收入差距对我国居民幸福感的影响研究
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摘要
如何增进民生幸福,是党和政府当前的核心课题,经济增长和政府政策的最终目的都在于提高民生幸福。然而,我国经济社会发展过程中收入分配不平等问题越发严重,由此带来许多的社会问题。对于收入差距是否会对我国民众的幸福产生影响以及怎样的影响?目前国内还没有系统的研究。为了对上述问题进行科学的论证,本文首先从理论上探讨收入差距影响居民主观幸福感的内在机理,然后利用较高质量的微观调查数据并运用实证分析的方法对收入差距与我国居民主观幸福感的关系进行实证检验。其主要内容和观点如下：
(一)收入差距影响民众幸福感的机制包括直接影响和间接影响两个方面。其中直接影响有：受“不患寡,而患不均”传统思想的影响,人们与生俱来地厌恶不平等,不平等直接损害了人们的幸福感；相对剥夺理论认为收入不平等程度的提高会导致相对剥夺感的上升,从而降低幸福感；收入差距能够改变收入预期进而影响人们的幸福感,收入差距可以促进收入流动性增强,其作为一种信号,作用于个人对自己未来收入的预期,从而改变个人的幸福感。改变预期有两种情况,可以被“隧道效应”进行形象解释,当人们发现身边人经济情况开始变好时,往往也会对自己的未来有乐观的预期,这会提高人们的幸福感,称之为“正向隧道效应”。但如果收入差距过大,而低收入者依旧没有达到预期,人们的乐观预期就会消失,取而代之的是不满、愤怒、沮丧和急躁的心态,降低人们的幸福感,称之为“负向隧道效应”。而间接影响效应主要指收入差距会带来许多的社会问题,诸如健康恶化、暴力犯罪、社会信任危机等,而这些社会问题又直接影响着人们的幸福感。
(二)实证检验发现收入差距对我国居民的主观幸福感具有非常显著的影响。具体地,收入差距对我国居民的主观幸福感的影响具有倒“U”型的性质,而且倒“U”型的临界点在基尼系数为0.4左右,与国际警戒线相同,当基尼系数低于0.4,收入差距的扩大会促进居民主观幸福感水平的提升；而当其超过0.4时,继续扩大的收入差距将导致居民主观幸福感下降,而目前我国绝大部分区(县)的基尼系数均大于这一临界值,大约占63.2%。倒“U"型关系也通过其他收入差距指标稳健性检验。
城镇内部收入差距和农村内部收入差距对居民主观幸福感的影响发现二者均具有倒“U”型关系。但是城镇居民对收入差距的容忍度要低于农村居民,城镇内部收入差距的临界点为0.314,而农村则为0.457；对城乡间收入差距研究发现,省级层面的城乡差距直接不利于我国民众的主观幸福感,而区县层面的城乡差距与民众幸福感的关系同样是倒“U”型。
(三)本文在检验收入差距与主观幸福感关系的基础上进一步考察了人们对收入差距的态度和对自身收入分配公平的感觉对二者关系的影响。研究表明：人们对收入差距的态度或者说评判分配公平的依据原则对这一关系有显著的影响,当面对相同收入差距的时候,倾向于应得原则公平观的居民相比倾向于平均原则公平观的居民其幸福感更高,而且这一结论在城镇内部和农村内部均成立,这反映出随着我国市场化改革的不断深入,树立起与市场经济相适应的应得原则公平观有助于促进居民幸福。
居民对自身收入分配的感觉认知即分配公平感会显著影响其自身的幸福感,在其他条件相同下,那些自认为其自身收入分配是公平合理的居民其主观幸福感要显著比那些认为自身收入分配不公平不合理的居民的幸福感高0.231个单位,但分配公平感和收入差距对主观幸福感不存在交互效应。根据本文的统计结果,我国民众对自身收入分配公平的感觉大约有一半的人感觉公平,而另一半人感觉不公平。
(四)本文也考察了社会安定和社会信任对于我国民众幸福感的影响,以及收入差距通过社会安定和社会信任这两条路径对居民主观幸福感的间接影响。即使控制了社会安定和社会信任因素之后,收入差距对我国民众幸福感影响依然存在倒“U”型关系；社会安定和社会信任是影响我国民众幸福感的重要因素,社会不安定显著降低了居民的幸福感,社会信任有助于促进民众幸福；社会不安定和社会信任是收入差距影响民众幸福感的间接传导路径,收入差距影响幸福感的线性模型中基尼系数的回归系数明显降低,而非线性模型中基尼系数的极值点也发生了右移。通过计算发现收入差距对幸福感的直接影响、社会不安定和社会信任因素的间接影响分别约为84%、5.4%和5.4%；此外,城镇内部和农村内部的收入差距与民众幸福感关系中社会安定和社会信任所起作用基本上和全样本一致,农村群体中社会安定和社会信任的作用并没有城镇那么显著。
(五)运用世界价值观调查数据,本文也对我国经济社会转型过程中,收入差距对我国民众主观幸福感影响的动态变化进行了分析。采用有序选择回归模型和扩展的Oaxaca分解法研究发现：从2001年到2007年,我国居民幸福感的平均水平有所提高,但是幸福感的分布更加的极端化,感觉“很不幸福”和“很幸福”的比例均显著提高；收入差距对居民幸福感的影响在这六年间发生了质的变化,2001年收入差距能够显著提升民众幸福感,而到2007年,收入差距却降低了民众的主观幸福感；无论是收入差距变量本身的变化还是影响系数的变化,均是降低居民平均幸福感水平的重要的因素,而且后者的影响幅度非常大。这突出反映了收入差距在我国社会转型过程中对人们主观福利幸福感影响的变化。
(六)本文运用夏普里值过程的回归分解方法,对我国农村居民收入差距和城镇劳动力市场上工资收入差距分别进行研究,考察了各种因素对收入差距的贡献。计算发现我国农村居民的基尼系数逼近0.5,农村居民的收入分配极度不合理；农村居民在非农就业上的差异是导致农村收入差距最为重要的因素,其对总体收入差距的贡献达到了22.71%；地区差异对农村收入差距的相对影响也高达20.54%,但东部省份之间的差异相对较小,只有7.61%；性别差异和社会关系差异是导致农村收入差距的第二梯度重要因素,相对影响均在10%以上；人力资本因素的贡献基本上在5%—10%之间,其他因素的贡献相对较小。而城镇劳动力市场上,教育人力资本是导致工资收入不平等的最重要因素,其对工资收入不平等的贡献达到了37.47%；地区因素对总的工资收入不平等的相对影响达到了25%；性别与行业因素是仅次于教育和地区因素之后,导致工资收入不平等的重要因素；职业类型、单位所有制和社会关系是控制工资收入差距不容忽视的因素；而单位规模、户籍以及工作经验对工资收入不平等的贡献几乎可以忽略不计。另外,我国不同区域劳动力市场上工资收入差距的决定因素有很大的差异。
本文的创新点主要表现在以下几个方面：
(一)目前国内幸福经济学的研究视角多集中在探讨收入的层面上,主要有绝对收入和相对收入,鲜有从收入分配差距的视角来探讨人们的主观福利,更不要说系统的研究。本文在现有文献的基础上首先进行了理论探讨,进而做了实证检验。弥补了目前文献的不足。
(二)根据国外对收入差距与幸福感已有研究理论,结合中国市场化改革打破平均主义的收入分配体制,让一部分地区和一部分人先富起来的现实,首次提出了二者的非线性关系,并结合国内的大样本微观调查数据进行了实证检验,验证这一推想。不仅从整体上,而且还从城镇内部、农村内部、城乡之间以及时间动态等视角对其进行了考察。
(三)本文在分析收入差距与民众幸福感的基础上进一步考察了人们对于收入差距的态度以及自身对现实生活的收入差距的感觉对于这一关系的影响,也分析了收入差距影响民众幸福感的间接路径,最后还基于回归分解的方法探讨了收入差距的成因,特别是城镇劳动力市场上工资分配差距问题。
"How to improve the livelihood and subjective well-beings of people" are core issues of the Chinese Communist Party and government. The final goal of economic growth and public policy is to improve the people's livelihood and subjective well-beings. However, the problems of income inequality are more and more serious during the developing process of China's economy and society, Will the increasing income inequality affect on the residents'subjective well-beings and how to influence? At present, domestic researchers don't study this issue systematically. In order to demonstrate the above questions scientifically, first, this dissertation analyzes the inner mechanisms of income inequality affect the residents'subjective well-beings theoretically. And then, using the higher quality of micro survey data and empirical analysis method, we test empirically the relationship between income inequality and subjective well-beings. The main content and findings are as follows:
The mechanisms of income inequality affecting subjective well-beings include direct and indirect. The direct influences contain:People influenced by "what matters is not wanting but unfairness" traditional ideas were born with disgust inequality, inequality damages people's subjective well-beings directly; Relative deprivation theory points out the increasing inequality will lead to rising relative deprivation, so as to reduce subjective well-beings; The income inequality is able to change expect and to promote income liquidity. There are two kinds of cases of expect changes, which can be explained by "tunnel effect" vividly. When the economy of around people gets better, they also have optimistic expectations on their own future, and which can improve their subjective well-beings, this is called the "positive tunnel effect". If the income inequality is too big, and people don't still reach their expectations, the people's optimistic expectations will disappear, instead of discontent, anger, frustration and impatience, people's subjective well-beings will reduce, this is called "negative tunnel effect". And the indirect effect mainly refers to the income inequality will bring many social problems, such as, deterioration health, violent crime, social trust crisis and so on, all of the social problems directly affect people's subjective well-beings.
The empirical study found that the income inequality has impact on residents' subjective well-beings significantly. Specifically, we found that there is an "inverted-U" association between income inequality and SWB, and the turning point in gini coefficient is0.4, which means that SWB increases with inequality when gini coefficient is less than0.40and decreases with inequality for larger gini coefficient. There are about63.2%areas or counties with gini coefficient larger than0.4. And the "inverted-U" relationships are robust.
We also found the "inverted-U" association between urban inner income inequality and SWB, and the same to rural. However, the tolerance of urban residents is lower than rural residents; the urban internal turning point is0.314, while the rural is0.457. There is also "inverted-U" association between the urban-rural income inequality and SWB.
Different people have different attitudes and feelings to inequality, and these will influence the relationship between inequality and SWB. People's perception of the principles of distributive justice has a remarkable effect on the relationship between income inequality and SWB, people with the principle of equity are happier than those with principle of equality; and this conclusion is also applicable to city and country. The perception of distributive justice has impact on the SWB significantly. Under the same conditions, people with fair perception of distributive justice are high0.231units than those with unfair perception. But interaction effects of income inequality and perception of distributive justice on SWB don't exist.
We also examine the influence of social stability and social trust on SWB and the indirect influence of the income inequality through the social stability and social trust on the residents' SWB. Social stability and social trust are important influence factors of SWB, and they are the indirect paths of income inequality affecting SWB, social unrest significantly reduces the residents' SWB, social trust increases SWB; the indirect channels through social unrest and social trust account for about5.4%and5.4%of the total effect, the direct effect accounts for84%.
Using the world values survey data, we also analyze the dynamic changes of income inequality affecting on SWB during the China's economic and social transformation process. Using the ordered probit model and the expansion of Oaxaca-decomposition method, we found:the average level of residents'SWB in China improved from2001to2007, but the distribution of SWB are more extreme, the proportion of "very happy" and "very unhappy" both increased significantly; the influence of income inequality on SWB over the six years experiences a qualitative change, income inequality can significantly improve SWB in2001, but reduce in2007. Whether the change of the income inequality or the change of coefficient which income inequality affects on SWB, all the changes is the factor of reduction of the average level of SWB, and the influence of the change of coefficient is very large.
Finally, we use the regression-based decomposition based on Shapley value to study the determinants of wage gap in urban labor market and income inequality in country. And we also investigate the contribution of all kinds of factors on the income inequality.
The main innovation and contribution of the thesis contain:this is the first study of SWB from the income distributive inequality perspective; and we theoretically investigate the internal mechanisms that the income inequality influence the SWB; according to existing literatures and combining with policy that "let part of the region and part of the people get rich first, the first rich help others and ultimately realize common prosperity." We proposed an assumption that an "inverted-U" shape relationship between income inequality and SWB, and we proved this assumption using micro survey data.
(一)收入差距影响民众幸福感的机制包括直接影响和间接影响两个方面。其中直接影响有：受“不患寡,而患不均”传统思想的影响,人们与生俱来地厌恶不平等,不平等直接损害了人们的幸福感；相对剥夺理论认为收入不平等程度的提高会导致相对剥夺感的上升,从而降低幸福感；收入差距能够改变收入预期进而影响人们的幸福感,收入差距可以促进收入流动性增强,其作为一种信号,作用于个人对自己未来收入的预期,从而改变个人的幸福感。改变预期有两种情况,可以被“隧道效应”进行形象解释,当人们发现身边人经济情况开始变好时,往往也会对自己的未来有乐观的预期,这会提高人们的幸福感,称之为“正向隧道效应”。但如果收入差距过大,而低收入者依旧没有达到预期,人们的乐观预期就会消失,取而代之的是不满、愤怒、沮丧和急躁的心态,降低人们的幸福感,称之为“负向隧道效应”。而间接影响效应主要指收入差距会带来许多的社会问题,诸如健康恶化、暴力犯罪、社会信任危机等,而这些社会问题又直接影响着人们的幸福感。
(二)实证检验发现收入差距对我国居民的主观幸福感具有非常显著的影响。具体地,收入差距对我国居民的主观幸福感的影响具有倒“U”型的性质,而且倒“U”型的临界点在基尼系数为0.4左右,与国际警戒线相同,当基尼系数低于0.4,收入差距的扩大会促进居民主观幸福感水平的提升；而当其超过0.4时,继续扩大的收入差距将导致居民主观幸福感下降,而目前我国绝大部分区(县)的基尼系数均大于这一临界值,大约占63.2%。倒“U"型关系也通过其他收入差距指标稳健性检验。
城镇内部收入差距和农村内部收入差距对居民主观幸福感的影响发现二者均具有倒“U”型关系。但是城镇居民对收入差距的容忍度要低于农村居民,城镇内部收入差距的临界点为0.314,而农村则为0.457；对城乡间收入差距研究发现,省级层面的城乡差距直接不利于我国民众的主观幸福感,而区县层面的城乡差距与民众幸福感的关系同样是倒“U”型。
(三)本文在检验收入差距与主观幸福感关系的基础上进一步考察了人们对收入差距的态度和对自身收入分配公平的感觉对二者关系的影响。研究表明：人们对收入差距的态度或者说评判分配公平的依据原则对这一关系有显著的影响,当面对相同收入差距的时候,倾向于应得原则公平观的居民相比倾向于平均原则公平观的居民其幸福感更高,而且这一结论在城镇内部和农村内部均成立,这反映出随着我国市场化改革的不断深入,树立起与市场经济相适应的应得原则公平观有助于促进居民幸福。
居民对自身收入分配的感觉认知即分配公平感会显著影响其自身的幸福感,在其他条件相同下,那些自认为其自身收入分配是公平合理的居民其主观幸福感要显著比那些认为自身收入分配不公平不合理的居民的幸福感高0.231个单位,但分配公平感和收入差距对主观幸福感不存在交互效应。根据本文的统计结果,我国民众对自身收入分配公平的感觉大约有一半的人感觉公平,而另一半人感觉不公平。
(四)本文也考察了社会安定和社会信任对于我国民众幸福感的影响,以及收入差距通过社会安定和社会信任这两条路径对居民主观幸福感的间接影响。即使控制了社会安定和社会信任因素之后,收入差距对我国民众幸福感影响依然存在倒“U”型关系；社会安定和社会信任是影响我国民众幸福感的重要因素,社会不安定显著降低了居民的幸福感,社会信任有助于促进民众幸福；社会不安定和社会信任是收入差距影响民众幸福感的间接传导路径,收入差距影响幸福感的线性模型中基尼系数的回归系数明显降低,而非线性模型中基尼系数的极值点也发生了右移。通过计算发现收入差距对幸福感的直接影响、社会不安定和社会信任因素的间接影响分别约为84%、5.4%和5.4%；此外,城镇内部和农村内部的收入差距与民众幸福感关系中社会安定和社会信任所起作用基本上和全样本一致,农村群体中社会安定和社会信任的作用并没有城镇那么显著。
(五)运用世界价值观调查数据,本文也对我国经济社会转型过程中,收入差距对我国民众主观幸福感影响的动态变化进行了分析。采用有序选择回归模型和扩展的Oaxaca分解法研究发现：从2001年到2007年,我国居民幸福感的平均水平有所提高,但是幸福感的分布更加的极端化,感觉“很不幸福”和“很幸福”的比例均显著提高；收入差距对居民幸福感的影响在这六年间发生了质的变化,2001年收入差距能够显著提升民众幸福感,而到2007年,收入差距却降低了民众的主观幸福感；无论是收入差距变量本身的变化还是影响系数的变化,均是降低居民平均幸福感水平的重要的因素,而且后者的影响幅度非常大。这突出反映了收入差距在我国社会转型过程中对人们主观福利幸福感影响的变化。
(六)本文运用夏普里值过程的回归分解方法,对我国农村居民收入差距和城镇劳动力市场上工资收入差距分别进行研究,考察了各种因素对收入差距的贡献。计算发现我国农村居民的基尼系数逼近0.5,农村居民的收入分配极度不合理；农村居民在非农就业上的差异是导致农村收入差距最为重要的因素,其对总体收入差距的贡献达到了22.71%；地区差异对农村收入差距的相对影响也高达20.54%,但东部省份之间的差异相对较小,只有7.61%；性别差异和社会关系差异是导致农村收入差距的第二梯度重要因素,相对影响均在10%以上；人力资本因素的贡献基本上在5%—10%之间,其他因素的贡献相对较小。而城镇劳动力市场上,教育人力资本是导致工资收入不平等的最重要因素,其对工资收入不平等的贡献达到了37.47%；地区因素对总的工资收入不平等的相对影响达到了25%；性别与行业因素是仅次于教育和地区因素之后,导致工资收入不平等的重要因素；职业类型、单位所有制和社会关系是控制工资收入差距不容忽视的因素；而单位规模、户籍以及工作经验对工资收入不平等的贡献几乎可以忽略不计。另外,我国不同区域劳动力市场上工资收入差距的决定因素有很大的差异。
本文的创新点主要表现在以下几个方面：
(一)目前国内幸福经济学的研究视角多集中在探讨收入的层面上,主要有绝对收入和相对收入,鲜有从收入分配差距的视角来探讨人们的主观福利,更不要说系统的研究。本文在现有文献的基础上首先进行了理论探讨,进而做了实证检验。弥补了目前文献的不足。
(二)根据国外对收入差距与幸福感已有研究理论,结合中国市场化改革打破平均主义的收入分配体制,让一部分地区和一部分人先富起来的现实,首次提出了二者的非线性关系,并结合国内的大样本微观调查数据进行了实证检验,验证这一推想。不仅从整体上,而且还从城镇内部、农村内部、城乡之间以及时间动态等视角对其进行了考察。
(三)本文在分析收入差距与民众幸福感的基础上进一步考察了人们对于收入差距的态度以及自身对现实生活的收入差距的感觉对于这一关系的影响,也分析了收入差距影响民众幸福感的间接路径,最后还基于回归分解的方法探讨了收入差距的成因,特别是城镇劳动力市场上工资分配差距问题。
"How to improve the livelihood and subjective well-beings of people" are core issues of the Chinese Communist Party and government. The final goal of economic growth and public policy is to improve the people's livelihood and subjective well-beings. However, the problems of income inequality are more and more serious during the developing process of China's economy and society, Will the increasing income inequality affect on the residents'subjective well-beings and how to influence? At present, domestic researchers don't study this issue systematically. In order to demonstrate the above questions scientifically, first, this dissertation analyzes the inner mechanisms of income inequality affect the residents'subjective well-beings theoretically. And then, using the higher quality of micro survey data and empirical analysis method, we test empirically the relationship between income inequality and subjective well-beings. The main content and findings are as follows:
The mechanisms of income inequality affecting subjective well-beings include direct and indirect. The direct influences contain:People influenced by "what matters is not wanting but unfairness" traditional ideas were born with disgust inequality, inequality damages people's subjective well-beings directly; Relative deprivation theory points out the increasing inequality will lead to rising relative deprivation, so as to reduce subjective well-beings; The income inequality is able to change expect and to promote income liquidity. There are two kinds of cases of expect changes, which can be explained by "tunnel effect" vividly. When the economy of around people gets better, they also have optimistic expectations on their own future, and which can improve their subjective well-beings, this is called the "positive tunnel effect". If the income inequality is too big, and people don't still reach their expectations, the people's optimistic expectations will disappear, instead of discontent, anger, frustration and impatience, people's subjective well-beings will reduce, this is called "negative tunnel effect". And the indirect effect mainly refers to the income inequality will bring many social problems, such as, deterioration health, violent crime, social trust crisis and so on, all of the social problems directly affect people's subjective well-beings.
The empirical study found that the income inequality has impact on residents' subjective well-beings significantly. Specifically, we found that there is an "inverted-U" association between income inequality and SWB, and the turning point in gini coefficient is0.4, which means that SWB increases with inequality when gini coefficient is less than0.40and decreases with inequality for larger gini coefficient. There are about63.2%areas or counties with gini coefficient larger than0.4. And the "inverted-U" relationships are robust.
We also found the "inverted-U" association between urban inner income inequality and SWB, and the same to rural. However, the tolerance of urban residents is lower than rural residents; the urban internal turning point is0.314, while the rural is0.457. There is also "inverted-U" association between the urban-rural income inequality and SWB.
Different people have different attitudes and feelings to inequality, and these will influence the relationship between inequality and SWB. People's perception of the principles of distributive justice has a remarkable effect on the relationship between income inequality and SWB, people with the principle of equity are happier than those with principle of equality; and this conclusion is also applicable to city and country. The perception of distributive justice has impact on the SWB significantly. Under the same conditions, people with fair perception of distributive justice are high0.231units than those with unfair perception. But interaction effects of income inequality and perception of distributive justice on SWB don't exist.
We also examine the influence of social stability and social trust on SWB and the indirect influence of the income inequality through the social stability and social trust on the residents' SWB. Social stability and social trust are important influence factors of SWB, and they are the indirect paths of income inequality affecting SWB, social unrest significantly reduces the residents' SWB, social trust increases SWB; the indirect channels through social unrest and social trust account for about5.4%and5.4%of the total effect, the direct effect accounts for84%.
Using the world values survey data, we also analyze the dynamic changes of income inequality affecting on SWB during the China's economic and social transformation process. Using the ordered probit model and the expansion of Oaxaca-decomposition method, we found:the average level of residents'SWB in China improved from2001to2007, but the distribution of SWB are more extreme, the proportion of "very happy" and "very unhappy" both increased significantly; the influence of income inequality on SWB over the six years experiences a qualitative change, income inequality can significantly improve SWB in2001, but reduce in2007. Whether the change of the income inequality or the change of coefficient which income inequality affects on SWB, all the changes is the factor of reduction of the average level of SWB, and the influence of the change of coefficient is very large.
Finally, we use the regression-based decomposition based on Shapley value to study the determinants of wage gap in urban labor market and income inequality in country. And we also investigate the contribution of all kinds of factors on the income inequality.
The main innovation and contribution of the thesis contain:this is the first study of SWB from the income distributive inequality perspective; and we theoretically investigate the internal mechanisms that the income inequality influence the SWB; according to existing literatures and combining with policy that "let part of the region and part of the people get rich first, the first rich help others and ultimately realize common prosperity." We proposed an assumption that an "inverted-U" shape relationship between income inequality and SWB, and we proved this assumption using micro survey data.
引文
③ 数据来源：2010《中国统计年鉴》。
④ 中国经济导报,2006年4月27日,第A01版。
① 数据来源：程永宏,改革以来全国基尼系数的演变及其城乡分解,《中国社会科学》,2007/04。
① 有兴趣的学者请参阅该著作的第三章。娄伶俐,《主观幸福感的经济学理论与实证研究》,上海：上海世纪出版集团,2010。
① Harry Helson, Adaptation-level theory; an experimental and systematic approach to behavior, New York: Harper and Row,1964.
② Vroom V H, Work and motivation. New York:John Wiley and Sons,1964.
① Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations,7(2) 117-140.
① 柏拉图,《理想国》,吴献书译,北京：北京理工大学出版社,2010。
② 本文对主观幸福感测量方法的分类介绍主要参考奚恺元等(2008)、肖仲华(2010)。
① 杰文斯,《政治经济学理论》,商务印书馆,1984,P2。
② 杰文斯,《政治经济学理论》,商务印书馆,1984,P37。
① 这样命名的原因是该悖论起源于Richard A. Easterlin教授的奠基性研究。
② 关于主观幸福感影响因素的经济学研究更为详细的文献综述参见Diener等(1999),Frey和Stutzer (2002), Dolan等(2008),娄伶俐(2009),鲁元平、王韬(2010)。
① 国内各学科对主观幸福感研究的文献综述参见李志、谢朝晖(2006)。
② 原版英文著作有两个版本,其中2009年书名The Spirit Level—Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better;2010又出版了更新版本,书名修改The Spirit Level:Why Equality is Better for Everyone。
① 出自孔子的《论语》季氏第十六篇。
② Elizabeth Tricomi, Antonio Rangel, Colin F. Camerer & John P. O'Doherty, Neural evidence for inequality-averse social preferences, Nature 463,1089-1091 (25 February 2010)他们通过纳入两组受试者并给其中一组一大笔钱来制造不平等现象。当两组人在关注他们的财富转移过程时,包括转移给自己或者是把自己的转移出去给别人,测量了复侧纹状体和腹内侧前额皮质的神经反应,在社会和非社会环境下,对金钱和基本回报评价时都涉及到这两个区域。与反对不平等社会偏好的模型一致,试验结果发现对“富”的实验对象来说,其纹状体和前额皮质中的神经反应在另一个实验对象得到更多钱时更强烈；对“穷”的实验对象来说,其脑中同一区域的神经反应当他们自己得到钱时更强烈。这些结果对这类模型有效性提供了直接的证据,并证明大脑的奖励回路对有利和不利的不平等都是敏感的。
① 结构方程模型也是学者研究幸福感的常用方法。如：孙凤(2007a,2007b),吴静(2009),裴志军(2010),吴丽民、陈惠熊(2010)等等。
① 王继平、陈甬军：《幸福的经济学研究：历史、现状与启示》,见陈惠雄主编的《经济社会发展与国民幸福》,浙江大学出版社2008年版,P59。
① 参见文献Ada Ferrer-i-Carbornell and Paul Frijters(2004); Bernard van Praag and Ada Ferrer-i-Carbornell (2004).
① 亚当·斯密,《国民财富的性质和原因研究》(下卷),郭大力、王亚南译。北京：商务印务馆,2003年。
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④ 中国经济导报,2006年4月27日,第A01版。
① 数据来源：程永宏,改革以来全国基尼系数的演变及其城乡分解,《中国社会科学》,2007/04。
① 有兴趣的学者请参阅该著作的第三章。娄伶俐,《主观幸福感的经济学理论与实证研究》,上海：上海世纪出版集团,2010。
① Harry Helson, Adaptation-level theory; an experimental and systematic approach to behavior, New York: Harper and Row,1964.
② Vroom V H, Work and motivation. New York:John Wiley and Sons,1964.
① Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations,7(2) 117-140.
① 柏拉图,《理想国》,吴献书译,北京：北京理工大学出版社,2010。
② 本文对主观幸福感测量方法的分类介绍主要参考奚恺元等(2008)、肖仲华(2010)。
① 杰文斯,《政治经济学理论》,商务印书馆,1984,P2。
② 杰文斯,《政治经济学理论》,商务印书馆,1984,P37。
① 这样命名的原因是该悖论起源于Richard A. Easterlin教授的奠基性研究。
② 关于主观幸福感影响因素的经济学研究更为详细的文献综述参见Diener等(1999),Frey和Stutzer (2002), Dolan等(2008),娄伶俐(2009),鲁元平、王韬(2010)。
① 国内各学科对主观幸福感研究的文献综述参见李志、谢朝晖(2006)。
② 原版英文著作有两个版本,其中2009年书名The Spirit Level—Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better;2010又出版了更新版本,书名修改The Spirit Level:Why Equality is Better for Everyone。
① 出自孔子的《论语》季氏第十六篇。
② Elizabeth Tricomi, Antonio Rangel, Colin F. Camerer & John P. O'Doherty, Neural evidence for inequality-averse social preferences, Nature 463,1089-1091 (25 February 2010)他们通过纳入两组受试者并给其中一组一大笔钱来制造不平等现象。当两组人在关注他们的财富转移过程时,包括转移给自己或者是把自己的转移出去给别人,测量了复侧纹状体和腹内侧前额皮质的神经反应,在社会和非社会环境下,对金钱和基本回报评价时都涉及到这两个区域。与反对不平等社会偏好的模型一致,试验结果发现对“富”的实验对象来说,其纹状体和前额皮质中的神经反应在另一个实验对象得到更多钱时更强烈；对“穷”的实验对象来说,其脑中同一区域的神经反应当他们自己得到钱时更强烈。这些结果对这类模型有效性提供了直接的证据,并证明大脑的奖励回路对有利和不利的不平等都是敏感的。
① 结构方程模型也是学者研究幸福感的常用方法。如：孙凤(2007a,2007b),吴静(2009),裴志军(2010),吴丽民、陈惠熊(2010)等等。
① 王继平、陈甬军：《幸福的经济学研究：历史、现状与启示》,见陈惠雄主编的《经济社会发展与国民幸福》,浙江大学出版社2008年版,P59。
① 参见文献Ada Ferrer-i-Carbornell and Paul Frijters(2004); Bernard van Praag and Ada Ferrer-i-Carbornell (2004).
① 亚当·斯密,《国民财富的性质和原因研究》(下卷),郭大力、王亚南译。北京：商务印务馆,2003年。
[1]白雪梅、王少瑾,2007：《对我国收入不平等与社会安定关系的审视》,《财经问题研究》,第7期。
[2]布伦诺·S.费雷、阿洛伊斯·斯塔特勒,静也译：《幸福与经济学：经济和制度对人类福祉的影响》,北京大学出版社,2006。
[3]陈春良、易君健,2009：《收入差距与刑事犯罪：基于中国省级面板数据的经验研究》,《世界经济》,第1期。
[4]陈建东,2009：《近年来我国农村居民收入差距及其分解》,《中国经济问题》,第5期。
[5]陈钊、万广华、陆铭,2010：《行业间不平等：日益重要的城镇收入差距成因——基于回归方程的分解》,《中国社会科学》,第3期。
[6]程永宏,2007：《改革以来全国基尼系数的演变及其城乡分解》,《中国社会科学》,第4期。
[7]樊丽明、杨国涛、范子英,2010：《贫困地区收入不平等的决定因素：基于西海固农户数据的分析》,《世界经济文汇》,第3期。
[8]甘春华,2001：《对我国工资差距问题的探讨》,《华东交通大学学报》,第18卷第2期。
[9]高梦滔、姚洋,2006：《农户收入差距的微观基础：物质资本还是人力资本?》,《经济研究》,第12期。
[10]高梦滔、张颖,2007：《教育收益率、行业与工资的性别差异：基于西部三个城市的经验研究》,《南方经济》,第9期。
[11]顾和军、钟甫宁,2007：《江苏农村居民收入差距问题的一个分析视角：基于要素角度的分析》,《南京农业大学学报(社会科学版)》,第7卷第4期。
[12]官皓,2010：《收入对幸福感的影响研究：绝对水平和相对地位》,《南开经济研究》,第5期。
[13]何立新、潘春阳,2011：《破解中国的"Easterlin悖论”：收入差距、机会不均与居民幸福感》,《管理世界》,第8期。
[14]何凌云、鲁元平,2011：《腐败、社会信任与居民主观幸福感》,第十一届中国经济学年会会议论文。
[15]何强,2011：《攀比效应、棘轮效应和非物质因素：对幸福悖论的一种规范解释》,《世界经济》,第7期。
[16]胡联合、胡鞍钢,2007：《贫富差距是如何影响社会稳定的?》,《江西社会科学》,第9期。
[17]胡联合、胡鞍钢和徐绍刚,2005：《贫富差距对违法犯罪活动影响的实证分析》,《管理世界》,第6期。
[18]怀默霆,2009：《中国民众如何看待当前的社会不平等》,《社会学研究》,第1期。
[19]金玉国,2005：《工资行业差异的制度诠释》,《统计研究》,第4期。
[20]李实,2003：《中国个人收入分配研究回顾与展望》,《经济学(季刊)》,第2卷第2期。
[21]李实、马欣欣,2006：《中国城镇职工的性别工资差异与职业分割的经验分析》,《中国人口科学》,第5期。
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[24]李卫东,2009：《幸福哲学研究刍议》,《合肥工业大学学报(社科版)》,第5期。
[25]李雪松、詹姆斯·赫克曼,2004：《选择偏差、比较优势与教育的异质性回报：基于中国微观数据的实证研究》,《经济研究》,第4期。
[26]李志、谢朝晖,2006：《国内主观幸福感研究文献述评》,《重庆大学学报(社会科学版)》,第12卷第4期。
[27]理查德·威尔金森、凯特·皮克特,安鹏译：《不平等的痛苦：收入差距 如何导致社会问题》,新华出版社,2010。
[28]刘应美,2010：《欠发达地区农村居民幸福感悄然变化、成因、治理》,《经营管理者》,第5期。
[29]娄伶俐,2009：《主观幸福感的经济学研究动态》,《经济学动态》,第2期。
[30]娄伶俐：《主观幸福感的经济学理论与实证研究》,上海人民出版社,2010。
[31]鲁元平、王韬,2010：《主观幸福感影响因素研究述评》,《经济学动态》,第5期。
[32]鲁元平、王韬,2011：《收入不平等、社会犯罪与国民幸福感——来自中国的经验证据》,《经济学(季刊)》,第10卷第4期。
[33]吕杰、张广胜,2005：《农村居民收入不均等分解：基于辽宁农户数据的实证分析》,《中国农业大学学报》,第10卷第4期。
[34]罗楚亮,2006：《城乡分割、就业状况与主观幸福感差异》,《经济学(季刊)》,第3期。
[35]罗楚亮,2009：《绝对收入、相对收入与主观幸福感——来自中国城乡住户调查数据的经验分析》,《财经研究》,第35卷第11期。
[36]罗敏,2001：《幸福三论》,《哲学研究》,第2期。
[37]马得勇,2008：《信任、信任的起源与信任的变迁》,《开发时代》,第4期。
[38]马磊、刘欣,2009：《中国城市居民的分配公平感研究》,《社会学研究》,第5期。
[39]宁光杰,2009：《中国工资差距问题的综合分析》,《中央财经大学学报》,第2期。
[40]裴志军,2010：《家庭社会资本、相对收入与主观幸福感：一个浙西农村的实证研究》,《农业经济问题》,第7期。
[41]彭代彦、吴宝新,2008：《农村内部的收入差距与农民的生活满意度》,《世界经济》,第4期。
[42]乔洪武、沈昊驹,2011：《恩斯特·费尔对静伦理研究方法的贡献——潜在诺贝尔经济学奖得主学术贡献评介系列》,《经济学动态》,第4期。
[43]人民日报,2010：《收入差距加大致国民“弱势心理”蔓延》。
[44]汝信、陆学艺等,《2007年：中国社会形势分析与预测》,社会科学文献出版社,2007。
[45]苏玲、陈俊、严丽君,2012：《澳门回归十周年居民主观幸福感的变化》,《心理学进展》,第2期。
[46]孙凤,2007：《性别、职业与主观幸福感》,《经济科学》,第1期。
[47]孙凤,2007：《主观幸福感的结构方程模型》,《统计研究》,第24卷第2期。
[48]孙明,2009：《市场转型与民众的分配公平观》,《社会学研究》,第3期。
[49]田国强、杨立岩,2006：《对“幸福-收入之谜”的一个解答》,《经济研究》,第11期。
[50]田士超、陆铭,2007：《教育对地区内收入差距的贡献：来自上海微观数据的考察》,《南方经济》,第5期。
[51]万广华,1998：《中国农村区域间居民收入差异及其变化的实证分析》,《经济研究》,第5期。
[52]万广华,2004：《解释中国农村区域间的收入不平等：一种基于回归方程的分解方法》,《经济研究》,第8期。
[53]万广华,2008：《不平等的度量与分解》,《经济学(季刊)》,第8卷第1期。
[54]万广华、周章跃、陆迁,2005：《中国农村收入不平等：运用农户数据的回归分解》,《中国农村经济》,第5期。
[55]万树、蒋玉珉,2010：《国民福祉的人本价值回归及其实现》,《学术界》,第8期。
[56]王甫勤,2010：《社会流动与分配公平感研究》,复旦大学博士学位论文。
[57]王甫勤,2011：《当代中国大城市居民的分配公平感：一项基于上海的实证研究》,《社会》,第3期。
[58]王海港、李实、刘京军,2007：《城镇居民教育收益率的地区差异及其解释》,《经济研究》,第8期。
[59]王洪法,2007：《信任：现代人幸福感的社会资本》,《扬州大学学报(人文社会科学版)》,第11卷第6期。
[60]王美艳,2005：《城市劳动力市场上的就业机会与工资差异》,《中国社会科学》,第5期。
[61]王美艳,2005：《中国城市劳动力市场上的性别工资差异》,《经济研究》,第12期。
[62]王鹏,2011：《收入差距对我国居民主观幸福感的影响分析——基于中国综合社会调查数据的实证研究》,《中国人口科学》,第3期。
[63]王鹏、刘国恩,2010：《健康人力资本与性别工资差异》,《南方经济》,第9期。
[64]王少瑾,2008：《收入不平对社会安定的影响——基于修正的EBA模型的实证检验》,《山东财政学院学报》,第1期。
[65]王曙光,2006：《幸福的和不幸福的经济学》,《读书》,第12期。
[66]王小勇,2006：《市场潜力、外部性与中国地区工资差异》,《南方经济》,第8期。
[67]王云飞,2007：《我国地区收入差距变化趋势——基于基尼系数分解分析》,《山西财经大学学报》,第8期。
[68]温晓亮、米健、朱立志,2011：《1990-2007年中国居民主观幸福感的影响因素研究》,《财贸研究》,第3期。
[69]无鸣,2004：《生活水平高≠生活质量高》,《心理与健康》,第2期。
[70]吴菲,2010：《不公平有几何?——中国城市居民收入分配公平感的测量》,《兰州学刊》,第5期。
[71]吴静,2009：《城乡居民幸福测量的结构方程模型》,《商业经济与管理》,第4期。
[72]吴丽民、陈惠熊,2010：《收入与幸福指数结构方程模型构建——以浙江省小城镇为例》,《中国农村经济》,第11期。
[73]吴一平、芮萌,2010：《地区腐败、市场化与中国经济增长》,《管理世界》,第11期。
[74]奚恺元等：《撬动幸福——一本系统介绍幸福学的书》,中信出版社,2008。
[75]肖仲华,《西方幸福经济学理论研究》,中国社会科学出版社,2010。
[76]谢识予、娄伶俐、朱弘鑫,2010：《显性因子的效用中介、社会攀比和幸福悖论》,《世界经济文汇》,第4期。
[77]谢周亮,2008：《户籍歧视对劳动报酬差异的影响》,《开发导报》,第12期。
[78]邢春冰,2005：《不同所有制企业的工资决定机制考察》,《经济研究》,第6期。
[79]邢占军,2002：《主观幸福感测量研究综述》,《心理科学》,第25卷第3期。
[80]邢占军,2002：《主观幸福感研究：对幸福的实证探索》,《理论学刊》,第5期。
[81]邢占军：《测量幸福——主观幸福感测量研究》,人民出版社,2005。
[82]徐庆、田士超、徐志刚和邵挺,2008：《农地制度、土地细碎化与农民收入不平等》,《经济研究》,第2期。
[83]姚先国、张海峰,2004：《中国教育回报率估计及其城乡差异分析——以浙江、广东、湖南、安徽等省的调查数据为基础》,《财经论丛》,第12期。
[84]尹志超、甘犁,2009：《公共部门和非公共部门工资差异的实证研究》,《经济研究》,第4期。
[85]袁浩、马丹,2011：《社会质量视野下的主观幸福感——基于上海的经验研究》,《吉林大学社会科学学报》,第51卷第4期。
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[87]张车伟,2006：《人力资本回报率变化与收入差距：“马太效应”及其政策含义》,《经济研究》,第12期。
[88]张丹丹,2004：《市场化与性别工资差异研究》,《中国人口科学》,第1期。
[89]张学志、才国伟,2011：《收入、价值观与居民幸福感》,《管理世界》,第9期。
[90]赵奉军,2004：《收入与幸福关系的经济学考察》,《财经研究》,第30卷第5期。
[91]赵剑治、陆铭,2009：《关系对农村收入差距的贡献及其地区差异—— 一项基于回归的分解分析》,《经济学(季刊)》,第9卷第1期。
[92]钟笑寒,2006：《劳动力流动与工资差异》,《中国社会科学》,第1期。
[93]朱建芳、杨晓兰,2009：《中国转型期收入与幸福的实证研究》,《统计研究》,第26卷第4期。
[94]邹琼,2005：《主观幸福感与文化的关系研究综述》,《心理科学》,第28卷第3期。
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