动词短语省略的生成语法研究
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摘要
动词短语省略,作为一种省略现象,吸引了众多语言学家(尤其是句法学领域)的注意。动词短语省略的研究始于二十世纪六十年代。本文对英汉语动词短语省略现象进行了深入的探讨。到目前为止,语言学界主要有三种研究方法：单纯的句法或语义研究方法,以及把句法和语义结合起来的方法---[+tense]理论。本文采纳了句法和语义结相合的方法,并进一步发展,提出修订的[+tense]理论。该理论表述如下：动词短语省略存在的必要条件是省略前的部分必须是指示语和中心语的呼应,而存在这种关系的前提是功能语类的“时态”须具有[+tense]特性,具有这种特性的功能语类有两种：限定句中的时态和控制不定式中的to。与传统分析不同的是,本文认为控制不定式中的to具有[+tense]特性,因此允许后面的轻动词短语补语或者动词短语补语被省略。
语言具有共性,由于英语中普遍存在动词短语省略结构,因此本文提出汉语里存在有与英语中相似的动词短语省略结构。根据收集的语料,我们观察到汉语中有两种形式的动词短语省略结构：一种是由助动词“能”,“敢”引起的轻动词省略结构,这种动词省略结构与英语中的动词短语省略基本吻合;另外一种是汉语空宾语结构。前者可以通过本文提倡的修订的[+tense]理论得到合理的解释；后者可以通过轻动词理论得到解释：在汉语空宾语结构中,动词短语省略实际上发生在主动词到轻动词的移位之后,省略部分紧跟的是轻动词而不是助动词。这种情况与英语中的动词短语省略有点不同。尽管有着细微的差异,从英汉语动词短语省略的生成过程以及他们所呈现的典型特征来看,英汉语动词短语省略本质上是相似的。
接着我们重新探讨了“是”引导的省略结构。与以往不同的是,我们赞同Hooi Ling Soh的观点,认为“是”引导的省略结构不是动词短语省略结构,“是”在句中的位置与其他助动词不同,“是”在否定词前而情态动词出现在否定词后。因此其他助动词允许轻动词短语省略,而“是”则允许∑P的省略,∑P的中心语是否定标记或空的肯定标记。
Verbal phrase ellipsis (VPE), a phenomenon of ellipsis, has drawn many linguists'attention, especially in the literature of generative grammar. The study of VPE can be traced back to the 1960s. This thesis conducts a detailed investigation of the phenomenon both in English and in Chinese. There have been three major approaches to VPE, which are syntactic, semantic and syntactic-semantic approaches. In this thesis, a syntactic-semantic approach is adopted and a revised syntactic-semantic approach is presented, namely, the revised [+tense] theory:To allow verbal phrasal ellipsis, the part preceding elliptical component must undergo specifier-head agreement. The prerequisite for this relation is that the functional category T is of the property [+tense]. There are two types of functional categories T of that feature:finite T and infinitive particle to in control infinitives. Particularly, it will be argued that infinitive particle to in control infinitives, different from what the conventional approaches have assumed, is of the property [+tense], and therefore, it allows ellipsis of vP complement or it allows ellipsis of VP complement.
In view of the existence of VPE in English and the universality of languages, we propose that VPE existing in Chinese is analogous to that in English. From the data covered and following Huang, we assume that there exist two forms of verbal phrase ellipsis in Chinese. One is vP ellipsis preceded by auxiliaries such as neng, gan and hui; the other is VP ellipsis manifested as Chinese null object constructions. The derivation of vP ellipsis is captured by the revised [+tense] theory, while VP ellipsis is derived via V-to-v raising under VP shell theory. From the derivation we can see that they are essentially similar to each other in spite of the slight difference in that Chinese VPE has two forms while English VPE has only one form. And the sharing properties further prove that Chinese VPE is similar to English VPE. Then we reconsider the phenomenon of shi-support ellipsis. Contrary to the standard assumptions, we follow Hooi Ling Soh (2007) and assume that shi-support ellipsis is not a case of verb phrase ellipsis. We propose that the auxiliary shi 'be' does not occupy the same position as modal auxiliaries and that the auxiliary shi occupies a position above negation, while modal auxiliaries like neng 'can' appear below the negation. We claim that while neng licenses vP ellipsis, shi licenses the ellipsis of aΣP, which is headed by a negative marker or a zero affirmative marker.
语言具有共性,由于英语中普遍存在动词短语省略结构,因此本文提出汉语里存在有与英语中相似的动词短语省略结构。根据收集的语料,我们观察到汉语中有两种形式的动词短语省略结构：一种是由助动词“能”,“敢”引起的轻动词省略结构,这种动词省略结构与英语中的动词短语省略基本吻合;另外一种是汉语空宾语结构。前者可以通过本文提倡的修订的[+tense]理论得到合理的解释；后者可以通过轻动词理论得到解释：在汉语空宾语结构中,动词短语省略实际上发生在主动词到轻动词的移位之后,省略部分紧跟的是轻动词而不是助动词。这种情况与英语中的动词短语省略有点不同。尽管有着细微的差异,从英汉语动词短语省略的生成过程以及他们所呈现的典型特征来看,英汉语动词短语省略本质上是相似的。
接着我们重新探讨了“是”引导的省略结构。与以往不同的是,我们赞同Hooi Ling Soh的观点,认为“是”引导的省略结构不是动词短语省略结构,“是”在句中的位置与其他助动词不同,“是”在否定词前而情态动词出现在否定词后。因此其他助动词允许轻动词短语省略,而“是”则允许∑P的省略,∑P的中心语是否定标记或空的肯定标记。
Verbal phrase ellipsis (VPE), a phenomenon of ellipsis, has drawn many linguists'attention, especially in the literature of generative grammar. The study of VPE can be traced back to the 1960s. This thesis conducts a detailed investigation of the phenomenon both in English and in Chinese. There have been three major approaches to VPE, which are syntactic, semantic and syntactic-semantic approaches. In this thesis, a syntactic-semantic approach is adopted and a revised syntactic-semantic approach is presented, namely, the revised [+tense] theory:To allow verbal phrasal ellipsis, the part preceding elliptical component must undergo specifier-head agreement. The prerequisite for this relation is that the functional category T is of the property [+tense]. There are two types of functional categories T of that feature:finite T and infinitive particle to in control infinitives. Particularly, it will be argued that infinitive particle to in control infinitives, different from what the conventional approaches have assumed, is of the property [+tense], and therefore, it allows ellipsis of vP complement or it allows ellipsis of VP complement.
In view of the existence of VPE in English and the universality of languages, we propose that VPE existing in Chinese is analogous to that in English. From the data covered and following Huang, we assume that there exist two forms of verbal phrase ellipsis in Chinese. One is vP ellipsis preceded by auxiliaries such as neng, gan and hui; the other is VP ellipsis manifested as Chinese null object constructions. The derivation of vP ellipsis is captured by the revised [+tense] theory, while VP ellipsis is derived via V-to-v raising under VP shell theory. From the derivation we can see that they are essentially similar to each other in spite of the slight difference in that Chinese VPE has two forms while English VPE has only one form. And the sharing properties further prove that Chinese VPE is similar to English VPE. Then we reconsider the phenomenon of shi-support ellipsis. Contrary to the standard assumptions, we follow Hooi Ling Soh (2007) and assume that shi-support ellipsis is not a case of verb phrase ellipsis. We propose that the auxiliary shi 'be' does not occupy the same position as modal auxiliaries and that the auxiliary shi occupies a position above negation, while modal auxiliaries like neng 'can' appear below the negation. We claim that while neng licenses vP ellipsis, shi licenses the ellipsis of aΣP, which is headed by a negative marker or a zero affirmative marker.
引文
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Ayumi Matsuo.2003. Effects of syntactic and semantic complexities and spectual class on past tense production. In Ayumi Matsuo, (eds.) Acquisition of Aspect. ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29:149-175.
BoQkovic', Z.1997. Coordination, object shift, and V-movement. Linguistic Inquiry 28:357-364.
Chao, W.1987. On ellipsis. Ph. D. dissertation. Amherst:University of Massachusetts.
Chao, W.1988. On Ellipsis. New York/ London:Garland.
Chomsky, N.1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris.
Chomsky, N.1982. Concepts and Consequences of the Theory of Government and Binding. Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press.
Chomsky, N.1986. Knowledge of Language:Its Nature, Origin and Use. New York:Praeger.
Chomsky, N.1986. Barriers. Cambridge:MIT Press.
Chomsky, N.1992. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics 1. Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press.
Chomsky, N.1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. and H. Lasnik.1993. The theory of principles and parameters. In J. Jacobs et al.(eds.) Syntax:An International Handbook of Contemporary Research 1,506-569. Walter de Gruyter.
Dalrymple, M., S. Shieber & F. Pereira.1991. Ellipsis and higher-order unification. Linguistics and Philosophy 14:399-452.
Doron, E.1999. V-Movement and VP-Ellipsis. in Lappin, S. and E. Benmamoun (eds.) Fragments:Studies in Ellipsis and Gapping, 124-140. Oxford:Oxford University Press.
Ernst, Thomas.1994. Functional categories and the Chinese Infl. Linguistics 32,2:191-212.
Ernst, Thomas.1995. Negation in mandarin Chinese. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 13:665-707.
Fiengo, R.& R. May.1994. Indices and Identity. Cambridge, Mass.:The MIT Press.
Foley,Claire, Nez-del-Prado, Zelmira, Barbier, Isabella, and Lust, Barbara. 2003. Knowledge of variable binding in VP-Ellipsis:language acquisition research and theory converge. Syntax 6(1):52-83.
Fox, D.1995. Economy and scope. Natural Language Semantics 3: 283-341.
Fukui, N.& Speas, M.1986. Specifiers and projection. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 8:128-172.
Grimshaw, J.1997. Projection, Heads, and Optimality. Linguistic Inquiry 28:373-422.
Haik, I.1987. Bound VPs that need to be. Linguistics and Philosophy 10: 503-530.
Hankamer, J.& I. Sag.1976. Deep and Surface Anaphora. Linguistic Inquiry 7:391-428.
Hardt, D.1993. Verb Phrase Ellipsis:Form, Meaning and Processing. Ph.D. dissertation. Philadelphia:University of Pennsylvania.
Hardt, D.& Maribel R..2004. Ellipsis and the structure of discourse. Journal of Semantics,21 (4):375-414.
Hardt, D.2003. Ellipsis and the structure of discourse. In Kerstin Schwabe and Susanne Winkler (eds.) The Interfaces:Deriving and Interpreting Omitted Structures,251-262. Amsterdam:John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Heim, Irene and Angelika Kratzer.1998. Semantics in Generative Grammar. Blackwell, London.
Hoji, Hajime.1998. Null object and sloppy identity in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry 29:127-52.
Hooi Ling Soh.2007. Ellipsis, last resort, and the dummy auxiliary shi 'be'in mandarin Chinese. Linguistic Inquiry 38:178-188.
Huang, C.-T. James.1984. On the distribution and reference of empty pronouns. Linguistic Inquiry 15:531-574.
Huang, C.-T. James.1987. Remarks on empty categories in Chinese. Linguistic Inquiry 18:321-337.
Huang, C.-T. James.1988a. Shuo shi he you [On be and have in Mandarin Chinese]. The Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philosophy 59:43-64.
Huang, C.-T. James.1988b. Wo pao de kuai and Chinese phrase structure. Language 64:274-311.
Huang, C.-T. James.1991. Remarks on the status of the null object. In Robert Freidin (ed.) Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar,63-66. Cambridge, Mass:MIT Press.
Huang C. T. James.1994. Verb movement and some syntax-semantics mismatches in Chinese. In Paul Jenkuei Li, ChuRen Huang, C. C. (eds.) Chinese Languages and Linguistics 2,487-613.Taipei: Academic Cinica.
Huang, Y.2000. Anaphora. Oxford:Oxford University Press.
Hsieh, Miao-Ling.2001. Form and Meaning:Negation and Question in Chinese. Ph. D. dissertation. Los Angeles:University of Southern California.
Johan, B.1994. Presupposition and VP-ellipsis. In The Proceedings of the 15th Conference on Computational linguistics 2. Stanford University.
Keher Andrew.2002. Common topics and coherent situations: interpreting ellipsis in the context of discourse interference. In The Proceedings of ACL-94. New Mexico State University.
Kennedy, Christopher.2003. Ellipsis and syntactic representation. In Schwabe and Winkler (eds.) The Interfaces:Deriving and Interpreting Omitted Structures,29-54. Amsterdam:John Bejamins Publishing Company.
Kitagawa, Yoshihisha.1991. Copying identity. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9:497-536.
Koopman, H.& D. Sportiche.1991. The position of subjects. Lingua 85: 211-258.
Laka, Itziar.1990. Negation in Syntax:on the Nature of Functional Categories and Projections. Ph. D. dissertation. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT.
Larson, Richard.1988. On the double object construction. Linguistic Inquiry 19:335-391.
Li, Mei-Du.1988. Anaphoric Structures of Chinese. Taipei:Student Book Co. Ltd.
Li Hui-Ju Grace.1998. Null object and VP ellipsis in Chinese. Los Angeles:University of Southern California,GSIL
Li, Hui-Ju Grace.2002. Ellipsis Constructions in Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation. Los Angeles:University of Southern California.
Liu,Chen-sheng.1991. Anaphora in Mandarin Chinese and Binding at the Interface. Ph. D. dissertation. Irvine:University of California.
Lobeck, A.1991. The phrase structure of ellipsis. In Susan Rothstein (ed.), Perspectives on Phrase Structure,81-103. San Diego:Academic Press.
Lobeck, A.1995. Ellipsis, functional heads and identification. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lobeck, A.1999. VP ellipsis and the minimalist program:Some speculations and proposals. In Shalom Lap-pin and Elabbas Benmamoun (eds.) Fragments:Studies in Ellipsis and Gapping, 98-123. Oxford:Oxford University Press.
Martin, Roger.2001. Null case and the distribution of PRO. Linguistic Inquiry 32:141-166.
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