装集团手中,而且它们在获取和使用集束炸弹时往往置国际人道法于不顾。这引起国际社会对集束炸弹武器进一步扩散的担忧。
590 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.83.
591 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Norway to take the lead in efforts to achieve an international ban on cluster munitions", Press release, No.142/06,3 November 2006,
592 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Norway takes the initiative for a ban on cluster munitions", Press release, No.149/06,17 November 2006,
593 主要包括挪威、爱尔兰、新西兰、墨西哥、奥地利、秘鲁和梵蒂冈等国。
594 Cluster Munition Coalition, "NGOs call on states to join Norwegian initiative for a new cluster munitions treaty: Calls for a new treaty come as Conventional Weapons talks fail to deliver results", Press release,17 November 2006,
595 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.219.
596 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.148.
597 "Appeal to governments from the Cluster Munition Coalition", Oslo,21 February 2007,
598 Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Oslo Conference on Cluster Munitions-Declaration",23 February 2007.
599 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.167.
600 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.168.
601 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.174.
602 2006年,原国际禁雷运动协调官和1997年诺贝尔和平奖得主乔迪·威廉姆斯(Jody Williams)与危地马拉的曼殊(Rigoberta Menchu Turn)、伊朗的希尔琳-艾芭迪(Shirin Ebadi)、肯尼亚的旺加里-马塔伊(Wangari Maathai)、爱尔兰的贝蒂-威廉斯(Betty Williams)和玛基尔(Mairead Corrigan Maguire)等6名获得诺贝尔和平奖的女性共同发起诺贝尔奖女性得主倡议(Nobel Women's Initiative),旨在利用诺贝尔奖的知名度和声誉共同促进世界的和平、正义和公正。。
603 Jody Williams, "Closing remarks to the Lima, Peru Conference on Cluster Munitions", Nobel Women's Initiative,25 May 2007,
604 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.175.
605 2007年10月25日,国际红十字委员会在集束弹药及紧急行动必要性问题上的立场的声明中,表示现在比以往任何时候都更加确信“一部新的国际条约对于禁止那些让平民居民付出巨大代价的集束弹药并防止其继续扩散是非常重要的”,并“呼吁各国立即在国内终止使用此类武器,不向任何一方转让此类武器,并销毁现有储备”。红十字国际委员会呼吁各国尽快缔结一部国际人道法新条约以：“禁止使用、发展、生产、储存和转让不精准和不可靠的集束弹药；规定清除目前储存的不精准和不可靠的集束弹药；就援助受害者、清除集束弹药以及旨在减少这些武器对平民之影响的活动做出规定。”参见:"The ICRC's position on cluster munitions and the need for urgent action",25 October 2007,
606 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.233.
607 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.228.
608值得注意的是,出席奥斯陆进程维也纳会议的国家数量超过了常规武器公约的成员国数目,至2008年4月18日,常规武器公约有105个成员国。
609 Vienna Discussion Text,14 November 2007,
611 由黎巴嫩、柬埔寨、智利、哥斯达黎加、克罗地亚、印度尼西亚、老挝、摩洛哥、塞拉利昂和赞比亚等国组成。
612新西兰集束弹药联盟(Aotearoa New Zealand Cluster Munitions Coalition, ANZCMC)是在奥斯陆进程启动之后的2007年3月22日,由新西兰乐施会(Oxfam NZ)等24个新西兰当地非政府组织组建的国内网络,以响应和支持停止集束弹药伤害平民的国际呼吁。
613 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.217.
614 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp. 252-253.
615 2003年4月末,爱尔兰基督和平组织(Pax Christi Ireland)和爱尔兰外交部在都柏林城堡(Dublin Castle)组织一次有关战争遗留爆炸物所带来的进一步挑战问题的会议。会议邀请了政府、国际组织以及人权观察、地雷行动等非政府组织与会。尽管都柏林城堡会议表面上聚焦于战争遗留爆炸物议题,且希望推动尽快完成常规武器公约的战争遗留爆炸物谈判,然而许多出席都柏林城堡会议的代表已经将真正的注意力转向对集束炸弹采取何种措施的问题,鉴于其在阿富汗和伊拉克中的影响。就在都柏林城堡会议期间,地雷行动组织主持了一次会议,一些非政府组织代表聚集在一起讨论如何将战争遗留爆炸物和集束炸弹议题进一步向前推进的问题。John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won. o.51.
616 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.259.
617 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.266.
618 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.261.
619 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, pp. 281-282.
620 John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm:A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions Was Won, p.262.
621 "Breakthrough on cluster bombs draws closer",28 May 2008,
622 Department of Foreign Affairs (Ireland), "Minister Martin welcomes historic agreement at Croke Park", Press releases,30 May 2008,
623 Katherine Harrison, "A Gift to the World", Women's International League for Peace and Freedom,30 May 2008,
624 Jan Aart Scholte, "The Globalization of World Politics", p.25.
625 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
626 John Clark, "Conclusions:Globalizing Civic Engagement", in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action, London:Earthscan Publications,2003, pp.165,169.
627 Carole J.L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, "Jubilee 2000:Citizen Action across the North-South Divide", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p. 135.
628 国际减债运动认为,“债务就像污染或全球变暖一样都是不平等和不可持续的全球政治经济体系的一个副产品”。Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.303.
629 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.301.
630 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
631 Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello and Brendan Smith, "Globalization and Social Movements", p.341.
632 Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink, "From Santiago to Seattle:Transnational Advocacy Groups Restructuring World Politics", p.4.
633 Ann Florini, The Coming Democracy:New Rules for Running a New World, Washington:Island Press,2003, p. 132.
634 Sanjeev Khagram, Dams and Development:Transnational Struggles for Water and Power, p.178.
635 Jackie Smith, Social Movements for Global Democracy, pp.4,17.
636保罗·韦普纳(Paul Wapner)认为全球公民社会的治理功能是“对国家体系治理功能的补充而非取代”,笔者认为这对于跨国社会运动也是适用的。参见Paul Wapner, "Governance in Global Civil Society", in Oran R. Young (ed.), Global Governance:Drawing Insights from the Environmental Experience, Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press,1997, p.67.
637原文为：“全球治理不仅意味着正式的制度和组织——国家机构、政府间合作等——制定(或不制定)和维持管理世界秩序的规则和规范,而且意味着所有的其他组织和压力团体——从多国公司、跨国社会运动到众多的非政府组织——都追求对跨国规则和权威体系产生影响的目标和对象。很显然,联合国体系、世界贸易组织以及各国政府的活动是全球统治的核心因素,但是,它们绝不是惟一的因素。如果社会运动、非政府组织、区域性的政治组织等被排除在全球治理的含义之外的话,那么,全球治理的形式和动力将得不到恰当的理解。”参见[英]戴维·赫尔德等：《全球大变革：全球化时代的政治、经济与文化》,杨雪冬等译,北京：社会科学文献出版社2001年版,第70页。(引文中加粗字体为笔者所加)
638 Charles Chatfield, "Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945", p.21.
639 Robin Cohen and Shirin M. Rai, "Global Social Movements:Towards a Cosmopolitan Politics", p.13.
640梁守德主编：《新世纪的国际政治》,北京：学习出版社,2001年,第104-108页。
641 Ann Pettifor, "The Jubilee 2000 Campaign:A Brief Overview", p.298.
642[美]约翰·米尔斯海默：《大国政治的悲剧》,第16页。
645[英]赫德利·布尔：《无政府社会：世界政治秩序研究》,张小明译,北京：世界知识出版社,2003年,第10-11页。
646 John Ruggie, "International Regimes, Transactions, and Change:Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order", International Organization, Vol.36, No.2,1982, p.385.
647[美]亚历山大·温特：《国际政治的社会理论》,秦亚青译,上海人民出版社,2000年,第5页。
648 John Ruggie, "International Regimes, Transactions, and Change:Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order", p.388.
649[美]彼得·卡赞斯坦主编：《国家安全的文化：世界政治中的规范与认同》,第56页。
650 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.301.
651 Ethan A. Nadelmann, "Global Prohibition Regimes:The Evolution of Norms in International Society", International Organization, Vol.44, No.4,1990, p.482.
652 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.306.
653 Kathryn Sikkink, "Restructuring World Politics:The Limits and Asymmetries of Soft Power", p.302.
654《胡锦涛主席同加拿大总理哈珀举行会谈》载《人民日报海外版》2010年06月26日,第1版。
656参见[英]卡尔·波兰尼：《大转型：我们时代的政治与经济起源》,冯钢、刘阳译,杭州：浙江人民出版社,2007年。
657 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.90.
658 Michael Edwards, "Introduction", p.3.
659 Marc Williams, "Social Movements and Global Politics", p.84.
660 Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Contestation:The New Great Counter-Movement, pp.30-31.
661 Michael Edwards, "Introduction", pp.3-4.
662 Ann M. Florini, "Transnational Civil Society", in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, London:Earthscan Publications Ltd.,2001, p.30.
663正如西德尼·塔罗所言：跨国社会运动“并不像历史中的一股巨浪,而更像一连串的波涛,轻轻地拍击着国际社会的海滩,同时又不断地退回到国内社会的大海之中,但却给国际社会的堤岸留下了日益增加的变化"。Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2005, p.219.
664参见叶江：《大变局——全球化、冷战与当代国际政治经济关系》,上海三联书店,2004年。
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1. 国际红十字委员会(ICRC):http://www.icrc.org/
2. 福音两千运动:http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/
3. 福音减债运动:http://www.jubileedebtcampaign.org.uk/
4. 纳尔默达河之友(Friends of River Narmada):http://www.narmada.org/
5. 联合国驻日内瓦办事处(UNOG):http://www.unog.ch/
6. 国际禁雷组织(ICBL):http://www.icbl.org/
7. 地雷信息网络(E-Mine):http://www.mineaction.org/
8. 集束炸弹联盟(CMC):http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/
9. 门诺会互助促进社(MCC):http://clusterbombs.mcc.org/
10.集束炸弹公约(CCM):http://www.clusterconvention.org/