市民意识与美国19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革
摘要
19世纪末20世纪初美国的城市改革是美国历史上极有影响的改革之一,本文选取美国克利夫兰市作为个案,从市民意识的角度来分析这场城市改革,从而探究市民意识与这场城市改革之间的关系。文章一方面主要探讨美国市民意识的历史演变及其对这场城市改革的作用;另一方面阐明这场城市改革的概况及其对美国市民意识的反作用,并简要叙述这场城市改革对美国城市未来发展的意义。
同19世纪末20世纪初的许多美国城市一样,克利夫兰市在当时面临着一系列城市社会问题,为解决这些问题,克利夫兰市政府进行了不懈努力,尤其是汤姆·约翰逊的城市改革最为突出。这些改革是市民意识推动的结果,而美国的市民意识来源于民主思想、追求幸福观念、个人主义和自治原则。经过19世纪末20世纪初的传承演变,市民意识成为推动城市改革兴起的重要因素,并在某种程度上决定这场城市改革的模式。反过来,这场城市改革亦进一步唤醒了市民意识并培养了“新的精神”,促进了城市民主,创造了国家、社会和个人之间良好的互动关系。
克利夫兰市的个案表明,城市在发展中必然会出现一系列制度的、技术的和社会的问题,解决这些问题的有效途径是进行城市改革,而改革的一个重要前提是城市居民观念的更新。相应地,城市改革能够激起市民意识的觉醒,培养新的公共意识和城市精神,这不仅能够深化城市改革,更重要的是它对城市未来的发展和成功的意义。
与以往侧重于政策导向或政府决策的研究不同的是,本文以“自下而上”的视角考察19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革,可以说是一个新的角度。其学术价值在于拓宽本课题的研究范围,为认识美国19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革探索一个新的思路。现实意义则是从这种研究中获得美国19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革的经验和教训,为进入城市化快速发展时期后面临一系列城市社会问题的发展中国家进行城市改革提供一些借鉴。
American urban reform at the turn of the 20th century was one of the great influential reforms in American history. This thesis chooses the Cleveland as a case, analyzing Cleveland urban reform in civic consciousness perspective, mostly studying the relation of civic consciousness and this urban reform. On the one hand, this thesis discusses the evolution of American civic consciousness and its effect on the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century. On the other hand, this thesis also illuminates general situation of this urban reform and its relative effect on American civic consciousness, and briefly recounts the significance of this urban reform to the development of American cities in future.
As many of American cities at the turn of the 20th century, Cleveland was also confronted with a series of civic problems at that time; the government of Cleveland had made great efforts to solve all of these problems, especially Tom Johnson’urban reform was more prominent thereof. First and foremost these reforms were the results of American civic consciousness, and that American civic consciousness rooted in the idea of democracy, the conception of pursuing happiness, individualism and the principle of self-rule, etc. Such civic consciousness had undergone some transformation and evolved gradually in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Then civic consciousness became an important factor to promote the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century to rise, and determined the pattern of urban reform in a way. Correspondingly, this urban reform further aroused the civic consciousness and planted“new spirits”; it developed civic democracy, created well mutual relations among state, community and individual, moreover.
The case of Cleveland indicates that there will be a series of institutional, technical and social problems in the development of cities, available approaches to solve these problems is to launching urban reforms, but before the urban reforms the idea of townsmen would be renovated, it is as an important precondition. Accordingly, the urban reform can aspire the arousing of the civic consciousness, and cultivate new public consciousness and civic spirits, thus not only deepen the urban reform, but have an important meaning to impel the cities to develop and to be triumphant in future.
Differing from anterior study which emphasized particularly on policy-oriented or decision-making of local government, this thesis takes a“bottom to top”point of view to discuss the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century; this is somehow a new point of view. Theoretically, the intention of this thesis is to broaden the study realm of this subject, explores a new thoughtway to understand the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century. Practically, the intention is to obtain some experiences and lessons from this urban reform, provides some references to the developing countries which have entered the speedily developmental phase of urbanization, going with a series of civic problems to use when they launch urban reforms.
同19世纪末20世纪初的许多美国城市一样,克利夫兰市在当时面临着一系列城市社会问题,为解决这些问题,克利夫兰市政府进行了不懈努力,尤其是汤姆·约翰逊的城市改革最为突出。这些改革是市民意识推动的结果,而美国的市民意识来源于民主思想、追求幸福观念、个人主义和自治原则。经过19世纪末20世纪初的传承演变,市民意识成为推动城市改革兴起的重要因素,并在某种程度上决定这场城市改革的模式。反过来,这场城市改革亦进一步唤醒了市民意识并培养了“新的精神”,促进了城市民主,创造了国家、社会和个人之间良好的互动关系。
克利夫兰市的个案表明,城市在发展中必然会出现一系列制度的、技术的和社会的问题,解决这些问题的有效途径是进行城市改革,而改革的一个重要前提是城市居民观念的更新。相应地,城市改革能够激起市民意识的觉醒,培养新的公共意识和城市精神,这不仅能够深化城市改革,更重要的是它对城市未来的发展和成功的意义。
与以往侧重于政策导向或政府决策的研究不同的是,本文以“自下而上”的视角考察19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革,可以说是一个新的角度。其学术价值在于拓宽本课题的研究范围,为认识美国19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革探索一个新的思路。现实意义则是从这种研究中获得美国19世纪末20世纪初的城市改革的经验和教训,为进入城市化快速发展时期后面临一系列城市社会问题的发展中国家进行城市改革提供一些借鉴。
American urban reform at the turn of the 20th century was one of the great influential reforms in American history. This thesis chooses the Cleveland as a case, analyzing Cleveland urban reform in civic consciousness perspective, mostly studying the relation of civic consciousness and this urban reform. On the one hand, this thesis discusses the evolution of American civic consciousness and its effect on the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century. On the other hand, this thesis also illuminates general situation of this urban reform and its relative effect on American civic consciousness, and briefly recounts the significance of this urban reform to the development of American cities in future.
As many of American cities at the turn of the 20th century, Cleveland was also confronted with a series of civic problems at that time; the government of Cleveland had made great efforts to solve all of these problems, especially Tom Johnson’urban reform was more prominent thereof. First and foremost these reforms were the results of American civic consciousness, and that American civic consciousness rooted in the idea of democracy, the conception of pursuing happiness, individualism and the principle of self-rule, etc. Such civic consciousness had undergone some transformation and evolved gradually in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Then civic consciousness became an important factor to promote the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century to rise, and determined the pattern of urban reform in a way. Correspondingly, this urban reform further aroused the civic consciousness and planted“new spirits”; it developed civic democracy, created well mutual relations among state, community and individual, moreover.
The case of Cleveland indicates that there will be a series of institutional, technical and social problems in the development of cities, available approaches to solve these problems is to launching urban reforms, but before the urban reforms the idea of townsmen would be renovated, it is as an important precondition. Accordingly, the urban reform can aspire the arousing of the civic consciousness, and cultivate new public consciousness and civic spirits, thus not only deepen the urban reform, but have an important meaning to impel the cities to develop and to be triumphant in future.
Differing from anterior study which emphasized particularly on policy-oriented or decision-making of local government, this thesis takes a“bottom to top”point of view to discuss the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century; this is somehow a new point of view. Theoretically, the intention of this thesis is to broaden the study realm of this subject, explores a new thoughtway to understand the urban reform at the turn of the 20th century. Practically, the intention is to obtain some experiences and lessons from this urban reform, provides some references to the developing countries which have entered the speedily developmental phase of urbanization, going with a series of civic problems to use when they launch urban reforms.
引文
① 当城市人口达到总人口的 10%以上为城市化起点,达到 20%以上即进入快速城市化阶段,到了 50%左右则成为城市化国家,到 70%左右开始放慢下来。文见王旭:《美国城市史》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2000 年版,第 3 页。1790-1920 年美国城市化率亦可见该书第 5 页“1790-1920 年城市化情况及各种规模城市所占比重”一表。
② [英]詹姆斯·布赖斯:《美利坚合众国》,海口:海南出版社 2001 年英文影印版,第 429 页。
③ Melvin G. Holli, "Urban Reform in the Progressive Era," in E.L. Gould, ed., The Progressive Era (1974), p. 135.
① Ira W. Howerth, The Civic Problem from a Sociological Standpoint, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.11, No.2 (Sep., 1905), pp. 207-218.
② [美]林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅱ,展江等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 405-406 页。
③ Thomas S. Hines, The Paradox of “Progressive” Architecture: Urban Planning and Public Building in Tom Johnson’s Cleveland, American Quarterly, Vol.25, No.4(Oct.,1973), p. 427.
④ Wilfred Henry Alburn, This Cleveland of Ours, p. 936.
① Michael H. Ebner, Urban History: Retrospect and prospect, The Journal of American History, Vol.68, No.1(Jun.,1981), pp. 69-84.
② James Bryce, “Preface to the First Edition”, in The American Commonwealth, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1995, p. 17.
③ Bruce M. Stave; John M. Allswang; Terrence J. McDonald; Jon C. Teaford, A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of Views, The History Teacher, Vol. 21, No. 3 (May, 1988), p. 299.
① 王旭:《美国城市化的历史解读》,长沙:岳麓出版社 2003 年版,第 326 页。
② Clinton Rogers Woodruff, A Year’s Municipal Development, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.6,No.4 (Jan.,1901), pp. 532-549; Municipal Progress:1904-1905, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.27,Municipal Ownership and Municipal Franchises (Jan.,1906), pp.191-199; The City-Manager Plan, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Jan., 1928), pp. 599-613.
③ Charles A. Beard, American City Manager Government, The American Political Science Review,No.10, 1916. Herman G. James, The City Manager Plan, the Latest in American City Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Nov., 1914), pp. 602-613; Some Reflections on the City Manager Plan of Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Aug., 1915), pp.504-506. Alice M. Holden, Commission and City Manager Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Aug., 1915), pp. 561-563.Thomas H. Reed, City Manager Plan, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Aug., 1923), pp.419-421. H. W. Dodds, City Manager Government in American Municipalities, Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, 3rd Ser., Vol. 6, No. 4 (1924), pp. 183-192. Harold A. Stone; Kathryn Stone; Don K. Price, Appraisal of Council-Manager Cities, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 199, Better City Government. (Sep., 1938), pp. 50-56.
① George E. Mowry, The California Progressive and His Rationale: A Study in Middle Class Politics ,The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Sep., 1949), p. 244.
② Andrew M. Scott, The Progressive Era in Perspective, The Journal of Politics,Vol.21, No.4(Nov.1959), pp. 685-701.
③ J. Joseph Huthmacher, Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Sep., 1962), pp. 231-241.
④ David P. Thelen , Social Tensions and the Origins of Progressivism, The Journal of American History, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Sep., 1969), pp. 323-341.
⑤ 津恩·米乐著有《城市老板考克斯的辛辛那提:进步时代的城市政治》(Boss Cox’s Cincinnati: Urban Politics in the Progressive Era);麦克·麦卡锡著有《新都市:芝加哥,兼并和进步运动》(The New Metropolis: Chicago, the Annexation Movement, and Progessive Movement).
① Samuel P. Hays , The Politics of Municipal Reform, Perspectives on the American Past: Readings and Commentary on Issues in American History, vol. II: 1865 to the Present, ed. by Michael Perman, Glenview: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1989, pp. 158-173.
② 老阿瑟·施莱辛格(Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr.)在 1940 年发表了具有里程碑意义的《美国历史上的城市》(The City in American History),重申并发挥了他在 1933 年撰写的《1878-1898 年间美国城市的兴起》一书中提出的美国历史的城市解释思想,反驳了特纳“边疆理论”,美国城市史方作为独立学科来解释美国历史。随着城市史学成为独立学科,城市改革史学进入新的阶段,但在 20 世纪 40 和 50 年代,城市研究尚处于起步阶段,在城市史学范畴中研究城市改革史亦不成熟,不如进步运动史学范畴中改革研究热潮,所以本文将重点放在 20 世纪 60 年代末以后。
③ 参见胡锦山:《20 世纪美国史学流派》,《厦门大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》3(2000)。
① Raymond A. Mohl, New Perspectives on American Urban History, Howard p. Chudcoff, ed., Major Problems in American Urban History, D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, Toronto,1994. p. 24.
② John D. Buenker, The Urban Political Machine and the Seventeenth Amendment, Journal of American History, Vol.56, No.2(Sept.1969), pp. 305-322.
③ Raymond E. Wolfinger, Why Political Machines Have Not Withered Away and Other Revisionist Thoughts, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 34, No. 2. (May, 1972), pp. 365-398.
④ Alana Northrop, William H. Dutton, Municipal Reform and Group Influence , American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Aug., 1978), pp. 691-711.
⑤ Jon C. Teaford, Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewriting the History of Urban Rule, Reviews in American History, Vol. 10, No. 4, The Promise of American History: Progress and Prospects (Dec., 1982), pp. 133-149; On Reassessment of Political Machine and City-Boss, See David R. Colburn, George E. Pozzetta, Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History, The History Teacher, Vol.9, No. 3(May, 1976), pp. 445-463; Bruce M. Stave; John M. Allswang; Terrence J. McDonald; Jon C. Teaford, A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of Views, The History Teacher, Vol. 21, No. 3 (May, 1988), pp. 293-312; James Gimpel, Reform-Resistant and Reform-Adopting Machines: The Electoral Foundations of Urban Politics, 1910-1930 , Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Jun., 1993), pp. 371-382; Anirudh V. S. Ruhil, Urban Armageddon or Politics as Usual? The Case of Municipal Civil Service Reform, American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Jan., 2003), pp. 159-170.
① James J. Connolly, Reconstituting Ethnic Politics: Boston, 1909-1925, Social Science History, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Winter, 1995), pp. 479-509; Paula Baker, The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780-1920, American Historical Review, (1984), pp. 620-647; Maureen A. Flanagan, Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Woman's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era, The American Historical Review, Vol. 95, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 1032-1050; M. Craig Brown; Barbara D. Warner , Immigrants, Urban Politics, and Policing in 1900, American Sociological Review, Vol. 57, No. 3 (Jun., 1992), pp. 293-305; Dewey W. Grantham, The Contours of Southern Progression, The American Historical Review, Vol. 86, No. 5 (Dec., 1981), pp. 1035-1059; Thomas R. Pegram, Temperance Politics and Regional Political Culture: The Anti-Salon League in Maryland and the South,1907-1915, The Journal of Southern History, Vol.63,No.1(Feb.,1997), pp. 57-90; David Ward, The Progressives and the Urban Question: British and American Responses to the Inner City Slums 1880-1920, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 9, No. 3 (1984), pp. 299-314.
② 李剑鸣:《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,天津:天津教育出版社 1992 年版;《进步主义运动》收编在张友伦、李剑鸣主编的《美国历史上的社会运动和政府改革》中,天津:天津教育出版社 1992年版,第177-215页。李教授的其它相关文章如《20世纪初美国联邦政府的社会改革》《(南开史学》, (1)1988)、《关于美国进步主义运动的几个问题》(世界历史,(6)1991)也涉及到这一时期政府改革和社会改革。
① 除非特别说明,本文的“城市改革”均指美国 19 世纪末 20 世纪初的城市改革。
① Lincoln Steffens, See Cleveland: History, http://www.city-data.com/us-cities/The-Midwest/Cleveland-History.html.
② Tom L. Johnson, My Story, edited by Elizabeth J. Hauser, p. 305.
①《克利夫兰》(Cleveland, Ohio)这本书编写于 1919 年,图 4 反映的欧几里德大街的情况是 1918 年前后。
② [美]尼尔·R·彼尔斯、杰里·哈格斯特洛姆:《美国志——五十州现状》,中国社会科学院美国研究所编译室译,北京:中国社会科学出版社 1987 年版,第 416 页。
① Helen M. Strong, Cleveland: A City of Contacts, Economic Geography, Vol.1,No.2 (Jul.,1925), pp. 198-205.
① Elroy M. Avery, A History of Cleveland and its Environs, volume 1, Chicago, New York: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1918, p. 706.
① 李剑鸣:《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,天津:天津教育出版社 1992 年版,第 24 页。
② Burt W. Griffin, Cities Within A City: On Changing Cleveland’s Government, Special Reports in Urban Affairs, Number 1, (Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland State University, 1981), p. 17.
① Samuel Peter. Orth : A History of Cleveland, Ohio, vol. 1, 1910, p. 121.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 930.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p.317.
① See Theodore Hall, The Sesquicentennial Story of Cleveland, 1796-1946, 1946, pp. 8-11.
② Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 129.
③ Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 210.
④ 克利夫兰市城市消防部(The Fire Department of the City of Cleveland)成立于 1836 年,隶属于市议会,主要成员由市民选出。
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 931.
② 蔡禾主编:《城市社会学:理论与视野》,广州:中山大学出版社 2003 年版,第 65 页。
① Burt W. Griffin, Ibid., pp. 17-19.
② Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 129-132.
① Burt W. Griffin, Ibid., pp. 18-19.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
② See Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., pp. 121-155.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p. 320.
① See Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., pp. 237-248.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p. 321.
③ Township,译为镇、乡、乡镇或市镇,是至今仍存在于美国新英格兰和中西部一些地区的一种地方政府形式,产生于北美殖民地时期的新英格兰。其最主要特点是自治,人民是一切权力的源泉,市镇自行处理主要事务,无市镇议会,市镇的大权主要掌握在每年一选的行政委员(selectmen)手中,但行政委员通过市镇居民大会(Town Meeting)行使职权。社区居民每年集中在镇政厅开会,根据需要选举官员、通过法令、预算以及提高税收。不过在现在市镇居民大会大多已被选举产生的委员会或者市长所取代。
④ Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 242.
① Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., pp. 245-248.
② Nancy Joan Weiss, See David R. Colburn, George E. Pozzetta, Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History, The History Teacher, Vol.9, No.3(May,1976),p. 454.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 931.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 932.
③ 英文为“Group Plan”,笔者根据这种建筑规划的特点,将其译为“建筑群规划”。
④ Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
⑤ Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
① Mall, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=M; and also see Thomas S. Hines, Ibid., pp. 426-448.
② Lincoln Steffens, See Thomas S. Hines, Ibid., p. 426.
① Andrew M. Scott, The Progressive Era in Perspective, The Journal of Politics,Vol.21, No.4(Nov.1959), p. 698.
① [美]梅里亚姆著《美国政治思想》,朱曾汶译,北京:商务印书馆 1984 年版,第 147 页。
② Thomas R. Shannon, Nancy Kleniewski, William M. Cross, Urban Problems in Sociological Perspective, Waveland Pres, Inc. Illinois, 1997, pp. 77-79.
③ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 245.
④ 市民认同是对构成市民社会的那些制度或机构的一种珍视或依归(Attachment),文见邓正来、[英]J.C.亚历山大:《国家与市民社会:一种社会理论的研究路径》,北京:中央编译出版社 1999 年版,第 41 页。市民认同在本文中的含义见第 37 页,在第三章中也有进一步的介绍(第 62 页)。
① James Harrison Kennedy, A History of the City of Cleveland: Its Settlement, Rise and Progress 1796-1896, 1896, p. 421.
② Theodore Hall, Ibid., pp. 8-11.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 246.
② “联邦计划”方案在州众议院遭到否决后,1890 年由豪治上校继续向州议会提交修正案,他是该方案坚实的支持者和赞助人。
③ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 244.
① [英]肯尼思·O·摩根:《牛津英国通史》,北京:商务印书馆 1993 年版,第 499 页。
② 关于克利夫兰城市建筑和规划中的矛盾性可以参见:Thomas S. Hines, Ibid..
① 王旭:《美国城市史》,北京:中国社会科学出版社 2000 年版,第 9 页。
② 同上,第 22 页。
① 邓正来、J.C.亚历山大:前引书,第 6-7 页。
② 托马斯·潘恩:《常识》,何实译,北京:华夏出版社 2004 年版,第 2 页。
③ 同上。
① [法]托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,北京:商务印书馆 1988 年版,第 625 页。
② [美]贝拉等:《心灵的习性》,北京:三联书店 1991 年版,第 218 页。
③ [美]J·艾捷尔编《美国赖以立国的文本》,赵一凡等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 5 页。
① 托克维尔,前引书,第 90 页。
① 王旭,《美国城市史》,第 3 页。
① [美]纳尔逊·曼弗雷德·布莱克:《美国社会生活与思想史》下册,许季鸿等译,北京:商务印书馆 1994年版,第 135 页。
② 莫里森等:《美利坚共和国的成长》下册,南开大学历史系美国史研究室译,天津:天津人民出版社 1980年版,第 28 页。
③ 弗雷德里克·特纳,《边疆在美国历史上的重要性》,杨生茂编:《美国历史学家特纳及其学派》,北京:商务印书馆 1984 年版,第 3-38 页。
④ 莫里森等,前引书,第 1271 页。
① 弗雷德里克·特纳,《拓荒者理想和州立大学》,杨生茂,前引书,第 80-81 页。
② Nativity of the Population for the 50 Largest Urban Places: 1870 to 1990, Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Internet Release date: March 9,1999,http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0029/tab19.html.
③ Melvin G. Holli, Ibid., p. 133.
① James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 457-458.
② Two Views of Women’s Role in Social Reform, c. 1900, in Chudcoff, Howard p., ed., Major Problems in American Urban History, D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, Toronto,1994, p. 236.
① 人民党的英文为“Populist”,也有学者将其译作平民党。
② 多诺·怀特(Dana White)对进步主义者作了区分,他将 20 世纪之交出现在许多城市中的新一代进步主义者称为“城市主义者”(Urbanist),他们主要关注城市问题,与早期的共和党独立派旨在维护道德相区别。Blake McKelvey, American Urbanization: A Comparative History, Scott, Foresman and Company, Glenview, Illinois,1973. p. 80.
① The City Club of Cleveland, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=CCOC.
① 林肯·斯蒂芬斯,前引书,第 277 页。
② 林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅰ,展江等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 3 页。
③ James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 462-463.
① 德尼兹·加亚尔等:《欧洲史》,蔡鸿滨等译,海口:海南出版社 2002 年版,第 506 页。
② 余志森,《美国通史:崛起和扩张的年代 1898-1929》,北京:人民出版社 2001 版,第 253 页。
③ Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England 1998, pp. 76-97.
④ 林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅰ,第 3 页。
① 王旭教授在论述二战后菲尼克斯的城市发展时提到了“城市倡导人”,参见王旭:《菲尼克斯——绿洲里的金凤凰》,《美国城市化的历史解读》,第 233 页。
② [美]彼得森:《杰斐逊集》,刘祚昌、邓红风译,北京:三联书店 1993 年版,第 1029 页。
① 彼得森,前引书,第 1238 页。
② 托克维尔,前引书,第 322 页。
③ Alfred Kazin, Fear of the City 1783 to 1983, in Fred Siegel, Jan Rosenberg, ed., Urban Society, Guilford, Conn. :Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 2001, p. 9.
④ Alfred Kazin, Ibid., p. 11.
① Alfred Kazin, Ibid., pp. 10-11.
② 霍夫斯塔特在《改革时代》中也指出过:“从本质上讲,进步主义者是在新的环境里实现过去传统理想的一次努力。”文见[美]理查德·霍夫斯塔特:《改革时代——美国的新崛起》,俞敏洪等译,石家庄:河北人民出版社 1989 年版,第 179 页。
③ John Patrick Diggins, Republicanism and Progressivism, American Quarterly, Vol.37,No.4, Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States(Autumn, 1985), pp. 593-594.
① 王章辉:《英国文化与现代化》,沈阳:辽海出版社 1999 年版,第 237-239 页。
① [美]梅里亚姆,前引书,第 138 页。
① 理查德·霍夫斯塔特,前引书,第 147 页。
① Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p. 112.
① 连续统,英文是“continuum”,意为统一体,表示一个连续不断的范围、顺序或整体,除非用硬性分割不能将其中一部分当作邻近部分区分开来。本文的城市—乡村连续统指城市与乡村具有千丝万缕的联系,表明城市化是从乡村向城市转化的一个历史的动态过程。
② Nels Anderson, Urbanism and Urbanization, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.65, No.1(Jul.,1959), p. 72.
③ J. Joseph Huthmacher, Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Sep., 1962), p. 231.
④ Nelson J. Callahan and William F. Hickey, Irish Americans and their Communities of Cleveland, 1978, p. 91.
① 霍夫斯塔特:《美国政治传统及其缔造者》,崔永禄等译,北京:商务印书馆 1994 年版,第 224 页。
② Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 115.
③ See Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
④ 关于“帐篷会议”,在本文第四章中有进一步介绍。
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 921.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 655-663.
② Cleveland on Beautiful Lake Erie, 1920, p. 5.
③ Mark Jefferson, How American Cities Grow, Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Vol.47, No.1 (1915), pp. 19-37.
④ 当然,因为马克·杰斐逊比较的时间是 1840-1910 年,所以,这种“活力”不仅仅是工业增长和城市化发展带来的,从时间上来说也包括城市改革为克利夫兰市带来的“活力”。
① James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., p. 458.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 987.
③ Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 921.
① William G. Angerson, Progressivism: An Historiographical Essay, The History Teacher, Vol.6,No.3(May. 1973), pp. 427-452; Also see James J. Connolly, Progressivism (H-SHGAPE, January 31, 1997 ), http://www.h-net.org/~shgape/bibs/prog.html.
① Geoffrey Blodgett, The Mugwump Reputation, 1870 to the Present, The Journal of American History, Vol.66, No.4(Mar.,1980), p. 870. James Ford Rhodes(1848–1927), History of the Civil War, 1861–1865, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, History of the United States from Hays to Mckinley, 1877-1896.
② Kenneth Quinnell, Urban Reformers in the Progressive Era, http://www.ospolitics.org/knowledge/archives/2004/04/29/writings_o.php.
③ See Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 244-248.
④ See Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 937.
① Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
② Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xxxv.
③ Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xxxv.
① Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xli.
② Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
① Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
② Nelson J Callahan, and William F. Hickey, Ibid., p. 91.
③ James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 424-426.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 123.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 936.
② Louis Wirth, Urbanism as a Way of Life, 文见于海:《城市社会学文选》,上海:复旦大学出版社 2005 年 版,第 44-57 页。关于这三个指标可以参见:蔡禾:《城市社会学:理论与视野》,第 66 页。
① Nativity of the Population for the 50 Largest Urban Places: 1870 to 1990, Ibid., Also see Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p. 26.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 952.
① 韦得提出了一个城市移民“居住同中心圆”模式,认为城市的边缘(外层边缘)居住着老移民,一般是有钱人,而城市中心居住着新来的移民和底层移民。在这两者中间有存在一个“紧急地带”(Zone Of Emergency),这里居住着已经取得了某些成功的第二、三代移民。见 Elmer Cornwell, City Bosses and Political Machines, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 353, May 1964. pp. 28-39.
② 地理学家乔西·哈里斯(Chauncy Harris)和爱德华·厄尔曼(Edward Ullman)提出“多中心模型”,认为城市是围绕多个而非一个经济活动中心发展的。见于海,前引书,第 32 页。
① Elroy M Avery, Ibid., pp. 256-257.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 935.
③ Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Municipal Progress,1904-1905, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.27,(Jan. 1906), pp. 195-196.
① Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 112.
② 关于创制权、复决权、直接预选和罢免权的概念参见:李剑鸣《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,第 109-110 页。
③ Cleveland Legal Charter, http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/clevelandcodes/.
① Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 82.
② League of Women Voters, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=LOWVOC.
③ Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 167.
④ 托克维尔,前引书,第 635 页。
⑤ 同上,第 642 页。
⑥ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 509-510.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 1210.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., pp. 1221-1223.
③ “进步”是 Progress,“进步主义”是 Progressivism,加上了“ism”就说明它是作为一个有共同思想的体系而言。关于“进步主义”(progressivism)的梗概早有描述。“进步主义”(progressive)的标签在 1911 年1 月时威尔逊仍将其解释为一个“新术语”,而在这一年的选举中已开始变得模糊。“进步运动”(progressive movement)这一词语产生于 1912 年,但是现代意义上的“进步主义”(progressivism)在 1912 年用作保守党和社会主义的反义词,而且从来不是一个公认的术语,直到这一历史已经过去很久的某个时候,新闻记者和历史学家捡起来,它才得到广泛地使用。文见:Daniel T. Rodgers, In Search of Progressivism, Reviews in American History, Vol. 10, No. 4, The Promise of American History: Progress and Prospects (Dec., 1982), pp. 113-132.
④ Jams H. S. Bossard, The Concept of Progress, Social Fores, Vol.10,No.1(Oct.1931),p. 8.
① 新民主是沃尔特·韦尔 1913 年出版的一本著作的书名;新共和是克罗利和李普曼等人 1914 年创办的一份刊物的名称;新国家主义是西奥多·罗斯福的改革纲领;新自由是伍德罗·威尔逊 1912 年提出的竞选口号;新竞争是阿瑟·J.埃迪 1912 年出版的一本经济学著作的书名;新企业是企业界发起的一场改善企业管理、推动企业合作的运动;新史学是詹姆斯·哈维·鲁宾逊 1912 年提出的史学主张;新思想是宗教界倡导的一场治疗运动。李剑鸣,前引书,第 211-212 页。
② James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., p. 457-458.
③ Jams H. S. Bossard, Ibid., p. 13.
① 托克维尔,前引书,第 332 页。
② 同上,第 354 页。
① Nels Anderson, Ibid., p. 431.
② 梅里亚姆,前引书,第 35 页。
① 梅里亚姆,前引书,第 138 页。
② 袁祖社:《权力与自由》,北京:中国社会科学出版社 2003 年版,第 36 页。
① Cleveland, Ohio. Chamber of Commerce. Municipal Committee. Cleveland Pavements, 1914, p. 29.
② 道格拉斯·诺思、罗伯特·托马斯:《西方世界的兴起》,厉以平等译,北京:华夏出版社 1999 年版,第 11 页。
③ Ellis W. Hawley, The Discovery and Study of a "Corporate Liberalism", The Business History Review, Vol. 52, No. 3, Corporate Liberalism (Autumn, 1978), pp. 309-320.
① Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
[1] Cleveland Centennial Commission. Official Report of the Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the City of Cleveland, 1896.
[2] Cleveland, Ohio. Chamber of Commerce. Municipal Committee. Cleveland Pavements, 1914.
[3] Cleveland, Ohio, Ordinances, etc. Municipal Code of the City of Cleveland, 1921.
[4] The Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. Cleveland on Beautiful Lake Erie, 1920.
[5] Cleveland Topics Company. Beautiful Homes of Cleveland, 1917.
[6] Cleveland Legal Charter, http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/clevelandcodes/.
[7] The Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, http://ech.cwru.edu/.
[8] Mall, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=M.
[9] The City Club of Cleveland, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=CCOC.
[10] League of Women Voters, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=LOWVOC.
[11] Nativity of the Population for the 50 Largest Urban Places: 1870 to 1990, Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Internet Release date: March 9,1999, http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0029/tab19.html.
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② [英]詹姆斯·布赖斯:《美利坚合众国》,海口:海南出版社 2001 年英文影印版,第 429 页。
③ Melvin G. Holli, "Urban Reform in the Progressive Era," in E.L. Gould, ed., The Progressive Era (1974), p. 135.
① Ira W. Howerth, The Civic Problem from a Sociological Standpoint, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.11, No.2 (Sep., 1905), pp. 207-218.
② [美]林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅱ,展江等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 405-406 页。
③ Thomas S. Hines, The Paradox of “Progressive” Architecture: Urban Planning and Public Building in Tom Johnson’s Cleveland, American Quarterly, Vol.25, No.4(Oct.,1973), p. 427.
④ Wilfred Henry Alburn, This Cleveland of Ours, p. 936.
① Michael H. Ebner, Urban History: Retrospect and prospect, The Journal of American History, Vol.68, No.1(Jun.,1981), pp. 69-84.
② James Bryce, “Preface to the First Edition”, in The American Commonwealth, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1995, p. 17.
③ Bruce M. Stave; John M. Allswang; Terrence J. McDonald; Jon C. Teaford, A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of Views, The History Teacher, Vol. 21, No. 3 (May, 1988), p. 299.
① 王旭:《美国城市化的历史解读》,长沙:岳麓出版社 2003 年版,第 326 页。
② Clinton Rogers Woodruff, A Year’s Municipal Development, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.6,No.4 (Jan.,1901), pp. 532-549; Municipal Progress:1904-1905, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.27,Municipal Ownership and Municipal Franchises (Jan.,1906), pp.191-199; The City-Manager Plan, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Jan., 1928), pp. 599-613.
③ Charles A. Beard, American City Manager Government, The American Political Science Review,No.10, 1916. Herman G. James, The City Manager Plan, the Latest in American City Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Nov., 1914), pp. 602-613; Some Reflections on the City Manager Plan of Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Aug., 1915), pp.504-506. Alice M. Holden, Commission and City Manager Government, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Aug., 1915), pp. 561-563.Thomas H. Reed, City Manager Plan, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Aug., 1923), pp.419-421. H. W. Dodds, City Manager Government in American Municipalities, Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, 3rd Ser., Vol. 6, No. 4 (1924), pp. 183-192. Harold A. Stone; Kathryn Stone; Don K. Price, Appraisal of Council-Manager Cities, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 199, Better City Government. (Sep., 1938), pp. 50-56.
① George E. Mowry, The California Progressive and His Rationale: A Study in Middle Class Politics ,The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Sep., 1949), p. 244.
② Andrew M. Scott, The Progressive Era in Perspective, The Journal of Politics,Vol.21, No.4(Nov.1959), pp. 685-701.
③ J. Joseph Huthmacher, Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Sep., 1962), pp. 231-241.
④ David P. Thelen , Social Tensions and the Origins of Progressivism, The Journal of American History, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Sep., 1969), pp. 323-341.
⑤ 津恩·米乐著有《城市老板考克斯的辛辛那提:进步时代的城市政治》(Boss Cox’s Cincinnati: Urban Politics in the Progressive Era);麦克·麦卡锡著有《新都市:芝加哥,兼并和进步运动》(The New Metropolis: Chicago, the Annexation Movement, and Progessive Movement).
① Samuel P. Hays , The Politics of Municipal Reform, Perspectives on the American Past: Readings and Commentary on Issues in American History, vol. II: 1865 to the Present, ed. by Michael Perman, Glenview: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1989, pp. 158-173.
② 老阿瑟·施莱辛格(Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr.)在 1940 年发表了具有里程碑意义的《美国历史上的城市》(The City in American History),重申并发挥了他在 1933 年撰写的《1878-1898 年间美国城市的兴起》一书中提出的美国历史的城市解释思想,反驳了特纳“边疆理论”,美国城市史方作为独立学科来解释美国历史。随着城市史学成为独立学科,城市改革史学进入新的阶段,但在 20 世纪 40 和 50 年代,城市研究尚处于起步阶段,在城市史学范畴中研究城市改革史亦不成熟,不如进步运动史学范畴中改革研究热潮,所以本文将重点放在 20 世纪 60 年代末以后。
③ 参见胡锦山:《20 世纪美国史学流派》,《厦门大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》3(2000)。
① Raymond A. Mohl, New Perspectives on American Urban History, Howard p. Chudcoff, ed., Major Problems in American Urban History, D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, Toronto,1994. p. 24.
② John D. Buenker, The Urban Political Machine and the Seventeenth Amendment, Journal of American History, Vol.56, No.2(Sept.1969), pp. 305-322.
③ Raymond E. Wolfinger, Why Political Machines Have Not Withered Away and Other Revisionist Thoughts, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 34, No. 2. (May, 1972), pp. 365-398.
④ Alana Northrop, William H. Dutton, Municipal Reform and Group Influence , American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Aug., 1978), pp. 691-711.
⑤ Jon C. Teaford, Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewriting the History of Urban Rule, Reviews in American History, Vol. 10, No. 4, The Promise of American History: Progress and Prospects (Dec., 1982), pp. 133-149; On Reassessment of Political Machine and City-Boss, See David R. Colburn, George E. Pozzetta, Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History, The History Teacher, Vol.9, No. 3(May, 1976), pp. 445-463; Bruce M. Stave; John M. Allswang; Terrence J. McDonald; Jon C. Teaford, A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of Views, The History Teacher, Vol. 21, No. 3 (May, 1988), pp. 293-312; James Gimpel, Reform-Resistant and Reform-Adopting Machines: The Electoral Foundations of Urban Politics, 1910-1930 , Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Jun., 1993), pp. 371-382; Anirudh V. S. Ruhil, Urban Armageddon or Politics as Usual? The Case of Municipal Civil Service Reform, American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Jan., 2003), pp. 159-170.
① James J. Connolly, Reconstituting Ethnic Politics: Boston, 1909-1925, Social Science History, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Winter, 1995), pp. 479-509; Paula Baker, The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780-1920, American Historical Review, (1984), pp. 620-647; Maureen A. Flanagan, Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Woman's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era, The American Historical Review, Vol. 95, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 1032-1050; M. Craig Brown; Barbara D. Warner , Immigrants, Urban Politics, and Policing in 1900, American Sociological Review, Vol. 57, No. 3 (Jun., 1992), pp. 293-305; Dewey W. Grantham, The Contours of Southern Progression, The American Historical Review, Vol. 86, No. 5 (Dec., 1981), pp. 1035-1059; Thomas R. Pegram, Temperance Politics and Regional Political Culture: The Anti-Salon League in Maryland and the South,1907-1915, The Journal of Southern History, Vol.63,No.1(Feb.,1997), pp. 57-90; David Ward, The Progressives and the Urban Question: British and American Responses to the Inner City Slums 1880-1920, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 9, No. 3 (1984), pp. 299-314.
② 李剑鸣:《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,天津:天津教育出版社 1992 年版;《进步主义运动》收编在张友伦、李剑鸣主编的《美国历史上的社会运动和政府改革》中,天津:天津教育出版社 1992年版,第177-215页。李教授的其它相关文章如《20世纪初美国联邦政府的社会改革》《(南开史学》, (1)1988)、《关于美国进步主义运动的几个问题》(世界历史,(6)1991)也涉及到这一时期政府改革和社会改革。
① 除非特别说明,本文的“城市改革”均指美国 19 世纪末 20 世纪初的城市改革。
① Lincoln Steffens, See Cleveland: History, http://www.city-data.com/us-cities/The-Midwest/Cleveland-History.html.
② Tom L. Johnson, My Story, edited by Elizabeth J. Hauser, p. 305.
①《克利夫兰》(Cleveland, Ohio)这本书编写于 1919 年,图 4 反映的欧几里德大街的情况是 1918 年前后。
② [美]尼尔·R·彼尔斯、杰里·哈格斯特洛姆:《美国志——五十州现状》,中国社会科学院美国研究所编译室译,北京:中国社会科学出版社 1987 年版,第 416 页。
① Helen M. Strong, Cleveland: A City of Contacts, Economic Geography, Vol.1,No.2 (Jul.,1925), pp. 198-205.
① Elroy M. Avery, A History of Cleveland and its Environs, volume 1, Chicago, New York: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1918, p. 706.
① 李剑鸣:《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,天津:天津教育出版社 1992 年版,第 24 页。
② Burt W. Griffin, Cities Within A City: On Changing Cleveland’s Government, Special Reports in Urban Affairs, Number 1, (Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland State University, 1981), p. 17.
① Samuel Peter. Orth : A History of Cleveland, Ohio, vol. 1, 1910, p. 121.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 930.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p.317.
① See Theodore Hall, The Sesquicentennial Story of Cleveland, 1796-1946, 1946, pp. 8-11.
② Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 129.
③ Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 210.
④ 克利夫兰市城市消防部(The Fire Department of the City of Cleveland)成立于 1836 年,隶属于市议会,主要成员由市民选出。
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 931.
② 蔡禾主编:《城市社会学:理论与视野》,广州:中山大学出版社 2003 年版,第 65 页。
① Burt W. Griffin, Ibid., pp. 17-19.
② Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 129-132.
① Burt W. Griffin, Ibid., pp. 18-19.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
② See Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., pp. 121-155.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p. 320.
① See Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., pp. 237-248.
② Elroy M. Avery, Ibid., p. 321.
③ Township,译为镇、乡、乡镇或市镇,是至今仍存在于美国新英格兰和中西部一些地区的一种地方政府形式,产生于北美殖民地时期的新英格兰。其最主要特点是自治,人民是一切权力的源泉,市镇自行处理主要事务,无市镇议会,市镇的大权主要掌握在每年一选的行政委员(selectmen)手中,但行政委员通过市镇居民大会(Town Meeting)行使职权。社区居民每年集中在镇政厅开会,根据需要选举官员、通过法令、预算以及提高税收。不过在现在市镇居民大会大多已被选举产生的委员会或者市长所取代。
④ Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., p. 242.
① Samuel Peter. Orth, Ibid., pp. 245-248.
② Nancy Joan Weiss, See David R. Colburn, George E. Pozzetta, Bosses and Machines: Changing Interpretations in American History, The History Teacher, Vol.9, No.3(May,1976),p. 454.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 931.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 932.
③ 英文为“Group Plan”,笔者根据这种建筑规划的特点,将其译为“建筑群规划”。
④ Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
⑤ Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
① Mall, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=M; and also see Thomas S. Hines, Ibid., pp. 426-448.
② Lincoln Steffens, See Thomas S. Hines, Ibid., p. 426.
① Andrew M. Scott, The Progressive Era in Perspective, The Journal of Politics,Vol.21, No.4(Nov.1959), p. 698.
① [美]梅里亚姆著《美国政治思想》,朱曾汶译,北京:商务印书馆 1984 年版,第 147 页。
② Thomas R. Shannon, Nancy Kleniewski, William M. Cross, Urban Problems in Sociological Perspective, Waveland Pres, Inc. Illinois, 1997, pp. 77-79.
③ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 245.
④ 市民认同是对构成市民社会的那些制度或机构的一种珍视或依归(Attachment),文见邓正来、[英]J.C.亚历山大:《国家与市民社会:一种社会理论的研究路径》,北京:中央编译出版社 1999 年版,第 41 页。市民认同在本文中的含义见第 37 页,在第三章中也有进一步的介绍(第 62 页)。
① James Harrison Kennedy, A History of the City of Cleveland: Its Settlement, Rise and Progress 1796-1896, 1896, p. 421.
② Theodore Hall, Ibid., pp. 8-11.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 246.
② “联邦计划”方案在州众议院遭到否决后,1890 年由豪治上校继续向州议会提交修正案,他是该方案坚实的支持者和赞助人。
③ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 244.
① [英]肯尼思·O·摩根:《牛津英国通史》,北京:商务印书馆 1993 年版,第 499 页。
② 关于克利夫兰城市建筑和规划中的矛盾性可以参见:Thomas S. Hines, Ibid..
① 王旭:《美国城市史》,北京:中国社会科学出版社 2000 年版,第 9 页。
② 同上,第 22 页。
① 邓正来、J.C.亚历山大:前引书,第 6-7 页。
② 托马斯·潘恩:《常识》,何实译,北京:华夏出版社 2004 年版,第 2 页。
③ 同上。
① [法]托克维尔:《论美国的民主》,北京:商务印书馆 1988 年版,第 625 页。
② [美]贝拉等:《心灵的习性》,北京:三联书店 1991 年版,第 218 页。
③ [美]J·艾捷尔编《美国赖以立国的文本》,赵一凡等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 5 页。
① 托克维尔,前引书,第 90 页。
① 王旭,《美国城市史》,第 3 页。
① [美]纳尔逊·曼弗雷德·布莱克:《美国社会生活与思想史》下册,许季鸿等译,北京:商务印书馆 1994年版,第 135 页。
② 莫里森等:《美利坚共和国的成长》下册,南开大学历史系美国史研究室译,天津:天津人民出版社 1980年版,第 28 页。
③ 弗雷德里克·特纳,《边疆在美国历史上的重要性》,杨生茂编:《美国历史学家特纳及其学派》,北京:商务印书馆 1984 年版,第 3-38 页。
④ 莫里森等,前引书,第 1271 页。
① 弗雷德里克·特纳,《拓荒者理想和州立大学》,杨生茂,前引书,第 80-81 页。
② Nativity of the Population for the 50 Largest Urban Places: 1870 to 1990, Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Internet Release date: March 9,1999,http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0029/tab19.html.
③ Melvin G. Holli, Ibid., p. 133.
① James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 457-458.
② Two Views of Women’s Role in Social Reform, c. 1900, in Chudcoff, Howard p., ed., Major Problems in American Urban History, D.C. Heath and Company, Lexington, Massachusetts, Toronto,1994, p. 236.
① 人民党的英文为“Populist”,也有学者将其译作平民党。
② 多诺·怀特(Dana White)对进步主义者作了区分,他将 20 世纪之交出现在许多城市中的新一代进步主义者称为“城市主义者”(Urbanist),他们主要关注城市问题,与早期的共和党独立派旨在维护道德相区别。Blake McKelvey, American Urbanization: A Comparative History, Scott, Foresman and Company, Glenview, Illinois,1973. p. 80.
① The City Club of Cleveland, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=CCOC.
① 林肯·斯蒂芬斯,前引书,第 277 页。
② 林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅰ,展江等译,海口:海南出版社 2000 年版,第 3 页。
③ James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 462-463.
① 德尼兹·加亚尔等:《欧洲史》,蔡鸿滨等译,海口:海南出版社 2002 年版,第 506 页。
② 余志森,《美国通史:崛起和扩张的年代 1898-1929》,北京:人民出版社 2001 版,第 253 页。
③ Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England 1998, pp. 76-97.
④ 林肯·斯蒂芬斯:《新闻与揭丑》Ⅰ,第 3 页。
① 王旭教授在论述二战后菲尼克斯的城市发展时提到了“城市倡导人”,参见王旭:《菲尼克斯——绿洲里的金凤凰》,《美国城市化的历史解读》,第 233 页。
② [美]彼得森:《杰斐逊集》,刘祚昌、邓红风译,北京:三联书店 1993 年版,第 1029 页。
① 彼得森,前引书,第 1238 页。
② 托克维尔,前引书,第 322 页。
③ Alfred Kazin, Fear of the City 1783 to 1983, in Fred Siegel, Jan Rosenberg, ed., Urban Society, Guilford, Conn. :Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 2001, p. 9.
④ Alfred Kazin, Ibid., p. 11.
① Alfred Kazin, Ibid., pp. 10-11.
② 霍夫斯塔特在《改革时代》中也指出过:“从本质上讲,进步主义者是在新的环境里实现过去传统理想的一次努力。”文见[美]理查德·霍夫斯塔特:《改革时代——美国的新崛起》,俞敏洪等译,石家庄:河北人民出版社 1989 年版,第 179 页。
③ John Patrick Diggins, Republicanism and Progressivism, American Quarterly, Vol.37,No.4, Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States(Autumn, 1985), pp. 593-594.
① 王章辉:《英国文化与现代化》,沈阳:辽海出版社 1999 年版,第 237-239 页。
① [美]梅里亚姆,前引书,第 138 页。
① 理查德·霍夫斯塔特,前引书,第 147 页。
① Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p. 112.
① 连续统,英文是“continuum”,意为统一体,表示一个连续不断的范围、顺序或整体,除非用硬性分割不能将其中一部分当作邻近部分区分开来。本文的城市—乡村连续统指城市与乡村具有千丝万缕的联系,表明城市化是从乡村向城市转化的一个历史的动态过程。
② Nels Anderson, Urbanism and Urbanization, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol.65, No.1(Jul.,1959), p. 72.
③ J. Joseph Huthmacher, Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Sep., 1962), p. 231.
④ Nelson J. Callahan and William F. Hickey, Irish Americans and their Communities of Cleveland, 1978, p. 91.
① 霍夫斯塔特:《美国政治传统及其缔造者》,崔永禄等译,北京:商务印书馆 1994 年版,第 224 页。
② Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 115.
③ See Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 924.
④ 关于“帐篷会议”,在本文第四章中有进一步介绍。
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 921.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 655-663.
② Cleveland on Beautiful Lake Erie, 1920, p. 5.
③ Mark Jefferson, How American Cities Grow, Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, Vol.47, No.1 (1915), pp. 19-37.
④ 当然,因为马克·杰斐逊比较的时间是 1840-1910 年,所以,这种“活力”不仅仅是工业增长和城市化发展带来的,从时间上来说也包括城市改革为克利夫兰市带来的“活力”。
① James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., p. 458.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 987.
③ Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 921.
① William G. Angerson, Progressivism: An Historiographical Essay, The History Teacher, Vol.6,No.3(May. 1973), pp. 427-452; Also see James J. Connolly, Progressivism (H-SHGAPE, January 31, 1997 ), http://www.h-net.org/~shgape/bibs/prog.html.
① Geoffrey Blodgett, The Mugwump Reputation, 1870 to the Present, The Journal of American History, Vol.66, No.4(Mar.,1980), p. 870. James Ford Rhodes(1848–1927), History of the Civil War, 1861–1865, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, History of the United States from Hays to Mckinley, 1877-1896.
② Kenneth Quinnell, Urban Reformers in the Progressive Era, http://www.ospolitics.org/knowledge/archives/2004/04/29/writings_o.php.
③ See Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 244-248.
④ See Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 937.
① Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
② Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xxxv.
③ Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xxxv.
① Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p.xli.
② Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
① Kenneth Quinnell, Ibid..
② Nelson J Callahan, and William F. Hickey, Ibid., p. 91.
③ James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., pp. 424-426.
① Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., p. 123.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 936.
② Louis Wirth, Urbanism as a Way of Life, 文见于海:《城市社会学文选》,上海:复旦大学出版社 2005 年 版,第 44-57 页。关于这三个指标可以参见:蔡禾:《城市社会学:理论与视野》,第 66 页。
① Nativity of the Population for the 50 Largest Urban Places: 1870 to 1990, Ibid., Also see Tom L. Johnson, Ibid., p. 26.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 952.
① 韦得提出了一个城市移民“居住同中心圆”模式,认为城市的边缘(外层边缘)居住着老移民,一般是有钱人,而城市中心居住着新来的移民和底层移民。在这两者中间有存在一个“紧急地带”(Zone Of Emergency),这里居住着已经取得了某些成功的第二、三代移民。见 Elmer Cornwell, City Bosses and Political Machines, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 353, May 1964. pp. 28-39.
② 地理学家乔西·哈里斯(Chauncy Harris)和爱德华·厄尔曼(Edward Ullman)提出“多中心模型”,认为城市是围绕多个而非一个经济活动中心发展的。见于海,前引书,第 32 页。
① Elroy M Avery, Ibid., pp. 256-257.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 935.
③ Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Municipal Progress,1904-1905, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.27,(Jan. 1906), pp. 195-196.
① Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 112.
② 关于创制权、复决权、直接预选和罢免权的概念参见:李剑鸣《大转折的年代——美国进步主义运动研究》,第 109-110 页。
③ Cleveland Legal Charter, http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/clevelandcodes/.
① Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 82.
② League of Women Voters, http://ech.cwru.edu/ech-cgi/article.pl?id=LOWVOC.
③ Tom L.Johnson, Ibid., p. 167.
④ 托克维尔,前引书,第 635 页。
⑤ 同上,第 642 页。
⑥ Samuel Peter Orth, Ibid., pp. 509-510.
① Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., p. 1210.
② Wilfred Henry Alburn, Ibid., pp. 1221-1223.
③ “进步”是 Progress,“进步主义”是 Progressivism,加上了“ism”就说明它是作为一个有共同思想的体系而言。关于“进步主义”(progressivism)的梗概早有描述。“进步主义”(progressive)的标签在 1911 年1 月时威尔逊仍将其解释为一个“新术语”,而在这一年的选举中已开始变得模糊。“进步运动”(progressive movement)这一词语产生于 1912 年,但是现代意义上的“进步主义”(progressivism)在 1912 年用作保守党和社会主义的反义词,而且从来不是一个公认的术语,直到这一历史已经过去很久的某个时候,新闻记者和历史学家捡起来,它才得到广泛地使用。文见:Daniel T. Rodgers, In Search of Progressivism, Reviews in American History, Vol. 10, No. 4, The Promise of American History: Progress and Prospects (Dec., 1982), pp. 113-132.
④ Jams H. S. Bossard, The Concept of Progress, Social Fores, Vol.10,No.1(Oct.1931),p. 8.
① 新民主是沃尔特·韦尔 1913 年出版的一本著作的书名;新共和是克罗利和李普曼等人 1914 年创办的一份刊物的名称;新国家主义是西奥多·罗斯福的改革纲领;新自由是伍德罗·威尔逊 1912 年提出的竞选口号;新竞争是阿瑟·J.埃迪 1912 年出版的一本经济学著作的书名;新企业是企业界发起的一场改善企业管理、推动企业合作的运动;新史学是詹姆斯·哈维·鲁宾逊 1912 年提出的史学主张;新思想是宗教界倡导的一场治疗运动。李剑鸣,前引书,第 211-212 页。
② James Harrison Kennedy, Ibid., p. 457-458.
③ Jams H. S. Bossard, Ibid., p. 13.
① 托克维尔,前引书,第 332 页。
② 同上,第 354 页。
① Nels Anderson, Ibid., p. 431.
② 梅里亚姆,前引书,第 35 页。
① 梅里亚姆,前引书,第 138 页。
② 袁祖社:《权力与自由》,北京:中国社会科学出版社 2003 年版,第 36 页。
① Cleveland, Ohio. Chamber of Commerce. Municipal Committee. Cleveland Pavements, 1914, p. 29.
② 道格拉斯·诺思、罗伯特·托马斯:《西方世界的兴起》,厉以平等译,北京:华夏出版社 1999 年版,第 11 页。
③ Ellis W. Hawley, The Discovery and Study of a "Corporate Liberalism", The Business History Review, Vol. 52, No. 3, Corporate Liberalism (Autumn, 1978), pp. 309-320.
① Arnold Brunner, Ibid..
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