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中非政治经济关系个案研究
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摘要
始于20世纪下半叶的中非以及中国—埃塞俄比亚关系最近引起了学界、政界以及媒体的极大关注,对于中国对埃塞俄比亚的政策,也出现了中埃“相互支持”到中国在推行“隐蔽的新殖民主义”等不同说法。在分析中埃关系时,了解美国以及苏联对中非关系的影响非常重要。本文认为,中埃关系在最初40年中充满了相互怀疑和政治抵触,近年来中埃之间成功地建立起密切的经济联系,并且在当代国际关系领域中不断加强中埃合作。
     本文研究的焦点是1949年-2006年中埃关系的发展情况。第一章介绍了选题缘由,研究动态以及方法论。第二章梳理了中埃关系的总体演进趋势。其余四章是对中埃政治、经济关系的具体研究:初期促进中埃外交关系建立的努力以及内外影响因素;外交关系的建立和推动力, 20世纪70年代末和80年代初关系的恶化及其影响因素;两国出现的新机遇及双边关系的复苏和发展。最后一章是中非合作论坛的建立以及其对提升中埃关系的贡献。
     第一次中埃接触,也即中国与其它非洲国家间的接触是1955年的万隆会议。中非双边关系前三十年的主要特点是:中国对非洲国家获得独立、反殖民主义和反帝国主义的援助以及非洲国家对于中国在联合国中谋求认可和代表席位的支持。随后,周恩来总理1963-1964年的非洲之行(包括埃塞俄比亚)更加拉近了中非关系,但是中国的文化大革命以及中苏争端使得中非关系出现了暂时退步。此外,美埃关系的密切以及冷战局势的紧张阻碍了中埃之间正式外交关系的发展。
     与此同时,中国与西方世界关系的改善以及埃塞俄比亚希冀在地区和国内问题上获得中国支持的愿望促成了1970年确立中埃外交关系文件的签署。外交关系的确立以及随后埃塞俄比亚皇帝的访华为中埃以后的政治和经济合作奠定了基础。这也促成中国对埃塞俄比亚进行财政援助的承诺以及埃塞俄比亚承诺投票支持中华人民共和国代表中国人民参加联合国。然而,1978-1982年间中苏关系的继续恶化、苏埃关系的日益密切以及其它因素再次使得北京同亚的斯亚贝巴的政治和经济关系恶化。
     两国关系经历短暂挫折后,1983-84年的高级别访问和贸易协定书的签订使得两国关系逐渐走向正常化。80年代兴起的改革开放促进中国经济事业的蓬勃发展,与此同时,中苏关系的改善以及苏联对埃援助的缩减等因素迫使埃塞俄比亚加强同中国的联系,进而使得中埃友好关系逐渐恢复。然而,由于整个80年代中国的焦点在于发展国内经济,并且注意力是向发达国家谋求技术支持和投资,中国同埃塞俄比亚以及其它非洲国家的关系还停留在一个较低的水平上。中国80年代末的天安门事件以及西方国家对它的孤立再次促使中国加强同非洲国家的联系。后冷战时期中埃的关系变革可以证明这一点。基于1991年埃塞俄比亚政局的动以及中国加强同所有发展中国家关系的强烈愿望,两国决定在新的基础上加强关系。以双方的经济利益为合作前提,两国签署了新的贸易、经济和技术合作协议,以此代替1976年的协议。由此,中非贸易交流达到了上个世纪的最高水平(2000年8880万美元)。
     2000年中非合作论坛(FOCAC)的建立成为中埃关系进一步发展的推动力。论坛呼吁在政治、经济和社会各方面的全面合作。两国积极参与、主办和联合主持了FOCAC的高级会议。中国主办了2000年和2006年的会议,埃塞俄比亚主办了2003年的会议。FOCAC框架下的政治对话得到加强。贸易、投资等形式的相互合作达到了更高水平。由于埃塞俄比亚国内加强了引进外资政策,中国承接了那里的大部分工程。目前,中国已经成为埃塞俄比亚商品的最大贸易进口国,贸易量已经达到了以往的最高水平,2006年是56800万美元。
Contacts between China and Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular which had began in the second half of the twentieth century recently attracted attentions of academicians, politicians and media at large and led to different interpretations. These views ranged from mutual support to China’s‘disguised neo-colonialist’adventure. However, it was found that relations between China and Africa in general were reflected in terms of complementary mutual support both politically and economically. This paper argues that relations between China and Ethiopia in the first three decades, following the founding of the People’s Republic of China were dominated by mutual support with occasional suspicions and mistrust. Recently they were able to develop successful political and economic linkages and had been reinforcing China-Africa ties within the context of contemporary international relations.
     The focus of this study is on the dynamics of China-Ethiopia relations. However to give information on the general trend of evolving China-Africa relations, chapter two of this study is devoted China Africa interactions. The remaining four chapters are on the dynamics of China-Ethiopia political and economic relations. It starts with a discussion on the moves towards the establishment of diplomatic relations and the internal and external influencing factors; the forging of diplomatic relations thereby examined the deterioration of relations in the later part of the 1970s and factors behind; renewal and transformation of interactions provided by the opportunities arose in both countries; and finally the founding of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and its contributions to the boosting of interactions between China and Ethiopia.
     The first fundamental contact between China and African countries thereby Ethiopia was made during the Bandung Conference of 1955. The first three decades of their interactions was characterized by reciprocal assistance reflected in terms of China’s support to African countries in their struggles for independence, anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, and African countries support to China’s drive for recognition and representation at the United Nations Organization. Subsequently, while Premier Zhou Enlai’s 1963/64 Africa tour, including Ethiopia contributed for their closer ties, the Cultural Revolution and China’s activism coupled with her dispute with the Soviet Union resulted in temporary setbacks. Besides, the closer relations between the United States and Ethiopia and the Cold War despair hampered formal diplomatic relations between China and Ethiopia at least in the first two decades. Basically the interest of China at this period was dominated by its quest for African support in its accession to the United Nations representing the whole Chinese people.
     Meanwhile improvement of relations between China and the West, and Ethiopia’s interest to win China’s support in her regional and domestic problems helped the signing of diplomatic ties in 1970. Forging of diplomatic relations and the subsequent Ethiopia’s Emperor China visit had laid basis for their future political and economic interactions. As an immediate outcome it had resulted in China’s financial promise and Ethiopia’s pledge to vote in support of China’s accession to the United Nations representing the whole Chinese people which both were able to fulfill. However, continued Sino-Soviet conflict and later Ethiopia’s closer relations with the Soviet Union and other factors once more had resulted in deteriorations of political and economic interactions between Beijing and Addis Ababa from 1978 to 1982.
     The setbacks in relations between the two countries were short lived. Normalization of interactions began by high level visits and a signing of trade protocol in 1983/84 on new basis. The launching of Reform and Opening up of China which had transformed relations from dominantly political ties to economic undertakings, improvements in Sino-Soviet relations, and decline of Soviet assistance to Ethiopia, which had forced Ethiopia to look for assistance facilitated the rapprochement. However, due to China’s domestic focus and attraction towards developed nations for technology and finance, interactions with African countries including Ethiopia remained at its lowest level in the 1980s.
     The student movement in China in the late 1980s and Western countries threat of isolating the country once more drove China to strengthen her ties with African countries. Subsequently, clear transformation in Sino-Ethiopia interactions were observed in the post Cold War era. With the change of the government in Ethiopia in 1991 and China’s strong desire to come closer with all developing countries, the two agreed to strengthen their relations on a new footing. Bilateral economic interest served as a main basis whereby they signed a new trade, economic and technical cooperation agreement which facilitated further interactions. Hand in hand with this they sympathized with each other on the questions of democracy and Human Rights, the basic political trend of our time.
     Furthermore the founding of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in 2000 became a driving force for further interactions between China and Ethiopia. The forum called for an all round cooperation in political, economic and social aspects. Both countries actively participated, hosted and co-chaired the high level meetings of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation. Political dialogues under the Forum’s framework were intensified. Economic interactions reflected in terms of trade (US $568 million in 2006), and investments reached their highest level. To consolidate these ties with strong basis China also drew its first African Policy in 2006.
引文
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    [6]《我国文化艺术代表团的演出轰动了埃塞俄比亚》,见新华社编:1956年5月16日,第4版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [7]《埃塞俄比亚首相赠送礼物给周总理》,见新华社编:1956年5月17日,第1版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [8]《访问亚的斯亚贝巴埃塞俄比亚航讯》,见新华社编:1956年6月16日,第4版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [9]《苏联和埃塞俄比亚发表联合公报苏联贷款帮助埃塞俄比亚发展经济伏罗希洛夫和赫鲁晓夫接受邀请将访问埃塞俄比亚本条数据为》,见新华社编:1959年7月14日,第4版(25 March 2007)。
    [10]《苏联和埃塞俄比亚发表联合公报苏联贷款帮助埃塞俄比亚发展经济伏罗希洛夫和赫鲁晓夫接受邀请将访问埃塞俄比亚》,见新华社编:1959年7月14日,第4版(4 Nov. 2007)。
    [11]《刘主席电贺埃塞俄比亚皇帝寿辰和国庆》,见新华社编:1959年7月23日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [12]《刘主席电贺埃塞俄比亚皇帝寿辰和国庆》,见新华社编:1959年7月23日,第1版(4 Nov. 2007)。
    [13]《非洲许多党派、团体、著名人士电贺中非人民友协成立和万隆会议五周年》,见新华社编:1960年4月18日,第4版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [14]《首都各界人民纪念万隆会议五周年及庆祝中非人民友好协会成立大会致亚非人民电》,见新华社编:1960年4月18日,第4版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [15]《高举万隆精神旗帜加强亚非人民团结坚持斗争彻底埋葬帝国主义殖民主义首都万人隆重集会纪念万隆会议五周年和庆祝中非人民友好协会成立》,见新华社编:1960年4月18日,第4版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [16]《我杂技艺术团在埃塞俄比亚演出塞拉西一世在王雨田大使陪同下观看了演出王大使曾向塞拉西一世递交了刘主席的信件和礼物》,见新华社编:1960年2月28日,第3版(4 Nov. 2007)。
    [17]《刘主席电贺埃塞俄比亚国庆》,见新华社编:1961年7月23日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [18]《应邀来我国进行友好访问演出埃塞俄比亚文化代表团到京》,见新华社编:1961年8月18日,第1版(25 Mar. 2008)。
    [19]《对外文委欢宴埃塞俄比亚文化代表团宾主强调两国人民在反帝斗争中相互支持》,见新华社编:1961年8月18日,第1版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [20]《首都文艺工作者举行歌舞晚会欢迎和答谢埃塞俄比亚文化代表团贵宾们已离开北京去杭州等地访问演出》,见新华社编:1961年8月24日,第4版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [21]《<塞俄比亚呼声报>发表社论中国为和平解决争端奠定了基础》,见新华社编:1962年11月23日,第2版(8 Dec. 2007)。
    [22]《埃塞俄比亚两位新闻工作者到京》,见新华社编:1963年9月26日,第4版(18 Dec. 2007)。
    [23]《埃塞俄比亚助理外交大臣表示希望进一步发展中埃友好关系》,见新华社编:1964年1月13日,第3版(14 Dec. 2007)。
    [24]《埃塞俄比亚两位新闻工作者到京》,见新华社编:1964年9月29日,第6版(18 Dec. 2007)。
    [25]《应海尔·塞拉西一世皇帝的邀请周总理将访问埃塞俄比亚》,见新华社编:1964年1月28日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [26]《周恩来总理飞抵埃塞俄比亚沃尔德首相和其他大臣到阿斯马拉机场欢迎》,见新华社编:1964年1月31日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [27]《周总理访问埃塞俄比亚结束行前举行告别宴会,塞拉西一世皇帝出席离阿斯马拉时,沃尔德首相和其他大臣到机场送行》,见新华社编:1964年2月2日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [28]《中国和埃塞俄比亚联合公报》,见新华社编:1964年2月2日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [29]《中国和埃塞俄比亚联合公报》,见新华社编:1964年2月2日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [30]《周总理访问埃塞俄比亚结束行前举行告别宴会,塞拉西一世皇帝出席离阿斯马拉时,沃尔德首相和其他大臣到机场送行》,见新华社编:1964年2月2日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [31]《索马里和埃塞俄比亚发生边境武装冲突》,见新华社编:1964年2月12日,第3版(17 Dec. 2007)。
    [32]《伊姆鲁亲王伊弗鲁代理外交大臣表示埃塞俄比亚欢迎中国核爆炸》,见新华社编:1964年10月21日,第1版(12 Dec. 2007).
    [33]《我国际贸易促进委员会副主席拜访埃塞俄比亚大臣》,见新华社编:1964年10月31日,第4版(20 Dec. 2007)。
    [34]《埃塞俄比亚工商部总局长等到京》,见新华社编:1964年11月1日,第3版(20 Dec.2007)。
    [35]《在途经肯尼亚和埃塞俄比亚的领空时周总理分别致电问候两国领导人》,见新华社编:1965年6月6日,第3版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [36]《周总理收到伊拉克和埃塞俄比亚领导人复电》,见新华社编:1965年6月8日,第3版(12 Dec. 2007)。
    [37]《中国经济建设展览会在埃塞俄比亚开幕塞拉西一世皇帝出席并剪彩和致词祝贺正式开放一天半观众即达十二万多人》,见新华社编:1964年11月11日,第3版(20 Dec.2007)。
    [38]《埃塞俄比亚人民热烈欢迎我经济建设展览会七十万人次踊跃参观展览许多观众热情洋溢盛赞我国自力更生的建设成就》,见新华社编:1964年12月11日,第3版(20 Dec.2007)。
    [39]《中华人民共和国政府和埃塞俄比亚帝国政府就中,埃两国建立外交关系发表的联合公报》,见新华社编:1970年12月2日,第1版(18 Dec. 2007)。
    [40]《中华人民共和国政府和埃塞俄比亚帝国政府就中、埃两国建立外交关系发表的联合公报》,见新华社编:1970年12月2日第1版(18 Dec. 2007)。
    [41]《祝贺我国和埃塞俄比亚建交,本条数据为》,见新华社编:1970年12月3日,第1版(18 Dec. 2007)。
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    [79]《我政府代表团访问埃塞俄比亚》,见新华社编:1983年12月30日,第7版(25 Dec. 2007)。
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