隐藏于“地方建构”理念下的空间生产的过程与手段——以成都市旧城CBD(东华门遗址公园)的再开发为例
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摘要
以成都市旧城CBD的东华门遗址公园(及其周边地区)的再开发为研究对象,从新马克思主义的空间生产视角解析《成都市东华门遗址公园概念规划》的内核,发现在"东华门遗址—东华门遗址公园—CBD中央公园"的概念转化过程中,空间生产被隐藏在"地方建构"的话语之下,并藉由"概念的模糊、话语的垄断、城市意象的分化、历史文化的符号化"等手段,仍继续强化着原旧城CBD谋求土地财政的城市更新的诉求,并未因天府新城CBD的规划建设而切实转向历史文化的传承和地方特色的营造。
This paper takes the redevelopment of Donghuamen Relic Park(and its surrounding area)in the CBD of the old city of Chengdu as a research object, and makes an analysis of the core of the"Conceptual Planning of Donghuamen Relic Park of Chengdu" with theory of the production of space from the perspective of Neo-Marxism, by finding that in the process of conceptual transformation,city images changed from "Donghuamen Historic Site" to "Donghuamen Relic Park" then to "central park of CBD," while the "production of space" was disguised of "construction of place." And by the means of blurring concept, monopolizing discourse,differentiating the city image, symbolizing the historical culture, the government still continue to seek "land finance" from urban renewal, which did not turn to inheriting historical culture and constructing local characteristics due to the planning and constructing of new CBD in Tianfu New Town.
This paper takes the redevelopment of Donghuamen Relic Park(and its surrounding area)in the CBD of the old city of Chengdu as a research object, and makes an analysis of the core of the"Conceptual Planning of Donghuamen Relic Park of Chengdu" with theory of the production of space from the perspective of Neo-Marxism, by finding that in the process of conceptual transformation,city images changed from "Donghuamen Historic Site" to "Donghuamen Relic Park" then to "central park of CBD," while the "production of space" was disguised of "construction of place." And by the means of blurring concept, monopolizing discourse,differentiating the city image, symbolizing the historical culture, the government still continue to seek "land finance" from urban renewal, which did not turn to inheriting historical culture and constructing local characteristics due to the planning and constructing of new CBD in Tianfu New Town.
引文
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(1)源自《成都市城市空间发展战略研究》(2003年),成都市规划设计研究院,曾九利等编制。
(2)摩诃池始建于隋开皇二年(586年),为取土筑造城墙挖掘而成的人工湖,自隋唐以来一直为成都城中心的游玩佳处,是成都厚重历史文化极为重要的承载空间。摩诃池考古遗址提供了感知成都历史的视觉窗口和重新建构城市尊严感的重要依托。
(3)东华门遗址的考古发掘,原本是为配合“成都体育中心整体提升改造项目”地下停车场和地面篮球体育公园工程进行的一次抢救性考古发掘。
(4)清康熙四年(1665年),蜀王府废墟上又兴建起贡院,摩诃池仅有西北隅仍残留少许水面。民国三年(1914年),摩诃池全部被填平成为了演武场。
(5)2010年以来中国城市的旧城更新(尤其是历史文化街区)主要延续这一思路,其典型的案例为上海旧城石库门里弄改造的“上海新天地”以及佛山祖庙片区的“岭南天地”。
(6)纽约曼哈顿中央公园南北长4000m,东西宽850m,而东华门遗址公园南北长750m,东西宽600m;两者在景观生态效益、活动种类、人的感受等方面不可同日而语;在此规划设计中,“中央公园”只是一种形态上可借鉴的符号而已。
(7)在“中国特色”的规划语境中,地方的传统文化空间,或者文化传承工作通常被等同于一座现代而新颖的博物馆。一个城市建设了博物馆或划定了历史建筑、文物建筑以及历史文化街区的所谓“紫线”,似乎等同于可以“法外”地处理其他的那些依然承载着文化传承的地方或场所了。从这个层面来说,一些所谓的保护,反而就是摧毁。
(8)唐朝时长江流域的商业城市,以扬州、益州(成都)为两个中心。安史之乱以后,北方经济地位下降,长江流域地位上升。扬州、成都成为全国最繁华的工商业城市,经济地位超过了长安、洛阳,有“天下之盛,扬为首”的说法,成都物产富饶,所以当时谚语称“扬一益二”。
(9)2010年,程嘉等学者的研究《基于跃移式CBD理论及产业分析的实证发展研究——以成都天府新城为例》将成都市2008年产业结构等各项统计数据与北京、上海CBD起步阶段时城市的各项数据进行对比和计算后,得出成都具有发展跃移式CBD的基础,但成都市是否具备相距40km范围内同时推进两个CBD建设的能力尚待质疑,因而从东华门遗址公园的规划设计方案来看,政府似乎更看重旧城CBD的更新。
(10)此处,笔者赞同周向频等学者在《历史街区的商业开发模式及其规划方法研究——以成都锦里、文殊坊、宽窄巷子为例》中对宽窄巷子的理解:绅士化的改造方式改变了历史街区的使用人群,使其变成城市高档消费区,虽然实现了一定的经济效益,但对过去来此地享受休闲、市井文化的普通百姓却是一种权利的剥夺和记忆的中断。
2 WU F.Commentary-Transitional City[J].Environment and Planning A,2003,35:1331-1338.
3闫小培,周春山,冷勇,等.广州CBD的功能特征与空间结构[J].地理学报,2000,55(4):475-486.YAN Xiaopei,ZHOU Chunshan,LENG Yong,et al.Functional Features and Spatial Structure of CBD’S in Guangzhou[J].Acta Geographica Sinica,2000,55(4):475-486.
4 MURPHY R E,VANCE J E.A Comparative Study of Nine Central Business Districts[J].Economic Geography,1954,30(4):301-336.
5张京祥,吴缚龙,马润潮.体制转型与中国城市空间重构--建立一种空间演化的制度分析框架[J].城市规划,2008,32(6):55-60.ZHANG Jingxiang,WU Fulong,MA Runchao.Institutional Transiton and Reconstruction of China’s Urban Space:Establishing an Institutional Analysis Structure for Spatial Evolution[J].City Planning Review,2008,32(6):55-60.
6霍耀中,谷凯.市镇规划分析:概念、方法与实践[J].城市发展研究,2005(2):27-32.HUO Yaozhong,GU Kai.Planning Analysis of City and Town:Concept,Method,and Practice[J].Urban Development Studies,2005(2):27-32
7段进,邱国潮.国外城市形态学研究的兴起与发展[J].城市规划学刊,2008(5):34-42.DUAN Jin,QIU Guochao.The Emergence and Development of Overseas Urban Morphology Study[J].Urban Planning Forum,2008(5):34-42
8杨滔.空间句法:从图论的角度看中微观城市形态[J].国外城市规划,2006,21(3):48-52.YANG Tao.Space Syntax:Meso-and Micro-Urban Morphology Under the View of Graph Theory[J].Urban Planning Overseas,2006,21(3):48-52.
9谷凯.城市形态的理论与方法--探索全面与理性的研究框架[J].城市规划,2001,25(12):36-41.GU Kai.Urban Morphology:An Introduction and Evaluation of the Theories and the Methods[J].City Planning Review,2001,25(12):36-41
10王建国.城市空间形态的分析方法[J].新建筑,1994(1):29-34.WANG Jianguo.Analytical Methods of Urban Spatial Morphology[J].New Architecture,1994(1):29-34.
11 WU F.The New Structure of Building Provision and the Transformation of the Urban Landscape in Metropolitan Guangzhou,China[J].Urban Studies,1998,35(2):259-283.
12哈维大卫.寰宇主义与自由地理[M].王志弘,徐苔玲,译.新北市:群学出版有限公司,2014:251.HARVEY D.Cosmopolitanism and the Geographies of Freedom[M].WANG Zhihong,XU Tailing,trans.New Taipei City(Taiwan):Socio Publishing Co.Ltd,2014:251.
13 HARVEY D.The Art of Rent:Globalization,Monopoly and the Commodification of Culture[J].Socialist Register,2002:93-110.
14列斐伏尔亨利.空间与政治[M].李春,译.上海:上海人民出版社,2008.LEFEBVRE H.Space and Politics[M].LI Chun,trans.Shanghai:Shanghai People’s Publishing House,2008.
15 HARVEY D.The Urbanization of Capital[M].Oxford:Blackwell,1985.
16 SOJA E W.Editorial:Henri Lefebvre 1901-1991[J].Environment and Planning D:Society and Space,1991(9):257-259.
17 MCGEE T G.Interrogating the Production of Urban Space in China and Vietnam Under Market Socialism[J].Asia Pacific Viewpoint,2009,50(2):228-246.
18江泓,张四维.生产、复制与特色消亡--“空间生产”视角下的城市特色危机[J].城市规划学刊,2009(4):40-45.JIANG Hong,ZHANG Siwei.Producing,Duplication and Characteristics Extinction:An Analysis on the Crisis of City’s Characteristic with the Theory of“Production of Space”[J].Urban Planning Forum,2009(4):40-45.
19马学广,王爱民,闫小培.权力视角下的城市空间资源配置研究[J].规划师,2008,24(1):77-82.MA Xueguang,WANG Aimin,YAN Xiaopei.Study on Urban Spatial Resources Configuration:A Viewpoint of Power[J].Planners,2008,24(1):77-82.
20吴缚龙.超越渐进主义:中国的城市革命与崛起的城市[J].城市规划学刊,2008(1):18-22.WU Fulong.Beyond Gradualism:China’s Urban Revolution and Emerging Cities[J].Urban Planning Forum,2008(1):18-22.
21 GEORGE C S Lin.Chinese Urbanism in Question:State,Society,and the Reproduction of Urban Spaces[J].Urban Geography,2007,28(1):7-29.
22奥罗姆安东尼.城市的世界--对地点的比较分析和历史分析[M].曾茂娟,任远,译.上海:上海人民出版社,2005.ORUM A M.The World of Cities:Places in Comparative and Historical Perspective[M].ZENG Maojuan,RENYuan,trans.Shanghai:Shanghai People’s Publishing House,2005.
23杨芬.城市空间生产的重要论题及武汉市案例研究[J].经济地理,2012,32(12):61-66.YANG Fen.On the Key Propositions of the Production of Urban Space:A Case Study in Wuhan[J].Economic Geography,2012,32(12):61-66.
24张京祥,胡毅,孙东琪.空间生产视角下的城中村物质空间与社会变迁--南京市江东村的实证研究[J].人文地理,2014(2):1-6.ZHANG Jingxiang,HU Yi,SUN Dongqi.The Physical Space Change and Social Variation in Urban Village from the Perspective of Space Production:A Case Study of Jiangdong Village in Nanjing[J].Human Geography,2014(2):1-6.
25张嘉欣,千庆兰,陈颖彪,等.空间生产视角下广州里仁洞“淘宝村”的空间变迁[J].经济地理,2016,36(1):120-126.ZHANG Jiaxin,QIAN Qinlan,CHEN Yinbiao,et al.The Spatial Change of Tao Bao Vil age in Lirengdong,Guangzhou in the Perspective of Spatial Production[J].Economic Grography,2016,36(1):120-126.
26姜文锦,陈可石,马学广.我国旧城改造的空间生产研究--以上海新天地为例[J].城市发展研究,2011(10):84-89.JIANG Wenjing,CHEN Keshi,MA Xueguang.A Study on the Production of Space of Old City Reconstruction in China:A Case of Shanghai Xintiandi Square[J].Urban Planning Overseas,2011(10):84-89.
27魏立华.中国城市规划理论应立足国情[J].城市规划学刊,2005(6):54-58.WEI Lihua.The Driving Thoughts in Chinese Urban Planning[J].Urban Planning Forum,2005(6):54-58.
28 GEORGE C S Lin.Chinese Urbanism in Question:State,Society,and the Reproduction of Urban Spaces[J].Urban Geography,2007,28(1):7-29.
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(1)源自《成都市城市空间发展战略研究》(2003年),成都市规划设计研究院,曾九利等编制。
(2)摩诃池始建于隋开皇二年(586年),为取土筑造城墙挖掘而成的人工湖,自隋唐以来一直为成都城中心的游玩佳处,是成都厚重历史文化极为重要的承载空间。摩诃池考古遗址提供了感知成都历史的视觉窗口和重新建构城市尊严感的重要依托。
(3)东华门遗址的考古发掘,原本是为配合“成都体育中心整体提升改造项目”地下停车场和地面篮球体育公园工程进行的一次抢救性考古发掘。
(4)清康熙四年(1665年),蜀王府废墟上又兴建起贡院,摩诃池仅有西北隅仍残留少许水面。民国三年(1914年),摩诃池全部被填平成为了演武场。
(5)2010年以来中国城市的旧城更新(尤其是历史文化街区)主要延续这一思路,其典型的案例为上海旧城石库门里弄改造的“上海新天地”以及佛山祖庙片区的“岭南天地”。
(6)纽约曼哈顿中央公园南北长4000m,东西宽850m,而东华门遗址公园南北长750m,东西宽600m;两者在景观生态效益、活动种类、人的感受等方面不可同日而语;在此规划设计中,“中央公园”只是一种形态上可借鉴的符号而已。
(7)在“中国特色”的规划语境中,地方的传统文化空间,或者文化传承工作通常被等同于一座现代而新颖的博物馆。一个城市建设了博物馆或划定了历史建筑、文物建筑以及历史文化街区的所谓“紫线”,似乎等同于可以“法外”地处理其他的那些依然承载着文化传承的地方或场所了。从这个层面来说,一些所谓的保护,反而就是摧毁。
(8)唐朝时长江流域的商业城市,以扬州、益州(成都)为两个中心。安史之乱以后,北方经济地位下降,长江流域地位上升。扬州、成都成为全国最繁华的工商业城市,经济地位超过了长安、洛阳,有“天下之盛,扬为首”的说法,成都物产富饶,所以当时谚语称“扬一益二”。
(9)2010年,程嘉等学者的研究《基于跃移式CBD理论及产业分析的实证发展研究——以成都天府新城为例》将成都市2008年产业结构等各项统计数据与北京、上海CBD起步阶段时城市的各项数据进行对比和计算后,得出成都具有发展跃移式CBD的基础,但成都市是否具备相距40km范围内同时推进两个CBD建设的能力尚待质疑,因而从东华门遗址公园的规划设计方案来看,政府似乎更看重旧城CBD的更新。
(10)此处,笔者赞同周向频等学者在《历史街区的商业开发模式及其规划方法研究——以成都锦里、文殊坊、宽窄巷子为例》中对宽窄巷子的理解:绅士化的改造方式改变了历史街区的使用人群,使其变成城市高档消费区,虽然实现了一定的经济效益,但对过去来此地享受休闲、市井文化的普通百姓却是一种权利的剥夺和记忆的中断。
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