天国与冥府里的来世生活
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摘要
古埃及人认为,人死后会以灵魂的形式到达所谓的“来世”继续生存,从而获得永恒的生命。不过在不同的历史时期,古埃及人对于这个“来世”的想象与描述也是不同的。这种变化同时也牵涉到了人们对于死亡的态度以及丧葬习俗的演变。古埃及人这些有关死后生活认识的改变,不仅反映出了他们对于自然的敏感认识,更反映出了社会历史变革对于宗教信仰所产生的深刻影响。
Preface:
The ancient Egyptian religion is a very important content of studying the ancient Egyptian civilization, which can play a role of golden key to open the gate of the ancient Egyptian culture. The discussion about life and death is always a central issue, on whose basis we could understand the nature, the society, the gods and the man. We should display its evolution from a proper perspective, lest we are caught in a dilemma---analyzing all the aspects but in vain. Retrieving the change on the sites of the afterlife, this dissertation attempts to show the evolution of the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife from the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom and uncover the issues beneath the religious faith, such as the rising and falling of the kingship, and polytheism.
The change of the ancient Egyptian’s attitude toward the afterlife has attracted some scholars’attention for a long time, such as A. Weidemann, Siegfried Morenz, Pu Muzhou. However, they only mentioned it in a too brief manner, except for J. H. Breasted’s Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. Scholars have achieved a lot in the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife, which focus on the organization of the funeral literature, the concept of soul, gods and the conviction of the afterlife, the attitude to death, morality and the idea of the afterlife.
The objective of this paper is to discuss some important issues through the research into the change of the sites of the afterlife. Firstly, it will observe the changed sites of the ancient Egyptian’s afterlife. Secondly, we want to show the evolution of the idea of the afterlife which is related to the changed sites of the afterlife. Thirdly, we will reveal the objective reasons which lead to the change. As an important component of religious belief, the research of the idea of the afterlife should follow the basic religious researching methods. However, religious belief is a complicated socio-cultural phenomenon. Thus, this paper will adopt a multi-disciplinary perspective, including the religious, historical, sociological and archaeological method.
Chapter I:
The core content and foundation of the idea of the afterlife is that people believes that soul does not die. There were three ancient Egyptian’s concepts on soul, they were ka, ba and akh. Ka was the force of life and transmitted by the God to the world at the beginning of the Creation, and it was not only present in the gods and the human but also in the living and the dead. Ka came with the birth of a man and gone with him after he died. Ka was transmitted by fathers to their children and present in food and drink. Ba was described as a bird with human head by the ancient Egyptian, which was more similar to the concept of the soul than Ka. Ba appeared only when a person died and could move freely. Ba kept a close relationship with corpse. The state of existence which the deceased aimed to reach in the afterlife was called akh which associated with the qualities and prerogatives of gods. In order to being eternal, the ancient Egyptians had to prepare a lot among which a well equipped tomb, regular sacrifice and moral purity were necessary.
Under the enlightenment of the nature, the idea that the dead would transform to the eternal soul was produced among the ancient Egyptians. There was close relationship between the regular changes of the nature and the daily life of the ancient Egyptians under the special geographical environment. Among the huge amounts of regular circles of the natural phenomena, the sun and the Nile affected the Egyptians most, which led to the myth of the sun and Osiris. The Sun God and Osiris were the eternal life symbol in ancient Egypt. The ancient Egyptians expected the dead could have eternal life through accompanying the Sun God or becoming Osiris.
The life was absorbed in the circled rhythm of the university by the ancient Egyptians. In order to realize the regular rhythm, the ancient Egyptians had to depend on God-King. There was a special idea of God-King in ancient Egypt. The kings who guaranteed the world work according to the rhythm of the university were both the god and the man. So the life of man as a part of the life of the university was influenced by God-King inevitably.
Chapter II:
The strong autocratic kingship and stable idea of God-King were prominent characters in ancient Egypt during the Old Kingdom. As the mirror of the reality, the afterlife reflected all kinds of things in the real life inevitably. So the kings had privileges which the ordinary person couldn’t enjoy in the afterlife. The Pyramid Texts were supposed to be of special service to the deceased kings in the Old Kingdom. The death of the kings was not accepted, and only the deceased kings could enjoy the title of Osiris in the Pyramid Texts. In addition, the kings used to equip the nobles’tombs in order to show their unique strength and privileges in the afterlife.
The remarkable privilege that indicated the kings’outstanding status was on the sites of the afterlife. In the Old Kingdom, the afterlife in heaven only belonged to the deceased kings. As the typical tombs of the kings, pyramids were the symbol of the sun worship and the place for the deceased kings ascending to the sky. Analyzing Duat, the field of reeds, the field of offering, Akhet, we obtain the results that the kings’journey of the afterlife was just like the sunset and sunrise. The kings would ascend to the heaven and be eternal as the gods, the sun and the unwearying star after they died. On the soul of the deceased kings, ka and akh were specially emphasized in the Pyramid Texts because both of them took great action on ensuring the life-force to the afterlife and showed the divinity of the deceased kings. Though mixed with the faith in Osiris, the sun worship affected the afterlife of the kings mainly in the Old Kingdom. So the solar myth in the Pyramid Texts permeated Osiris worship.
The afterlife of the nobles which was different to the deceased kings’located in the west in the Old Kingdom. According to the reliefs and scenes from the tombs of the nobles, we can found that the afterlife of the nobles was described as the reality, which was different from the holy and unreal afterlife belonging to the deceased kings exclusively. In addition, unlike the deceased kings, the epitaph of the nobles emphasized ka of the deceased only.
Not only the kings but also the nobles must prepare for the afterlife in order to go to the afterlife smoothly. Firstly, the corpse must not be rotted, which led to make mummy. Secondly, tombs must be constructed. The architectural style of the kings’tombs and the internal inscription indicated that the deceased kings would ascend to the heaven after they died. And the tombs of the nobles were like the living room of the deceased. Moreover, there was difference on the time that the sacrifice preserved distinguishing the kings and the nobles. Finally, both the kings and the nobles would be judged after they died, and the judgment was controlled by the Sun God mainly in this period.
Chapter III:
The kingship was weaker in the Middle Kingdom than that in the Old Kingdom, while the force of the local nobles strengthened relatively, which is showed by the following aspects. Firstly, the struggle for the kingship was very intense. Secondly, the absolutely dominantly economic status of the kings was shaken in the Middle Kingdom. Thirdly, the kings had limited control over the local nomes. The change of the kingship influenced the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife directly, which brought about the trend of‘democratization of the Hereafter’. The funeral rites enjoyed only by the deceased kings originally were used by the local nomarchs in this period. And later, they were used by the common who could afford to the necessary funeral equipment and contexts.
In the‘democratization of the hereafter’, the difference on the sites of the afterlife for the deceased kings and the deceased nobles disappeared gradually. The Coffin Texts which were the most important funeral literature were not only used by the royal, but also by the local nomarchs and their families. Some parts of the Coffin Texts indicated that all the deceased be protected by them could ascend to the heaven, while much more realistic content was added to the afterlife in heaven. A new word‘Rosetjau’emerged to indicate the afterlife in the Coffin Texts. Through the analysis of its meaning, we can find the netherworld ruled by Osiris was also a site of the afterlife which co-exited with the heaven. The change happened because the status of the Sun God was shaken by the turbulent society, and then its influence on the idea of the afterlife was weakened. In this case, Osiris was worshipped by more and more people gradually. Along with‘democratization of the hereafter’and the change of the sites of the afterlife, the dead besides the deceased kings could also live as akh , and ba was emphasized more and more.
Compared to the Old Kingdom, the ancient Egyptians in the Middle Kingdom were afraid of the death. Many spells in the Coffin Texts indicated the worry and uncertainty about the afterlife. This doubt was caused by the turbulent society. But people at that time didn’t give up pursuing the eternal life yet.
The change on the sites of the afterlife promoted the development of the funeral customs. Mummy masks, anthropoid coffins appeared in this period, and the decoration of the coffins showed the coexistence of the heaven and the netherworld. The pyramids demonstrated the highest ideal of the kings to ascend to the heaven, while the cliff tombs indicated the nobles’hope to accompany the sun. The faith in Osiris began to influence the funeral customs in this period gradually. For example, the ancient Egyptians built the cenotaphs for themselves at Abydos, and Osiris became the prominent judge of the dead on their ethics.
Chapter IV:
The most prominent feature on the evolution of the idea of God-King in the New Kingdom was the increasing emphasis on the humanity of the pharaohs. As a result, the holy religious status of the pharaohs suffered a serious debasement compared with gods. In this context, on the issues relating to the afterlife people were more inclined to rely on the supreme gods. In the private epitaph, the deceased were willing to show the intimacy with gods except the traditional autobiography. In addition, according to the decorative theme of the graves, gods occupied a dominant position. The Book of the Dead which was the most important funeral literature in the New Kingdom was the collection of spells engaging in gods’help.
Analyzing Duat, Rosetjau, the field of reeds, the field of offering in the Book of the Dead, we find it seemed that the sites of the afterlife in the New Kingdom were just like them in the Middle Kingdom. But it is not so. Some spells in the Book of the Dead implied that the Sun God and Osiris reconciled, yet there was no definite statement of the fact. Finally, we found the answer from the funeral literature the Book of Am-Duat and the Book of Gates belonging to the pharaohs exclusively in the New Kingdom. The Sun God and Osiris reconciled like ba and the corpse, which made the heaven and the netherworld link up. The unification of the sun worship and Osirian myth brought about by the development of religion had dual bases on both of the belief and reality. For the unification, ba was emphasized more and more by the ancient Egyptians.
The Egyptians in the New Kingdom had the same feeling on the death as who did in the middle kingdom. But they had not given up pursuing the eternality. Though worried about the death obviously, what they were different from those in the Middle Kingdom is that they depended on gods more.
The unified sites of the afterlife promoted the new development of the funeral equipment and construction of tombs. The reconciliation of the Sun God and Osiris was showed not only by golden mummy masks, rishi coffins, anthropoid coffins but also by the inscription in the King Valley, the new type of the Ramesside nobles’tombs, which implied the change on the sites of afterlife. However, Osiris played a leading role in the idea of the afterlife during the New Kingdom. We can also get a glimpse from the Osirian judge of the dead which was emphasized by the Egyptians in the New Kingdom.
Conclusion:
What the ancient Egyptians pursued with hardship was how to carry the real life to the afterlife infinite with the aid of all kinds of forces in thousands of years. From the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom, the heaven ruled by the Sun God and the netherworld ruled by Osiris were two important sites in the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife. With the development of the society, the two sites move toward the unification from the separation. Finally, the journey of the ancient Egyptian dead on the afterlife became a circled dynamic process in the New Kingdom. According to the change on the sites of the afterlife, we can observe the evolution on the view of moral, the attitude to the death, the funeral customs. More importantly, through the idea of the afterlife, we can reveal the development of the ancient Egyptian characteristic polytheism as well as ups and downs of the kingship hidden in its background.
Preface:
The ancient Egyptian religion is a very important content of studying the ancient Egyptian civilization, which can play a role of golden key to open the gate of the ancient Egyptian culture. The discussion about life and death is always a central issue, on whose basis we could understand the nature, the society, the gods and the man. We should display its evolution from a proper perspective, lest we are caught in a dilemma---analyzing all the aspects but in vain. Retrieving the change on the sites of the afterlife, this dissertation attempts to show the evolution of the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife from the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom and uncover the issues beneath the religious faith, such as the rising and falling of the kingship, and polytheism.
The change of the ancient Egyptian’s attitude toward the afterlife has attracted some scholars’attention for a long time, such as A. Weidemann, Siegfried Morenz, Pu Muzhou. However, they only mentioned it in a too brief manner, except for J. H. Breasted’s Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt. Scholars have achieved a lot in the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife, which focus on the organization of the funeral literature, the concept of soul, gods and the conviction of the afterlife, the attitude to death, morality and the idea of the afterlife.
The objective of this paper is to discuss some important issues through the research into the change of the sites of the afterlife. Firstly, it will observe the changed sites of the ancient Egyptian’s afterlife. Secondly, we want to show the evolution of the idea of the afterlife which is related to the changed sites of the afterlife. Thirdly, we will reveal the objective reasons which lead to the change. As an important component of religious belief, the research of the idea of the afterlife should follow the basic religious researching methods. However, religious belief is a complicated socio-cultural phenomenon. Thus, this paper will adopt a multi-disciplinary perspective, including the religious, historical, sociological and archaeological method.
Chapter I:
The core content and foundation of the idea of the afterlife is that people believes that soul does not die. There were three ancient Egyptian’s concepts on soul, they were ka, ba and akh. Ka was the force of life and transmitted by the God to the world at the beginning of the Creation, and it was not only present in the gods and the human but also in the living and the dead. Ka came with the birth of a man and gone with him after he died. Ka was transmitted by fathers to their children and present in food and drink. Ba was described as a bird with human head by the ancient Egyptian, which was more similar to the concept of the soul than Ka. Ba appeared only when a person died and could move freely. Ba kept a close relationship with corpse. The state of existence which the deceased aimed to reach in the afterlife was called akh which associated with the qualities and prerogatives of gods. In order to being eternal, the ancient Egyptians had to prepare a lot among which a well equipped tomb, regular sacrifice and moral purity were necessary.
Under the enlightenment of the nature, the idea that the dead would transform to the eternal soul was produced among the ancient Egyptians. There was close relationship between the regular changes of the nature and the daily life of the ancient Egyptians under the special geographical environment. Among the huge amounts of regular circles of the natural phenomena, the sun and the Nile affected the Egyptians most, which led to the myth of the sun and Osiris. The Sun God and Osiris were the eternal life symbol in ancient Egypt. The ancient Egyptians expected the dead could have eternal life through accompanying the Sun God or becoming Osiris.
The life was absorbed in the circled rhythm of the university by the ancient Egyptians. In order to realize the regular rhythm, the ancient Egyptians had to depend on God-King. There was a special idea of God-King in ancient Egypt. The kings who guaranteed the world work according to the rhythm of the university were both the god and the man. So the life of man as a part of the life of the university was influenced by God-King inevitably.
Chapter II:
The strong autocratic kingship and stable idea of God-King were prominent characters in ancient Egypt during the Old Kingdom. As the mirror of the reality, the afterlife reflected all kinds of things in the real life inevitably. So the kings had privileges which the ordinary person couldn’t enjoy in the afterlife. The Pyramid Texts were supposed to be of special service to the deceased kings in the Old Kingdom. The death of the kings was not accepted, and only the deceased kings could enjoy the title of Osiris in the Pyramid Texts. In addition, the kings used to equip the nobles’tombs in order to show their unique strength and privileges in the afterlife.
The remarkable privilege that indicated the kings’outstanding status was on the sites of the afterlife. In the Old Kingdom, the afterlife in heaven only belonged to the deceased kings. As the typical tombs of the kings, pyramids were the symbol of the sun worship and the place for the deceased kings ascending to the sky. Analyzing Duat, the field of reeds, the field of offering, Akhet, we obtain the results that the kings’journey of the afterlife was just like the sunset and sunrise. The kings would ascend to the heaven and be eternal as the gods, the sun and the unwearying star after they died. On the soul of the deceased kings, ka and akh were specially emphasized in the Pyramid Texts because both of them took great action on ensuring the life-force to the afterlife and showed the divinity of the deceased kings. Though mixed with the faith in Osiris, the sun worship affected the afterlife of the kings mainly in the Old Kingdom. So the solar myth in the Pyramid Texts permeated Osiris worship.
The afterlife of the nobles which was different to the deceased kings’located in the west in the Old Kingdom. According to the reliefs and scenes from the tombs of the nobles, we can found that the afterlife of the nobles was described as the reality, which was different from the holy and unreal afterlife belonging to the deceased kings exclusively. In addition, unlike the deceased kings, the epitaph of the nobles emphasized ka of the deceased only.
Not only the kings but also the nobles must prepare for the afterlife in order to go to the afterlife smoothly. Firstly, the corpse must not be rotted, which led to make mummy. Secondly, tombs must be constructed. The architectural style of the kings’tombs and the internal inscription indicated that the deceased kings would ascend to the heaven after they died. And the tombs of the nobles were like the living room of the deceased. Moreover, there was difference on the time that the sacrifice preserved distinguishing the kings and the nobles. Finally, both the kings and the nobles would be judged after they died, and the judgment was controlled by the Sun God mainly in this period.
Chapter III:
The kingship was weaker in the Middle Kingdom than that in the Old Kingdom, while the force of the local nobles strengthened relatively, which is showed by the following aspects. Firstly, the struggle for the kingship was very intense. Secondly, the absolutely dominantly economic status of the kings was shaken in the Middle Kingdom. Thirdly, the kings had limited control over the local nomes. The change of the kingship influenced the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife directly, which brought about the trend of‘democratization of the Hereafter’. The funeral rites enjoyed only by the deceased kings originally were used by the local nomarchs in this period. And later, they were used by the common who could afford to the necessary funeral equipment and contexts.
In the‘democratization of the hereafter’, the difference on the sites of the afterlife for the deceased kings and the deceased nobles disappeared gradually. The Coffin Texts which were the most important funeral literature were not only used by the royal, but also by the local nomarchs and their families. Some parts of the Coffin Texts indicated that all the deceased be protected by them could ascend to the heaven, while much more realistic content was added to the afterlife in heaven. A new word‘Rosetjau’emerged to indicate the afterlife in the Coffin Texts. Through the analysis of its meaning, we can find the netherworld ruled by Osiris was also a site of the afterlife which co-exited with the heaven. The change happened because the status of the Sun God was shaken by the turbulent society, and then its influence on the idea of the afterlife was weakened. In this case, Osiris was worshipped by more and more people gradually. Along with‘democratization of the hereafter’and the change of the sites of the afterlife, the dead besides the deceased kings could also live as akh , and ba was emphasized more and more.
Compared to the Old Kingdom, the ancient Egyptians in the Middle Kingdom were afraid of the death. Many spells in the Coffin Texts indicated the worry and uncertainty about the afterlife. This doubt was caused by the turbulent society. But people at that time didn’t give up pursuing the eternal life yet.
The change on the sites of the afterlife promoted the development of the funeral customs. Mummy masks, anthropoid coffins appeared in this period, and the decoration of the coffins showed the coexistence of the heaven and the netherworld. The pyramids demonstrated the highest ideal of the kings to ascend to the heaven, while the cliff tombs indicated the nobles’hope to accompany the sun. The faith in Osiris began to influence the funeral customs in this period gradually. For example, the ancient Egyptians built the cenotaphs for themselves at Abydos, and Osiris became the prominent judge of the dead on their ethics.
Chapter IV:
The most prominent feature on the evolution of the idea of God-King in the New Kingdom was the increasing emphasis on the humanity of the pharaohs. As a result, the holy religious status of the pharaohs suffered a serious debasement compared with gods. In this context, on the issues relating to the afterlife people were more inclined to rely on the supreme gods. In the private epitaph, the deceased were willing to show the intimacy with gods except the traditional autobiography. In addition, according to the decorative theme of the graves, gods occupied a dominant position. The Book of the Dead which was the most important funeral literature in the New Kingdom was the collection of spells engaging in gods’help.
Analyzing Duat, Rosetjau, the field of reeds, the field of offering in the Book of the Dead, we find it seemed that the sites of the afterlife in the New Kingdom were just like them in the Middle Kingdom. But it is not so. Some spells in the Book of the Dead implied that the Sun God and Osiris reconciled, yet there was no definite statement of the fact. Finally, we found the answer from the funeral literature the Book of Am-Duat and the Book of Gates belonging to the pharaohs exclusively in the New Kingdom. The Sun God and Osiris reconciled like ba and the corpse, which made the heaven and the netherworld link up. The unification of the sun worship and Osirian myth brought about by the development of religion had dual bases on both of the belief and reality. For the unification, ba was emphasized more and more by the ancient Egyptians.
The Egyptians in the New Kingdom had the same feeling on the death as who did in the middle kingdom. But they had not given up pursuing the eternality. Though worried about the death obviously, what they were different from those in the Middle Kingdom is that they depended on gods more.
The unified sites of the afterlife promoted the new development of the funeral equipment and construction of tombs. The reconciliation of the Sun God and Osiris was showed not only by golden mummy masks, rishi coffins, anthropoid coffins but also by the inscription in the King Valley, the new type of the Ramesside nobles’tombs, which implied the change on the sites of afterlife. However, Osiris played a leading role in the idea of the afterlife during the New Kingdom. We can also get a glimpse from the Osirian judge of the dead which was emphasized by the Egyptians in the New Kingdom.
Conclusion:
What the ancient Egyptians pursued with hardship was how to carry the real life to the afterlife infinite with the aid of all kinds of forces in thousands of years. From the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom, the heaven ruled by the Sun God and the netherworld ruled by Osiris were two important sites in the ancient Egyptian’s idea of the afterlife. With the development of the society, the two sites move toward the unification from the separation. Finally, the journey of the ancient Egyptian dead on the afterlife became a circled dynamic process in the New Kingdom. According to the change on the sites of the afterlife, we can observe the evolution on the view of moral, the attitude to the death, the funeral customs. More importantly, through the idea of the afterlife, we can reveal the development of the ancient Egyptian characteristic polytheism as well as ups and downs of the kingship hidden in its background.
引文
①[古希腊]希罗多德,王以铸译:《历史》,北京:商务印书馆,1997年,第126页。
①E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Religion: Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life, London, 1899.
②E. A. W. Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, London, 1911.
①K. A. Wiedemann, The Realms of the Egyptian Dead, translated by J. Hutchison, London, 1901.
②弗雷泽系列演讲是以英国著名的人类学家詹姆斯·乔治·弗雷泽(1854-1941)的名字来命名的。英国学界为了表彰弗雷泽博士在学术上的重要贡献,特设此讲座。弗雷泽博士曾任职的牛津大学、剑桥大学、利物浦大学和格拉斯哥大学轮流举办该系列讲座,每年一次。讲座的主讲人均是在历史学、人类学、社会学或宗教学等领域具有颇高学术声望的学者。
③Alan H. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptian to Death and the Dead, London, 1935.
④Ruth Schumann-Antelme and Stephane Rossini, Becoming Osiris: The Ancient Egyptian Death Experience, translated by Jon Graham, Rochester,1998.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001.
①H. Kees, Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten ?gypter, Leipzig, 1926; H. P. Cooke, Orisis: A Study in Myths, Mysteries and Religion, London, 1931; J. Gwyn Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris, Berlin, 1966; Ange Pierre Leca and L. Asmal, Cult of the Immortal, London, 1980.
②K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig, 1908; Samuel A. B. Mercer, The Pyramid Texts in Translation and Commentary, 4 vols., New York, 1952; Alexandre Piankoff, The Pyramid of Unas, Princeton, 1968; R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Oxford, 1969; James P. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005.
①Adriaan de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I-VII, Chicago, 1935-1961.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I-III, Warminster, 1973-1978; James P. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Chicago, 2006.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:商务印书馆,2008年,第382页。
④Ch. H. S. Davis, The Egyptian Book of the Dead, New York, 1894; R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London, 1985; Patricia Corwell, Book of the Dead, London, 2007.
⑤参见霍农《古埃及人的来世之书》(Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca, 1999.)。该书汇集了古埃及众多的丧葬文献,并给予“金字塔文”、“棺文”、“死者书”之外的丧葬文献以重点介绍。不过很遗憾的是,作者并没有将这些文献进行详细翻译。
①Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the God: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society & Nature, Chicago, 1948, p.62-69; J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001,p.19; James P. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005,p.434.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p. 52.
③R. O. Faulkner, Review: Der Ka in Theologie und K?nigskult der ?gypter des alten Reiches by Liselotte Greven, JEA, 1955, p.141; Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.206.
④K. A. Wiedemann, The Realms of the Egyptian Dead, translated by J. Hutchison, London, 1901, p.59-60; Henri Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York, 1948, p. 96-97.
⑤Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, translated by David Lorton, London, 2001, p.42-44.
⑥Jan Assmann, Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt, translated by David Lorton, New York, 2005, p.92; Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.205-206.
⑦蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第100页。
⑧J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001, p. 32.
⑨G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.152-154.
①Toby A. H. Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, London and New York, 1999, p.292.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, Lecture V.
③E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Religion: Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life, London, 1899, p.61.
④Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.189.
⑤J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p.203.
⑥古代埃及人在葬礼上举办宴会,通常会邀请竖琴手在宴会上唱歌。歌词多反映了人们对于生命和死亡的认识。
①M. Lichtheim, The Songs of the Harpers, The Journal of Near Eastern Studies[以下简称JNES], Vol.4, 1945, p.178-212.
②Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.189.
③布利斯特德认为:“古王国时代拉神的权威使其成为死者在来世中道德要求的发出者,在这个时代保留下来的文献中,拉神超越了奥西里斯成为主要的正义之神。”参见《宗教与思想发展史》第174页(J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p. 174.)。比如在金字塔文的第1774a-1776b节,死者在拉神的面前接受审判(K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich, 1908, Pyr. 1774a-1776ba.)。
④布莱克曼认为从古埃及的一些文献中看,拉是作为正义的创造者出现的,他依赖着正义生存,有时还被看作是一位理想化的正直的国王(Aylward M. Blackman, Righteousness( Egyptian), Hastings’Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethic, 1918, p.792-800.)。
⑤Aylward M. Blackman, Sin( Egyptian), Hastings’Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethic, 1920, p.544-545.
⑥H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York, 1948, p.73.
⑦布利斯特德持此观点,在他《宗教与思想发展史》、《古代埃及人的历史》等著作中,他都极力表达了此种认识。
①蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第96-98页。
①吕大吉:《宗教学通论》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1989年,第337页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第17-18页。
②[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第6页。
③转引自吕大吉:《宗教学通论》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1989年,第347页。原文出自C. G. F.布兰顿:《宗教的起源》,载《观念史辞典》,第4卷,纽约,1973年,第98页。
④J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 18.
⑤J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 3.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第134页。
②比如位于戴尔巴哈里的哈特舍普苏特女王的葬祭庙中,有浮雕描绘了哈特舍普苏特与其卡一同出生,并在其卡的陪伴下制作香料供品,而哈特舍普苏特的卡与其本人有着同样的相貌。参见韦德曼《古代埃及人的宗教》(A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians. London: H. Grevel & CO., 1897, p. 162.)和《古代埃及不朽的教义》(A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 12.)。
③A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 16.
④J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 52.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 19.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 21.
②刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第229页。
③A. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead, London: Cambridge University Press, 1935, p. 29-30.
①A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 34.
②H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 64.
③H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 63.
④A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 470.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 31.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 33.
③蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第100页。
④J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 12.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 233.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第50、51、53页。
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 138.
②金寿福:《今生与永恒:古埃及人的今生在其永恒概念中的位置》,载于复旦史学集刊第二辑《史与诗:世界诸文明的历史书写》,上海:复旦大学出版社,2007年,第14页。
①古埃及的祭司中有一类为专门的丧葬祭司,他们的职能之一就是制作丧葬祭品、进行丧葬祈祷。具体内容参见李模《诸神的仆人们——古代埃及祭司研究》(太原:书海出版社,2001年),第149-150页。古埃及喜乌特地区的一个贵族在他的墓室内壁上保留有十款有关丧葬服务的法律文书,其中详细规定了丧葬祭司在他死后要履行的义务。参见布利斯特德《古代埃及文献》第一卷的第535-593节(J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§535-593.)。
②[苏]马林诺夫斯基著,费孝通等译:《文化论》,北京:中国民间文艺出版社,1987年,第78页。
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 167.
④蒲慕州编译《:尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第176-177页。
⑤J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§279.
①冯契主编:《哲学大辞典》(修订本),上海:上海辞书出版社,2001年,第2055页。
①有关三大创世神学的具体内容参见刘文鹏《古代埃及史》(北京:商务印书馆,2002年)第119-128页。
②[美]戴维·利明,埃德温·贝尔德著,李培茱,何其敏,金泽译:《神话学》,上海:上海人民出版社,1990年,第60页。
③蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第125、127页。
①G. A. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York: Routledge, 1986, p.145-146.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005, p.287.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 83-84.
①金寿福:《法老——带王冠的人间之神》,上海:上海辞书出版社,2003年,第2页。
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 179.
③参见[英]派特立编订,倪罗译:《埃及古代故事》,北京:作家出版社,1957年,第9-13页。
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. II, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§192-212.
①A. M. Wilson, Egyptian Literature, New York: The Colonial Press, 1901, p. 345.
②Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2001, p. 3.
①Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 113.
②G. A. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York: Routledge, 1986, p.116.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005, p. 181.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. II, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§299.
①H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 15.
②H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 59, p. 192.
①J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 431.
②金寿福:《在希望与绝望之间——论古代埃及人来世观念的产生和发展》,《史学集刊》2005年第1期,第55页。
③A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 11.
④H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 121.
①H·法兰克弗特,H·法兰克弗特,约翰A·威尔森,陶克尔德·雅克布森著,郭丹彤译:《人类思想发展史——关于古代近东思辨思想的讨论》,哈尔滨:黑龙江人民出版社,2005年,第65页。
②[日]池田大作,[英]B·威尔逊,梁鸿飞,王健译:《社会与宗教》,成都:四川人民出版社,1991年,第49页。
①吴于廑,齐世荣主编:《世界史·古代史编》(上卷),北京:高等教育出版社,1994年,第39页。
②Cyril Aldred, The Egyptians, New York: Thames and Hudson, 1987, p. 185.
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§260.
④刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第228页。
①刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第117页。
②斯塔特,古埃及的土地面积单位,1斯塔特约合2375平方米。
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§155,§156,§159.
①北京师范大学历史系世界古代史教研室编:《世界古代及中古史资料选集》,北京:北京师范大学出版社,1999年,第6-7页。
②A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An Introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1966, p.84.
③奔奔石与赫利奥坡里斯创世神学中的原始丘有关,根据古埃及的太阳神话创世之神阿图姆是从奔奔石上升起的。
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 31, p.122, p. 234.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 145.
①A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 150.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.40, p.289, p.349.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.50, p.155. 43
①K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich, 1908, Pyr. 257c, Pyr. 272a, Pyr. 820c.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.32.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.131.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.429.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.266.
⑥A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 487.
①A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 148.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.86, p. 107, p. 174.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 86.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.67, p.107.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.56, p.93.
②这里所说的“眼睛”指“荷鲁斯之眼”,根据奥西里斯神话,奥西里斯之子荷鲁斯在为父报仇的过程中被塞特夺走了左眼,后来在月神的帮助下荷鲁斯又夺回了这只眼睛,他还把这只失而复得的眼睛献给父亲冥世之神奥西里斯,因此在古埃及宗教中荷鲁斯之眼又是祭品的代名词。后来荷鲁斯之眼还逐渐演变成保佑人们平安的护身符。
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.19, p.73, p.100.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 21-29.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.176.
①古埃及神话里有一种对天空的解释,认为天空是由四根擎天圆柱支撑的,每个柱子代表一个方向,每个方向又由一位神灵代表,东南西北四位神灵依次是:杜阿木悌夫、屈伯塞努耶夫、伊姆塞悌和哈匹。
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.23, p.71, p.79.
③Barbara Watterson, Introducing Egyptian Hieroglyphs, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1981, p. 99.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.105, p. 294.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.230.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.179, p.31, p.34.
②Jean Sainte Fare Garnot, A Hymn to Osiris in the Pyramid Texts, JNES, 1949, p. 101-102.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.129.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.219.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.276, p. 86.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第41页,第50页。
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 16, p. 18, p. 23.
③M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 15;蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第51页。
①Elise J. Baumgartel, The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, London: Oxford University Press, 1955, p.21.
②A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An Introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1966, p.88.
③刘汝醴:《古代埃及艺术》,上海:上海人民美术出版社,1985年,第133页。
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 18.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第47页。
③Yvonne Harpur, Paolo J. Scremin, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content, New York: Routledge, 1987, p.63-64.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 16.
②A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 34.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第375页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第122页。
②Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p. 49.
③[古希腊]希罗多德,王以铸译:《历史》,北京:商务印书馆,1997年,第146页。
④Alyward M. Blackman, Some Notes on the Ancient Egyptian Practice of Washing the Dead, JEA, 1918, p. 118.传统上古埃及的国王生前每天都要进行“浸礼”仪式。一般认为这种仪式受到赫利奥坡里斯太阳神崇拜的影响。赫利奥坡里斯神学认为太阳神每天在东方出现前都要在努恩或者神圣的池塘中沐浴,活着的法老作为太阳神在人间的化身每天都要重复这一仪式,表现生命的又一次重生。参见布莱克曼《奥西里斯还是太阳神?——答佩里先生》(Alyward M. Blackman, Osiris or the Sun-God? A Reply to Mr. Perry, JEA, 1925, p.201-209.)和伽德纳《法老的浸礼》(A. Gardiner, The Baptism of Pharaoh, JEA,1950, p.3-12.)。
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 191.
①Cyril Aldred, Egypt to the End of the Old Kingdom, London: Thames and Hudson, 1965, p. 91.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.429.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.41.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.41
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.59.
⑥James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.60.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 216.
②G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.146.
③日知选译:《古代埃及与古代两河流域》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1957年,第20页。
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 81.
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§213-214.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 50.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 36.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 159, p.297, .
③M. Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, G?ttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992, p. 9.
④M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 17.
⑤参见蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第47、50页。
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 183.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 185.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 151.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 222, p. 244.
①J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§377,§381.
②[苏联]阿布基耶夫,王以铸译:《古代东方史》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1956年,第230页。
③M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 85.
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 493.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第161页。
③《辛努赫的故事》的主人公辛努赫是阿蒙尼姆赫特一世统治时期的一位大臣,在一次宫廷政变中由于害怕受到牵连辛努赫逃亡到巴勒斯坦。流浪多年后,他得到国王的恩准回到故土安享晚年。
①为了管理王室在各诺姆内的领地,国王会任命一些人为“王冠所有者的监工”,这些人常驻各诺姆管理王室的收益。
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§522.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 140.
④参见北京师范大学历史系世界古代史教研室编:《世界古代及中古史资料选集》,北京:北京师范大学出版社,1999年,第16-19页;布利斯特德《古代埃及文献》第一卷第619-633节(J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§619-633.)。
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 520.
②Janet Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 8-9.
③Douglas J. Brewer and Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 88.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第188页。
②D. Redford (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. II, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 396.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 146.
④刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第196页。
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 195.
①John A. Wilson, The Culture of Ancient Egypt, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1951, p. 117.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 131.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 315, Spell 18, Spell 99.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 551, Spell 587.
④Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 9. 71
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1094.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 644.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 159, Spell 279.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 30.
⑤亥泰普(Hetep)古埃及的神灵之一,在棺文当中她在少数情况下被看做是“祭品之地之主”,因此祭品之地在棺文中有时也被称为“亥泰普之地”( the Field of Hetep)。参见莱斯科《棺文中的亥泰普之地》(Leonard H. Lesko, The Field of Hetep in Egyptian Coffin Texts, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 9(1971-1972), p. 89-101.)。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 464.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1034.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 704.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 786.
⑤R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 68.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1030.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 21.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 128.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 423.
⑤A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 577.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1035.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 60, Spell 241.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 789, Spell 1130.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1080, Spell 1085.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1087.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 228.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 790.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1048.
②H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 103-104.
③颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第139页。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 175, Spell 44, Spell 36.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 30, Spell 33-35.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 32.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 216, Spell 33-35.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 58.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 206.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 424.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 894.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 146.
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 165.
①这首《竖琴手之歌》保留在新王国时期的文献中,但歌词开头介绍了此歌本是出自一位名叫安太夫的国王的墓铭。古埃及的第11王朝和第17王朝都有若干国王名叫安太夫,但新王国时期的文献都是抄录的中王国时期的原文,因此,该《竖琴手之歌》的年代毫无疑问是中王国时期的。参见利希泰姆《古代埃及文学》第一卷,第194-195页(M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 194-195.)。
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 196.
③蒲慕州编译《:尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第166-168页。
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 147.
①H·法兰克弗特,H·法兰克弗特,约翰A·威尔森,陶克尔德·雅克布森著,郭丹彤译:《人类思想发展史——关于古代近东思辨思想的讨论》,哈尔滨:黑龙江人民出版社,2005年,第111页。
②刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第203页。
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第204页。
①莫伦兹认为“巴”最初的含义不是“灵魂”而是“神圣的存在”,而泰勒的观点与其相近,认为古王国时期的文献中神或者国王的“巴”都是一种包含着力量的存在状态。具体参见莫伦兹《埃及宗教》第206页(Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 157-158.)和泰勒《古代埃及的死亡与死后生活》第20页(J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 20.)。
②Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 206.
①[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第18、20页。
②刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第174页。
③[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第25页。
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 223.
②颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第171页。
③“德坎”即星宿,古埃及人习惯以十天为一单位,用一组出现在赤道附近的星群来标记,赤道附近的星被古埃及人共分为36组,每组即被称为“德坎”。参见哈里斯的《埃及的遗产》(J. R. Harris, The Legacy of Egypt, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971, p. 46-47.)。
④Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 12.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 221.
①Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 11.
②J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 148.
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§667.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§669
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 416.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 335a.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 307.
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 521-522.
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§613.
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 179.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§523.
①David O’Connor and David Silverman (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden·New York·K?ln: E. J. Brill, 1995, p.157-158.
②蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第162页。
③Donald B. Redford, Pharaonic Kinglists, Annals and Day-books: A Contribution to the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History, Ontariao: Benben Publications, 1986, p. 201.
④J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 431.
⑤M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 35.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第27页。
②William C. Hayes and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. II, part 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973, p. 321.
③David O’Connor and David Silverman (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden·New York·K?ln: E. J. Brill, 1995, p.164.
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 349.
②Douglas J. Brewer and Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 91-92.
③Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p. 180.
④J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 380. 97
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 16.
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 81, p. 87.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 272.
①Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第384页。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 101, Spell 136A.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 102, Spell 79.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 109, Spell 110.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 9, Spell 17, Spell 22, Spell 117.
②Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, London: Gilbert and Rivington Ltd., 1904, p. 26; Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 87.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 43, Spell 149, Spell 183.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 17.
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 26.
①E. A. W. Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co, 1906, p. 51.
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 37, p. 62.
③Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 86.
①Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 59-65.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 12-15.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15.
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p.302.
②Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 54.
①刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第466页。
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 13, p. 27.
③Erik Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: the One and the Many, translated by John Baines, New York: Cornell University Press, 1971, p. 256.
④H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 19-20.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 81-82.
②G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.165.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 1, Spell 89, Spell 169.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 26, Spell 29B.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 92, Spell 105.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 30A, Spell 168.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 44, Spell 175, Spell 176.
①颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第144页。
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 29A, Spell 39, Spell 45, Spell 54, Spell 62.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 195.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 185-187.
③M. Lichtheim, The Songs of the Harpers, JNES, Vol. 4, 1945, p. 182-183.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 20, Spell 187.
②金寿福:《在希望与绝望之间——论古代埃及人来世观念的产生与发展》,《史学集刊》2005年第1期,第56页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第364页。
②S. L. Kram and A. Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, London: Thames and Hudson , 1998, p. 169.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第375页。
①Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 86.
②金寿福:《古代埃及人的来世观念与王陵内外部构造的关系》,《学术研究》2005年第10期,第100页。
J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 152.
J. H Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905.
J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 153-154.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第376页。
②J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 227.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第377、379页。
①R. O. Faulkner (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 125.
②R. O. Faulkner (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 125.
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p.309.
①Alan B. Lloyd (ed.), Gods, Priests and Men, London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1998, p. 51.
②B. Gunn, The Religion of the Poor in Ancient Egypt, JEA, Vol.3, 1916, p.83.
①H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 121.
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①E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Religion: Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life, London, 1899.
②E. A. W. Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, London, 1911.
①K. A. Wiedemann, The Realms of the Egyptian Dead, translated by J. Hutchison, London, 1901.
②弗雷泽系列演讲是以英国著名的人类学家詹姆斯·乔治·弗雷泽(1854-1941)的名字来命名的。英国学界为了表彰弗雷泽博士在学术上的重要贡献,特设此讲座。弗雷泽博士曾任职的牛津大学、剑桥大学、利物浦大学和格拉斯哥大学轮流举办该系列讲座,每年一次。讲座的主讲人均是在历史学、人类学、社会学或宗教学等领域具有颇高学术声望的学者。
③Alan H. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptian to Death and the Dead, London, 1935.
④Ruth Schumann-Antelme and Stephane Rossini, Becoming Osiris: The Ancient Egyptian Death Experience, translated by Jon Graham, Rochester,1998.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001.
①H. Kees, Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten ?gypter, Leipzig, 1926; H. P. Cooke, Orisis: A Study in Myths, Mysteries and Religion, London, 1931; J. Gwyn Griffiths, The Origins of Osiris, Berlin, 1966; Ange Pierre Leca and L. Asmal, Cult of the Immortal, London, 1980.
②K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig, 1908; Samuel A. B. Mercer, The Pyramid Texts in Translation and Commentary, 4 vols., New York, 1952; Alexandre Piankoff, The Pyramid of Unas, Princeton, 1968; R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Oxford, 1969; James P. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005.
①Adriaan de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I-VII, Chicago, 1935-1961.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I-III, Warminster, 1973-1978; James P. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, Chicago, 2006.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:商务印书馆,2008年,第382页。
④Ch. H. S. Davis, The Egyptian Book of the Dead, New York, 1894; R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London, 1985; Patricia Corwell, Book of the Dead, London, 2007.
⑤参见霍农《古埃及人的来世之书》(Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca, 1999.)。该书汇集了古埃及众多的丧葬文献,并给予“金字塔文”、“棺文”、“死者书”之外的丧葬文献以重点介绍。不过很遗憾的是,作者并没有将这些文献进行详细翻译。
①Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the God: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society & Nature, Chicago, 1948, p.62-69; J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001,p.19; James P. Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005,p.434.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p. 52.
③R. O. Faulkner, Review: Der Ka in Theologie und K?nigskult der ?gypter des alten Reiches by Liselotte Greven, JEA, 1955, p.141; Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.206.
④K. A. Wiedemann, The Realms of the Egyptian Dead, translated by J. Hutchison, London, 1901, p.59-60; Henri Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York, 1948, p. 96-97.
⑤Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, translated by David Lorton, London, 2001, p.42-44.
⑥Jan Assmann, Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt, translated by David Lorton, New York, 2005, p.92; Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.205-206.
⑦蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第100页。
⑧J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London, 2001, p. 32.
⑨G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.152-154.
①Toby A. H. Wilkinson, Early Dynastic Egypt, London and New York, 1999, p.292.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, Lecture V.
③E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Religion: Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life, London, 1899, p.61.
④Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.189.
⑤J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p.203.
⑥古代埃及人在葬礼上举办宴会,通常会邀请竖琴手在宴会上唱歌。歌词多反映了人们对于生命和死亡的认识。
①M. Lichtheim, The Songs of the Harpers, The Journal of Near Eastern Studies[以下简称JNES], Vol.4, 1945, p.178-212.
②Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, New York, 1973, p.189.
③布利斯特德认为:“古王国时代拉神的权威使其成为死者在来世中道德要求的发出者,在这个时代保留下来的文献中,拉神超越了奥西里斯成为主要的正义之神。”参见《宗教与思想发展史》第174页(J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia, 1972, p. 174.)。比如在金字塔文的第1774a-1776b节,死者在拉神的面前接受审判(K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich, 1908, Pyr. 1774a-1776ba.)。
④布莱克曼认为从古埃及的一些文献中看,拉是作为正义的创造者出现的,他依赖着正义生存,有时还被看作是一位理想化的正直的国王(Aylward M. Blackman, Righteousness( Egyptian), Hastings’Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethic, 1918, p.792-800.)。
⑤Aylward M. Blackman, Sin( Egyptian), Hastings’Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethic, 1920, p.544-545.
⑥H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York, 1948, p.73.
⑦布利斯特德持此观点,在他《宗教与思想发展史》、《古代埃及人的历史》等著作中,他都极力表达了此种认识。
①蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第96-98页。
①吕大吉:《宗教学通论》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1989年,第337页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第17-18页。
②[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第6页。
③转引自吕大吉:《宗教学通论》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1989年,第347页。原文出自C. G. F.布兰顿:《宗教的起源》,载《观念史辞典》,第4卷,纽约,1973年,第98页。
④J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 18.
⑤J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 3.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第134页。
②比如位于戴尔巴哈里的哈特舍普苏特女王的葬祭庙中,有浮雕描绘了哈特舍普苏特与其卡一同出生,并在其卡的陪伴下制作香料供品,而哈特舍普苏特的卡与其本人有着同样的相貌。参见韦德曼《古代埃及人的宗教》(A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians. London: H. Grevel & CO., 1897, p. 162.)和《古代埃及不朽的教义》(A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 12.)。
③A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 16.
④J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 52.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 19.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 21.
②刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第229页。
③A. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead, London: Cambridge University Press, 1935, p. 29-30.
①A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 34.
②H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 64.
③H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 63.
④A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 470.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 31.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 33.
③蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第100页。
④J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 12.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 233.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第50、51、53页。
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 138.
②金寿福:《今生与永恒:古埃及人的今生在其永恒概念中的位置》,载于复旦史学集刊第二辑《史与诗:世界诸文明的历史书写》,上海:复旦大学出版社,2007年,第14页。
①古埃及的祭司中有一类为专门的丧葬祭司,他们的职能之一就是制作丧葬祭品、进行丧葬祈祷。具体内容参见李模《诸神的仆人们——古代埃及祭司研究》(太原:书海出版社,2001年),第149-150页。古埃及喜乌特地区的一个贵族在他的墓室内壁上保留有十款有关丧葬服务的法律文书,其中详细规定了丧葬祭司在他死后要履行的义务。参见布利斯特德《古代埃及文献》第一卷的第535-593节(J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§535-593.)。
②[苏]马林诺夫斯基著,费孝通等译:《文化论》,北京:中国民间文艺出版社,1987年,第78页。
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 167.
④蒲慕州编译《:尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第176-177页。
⑤J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§279.
①冯契主编:《哲学大辞典》(修订本),上海:上海辞书出版社,2001年,第2055页。
①有关三大创世神学的具体内容参见刘文鹏《古代埃及史》(北京:商务印书馆,2002年)第119-128页。
②[美]戴维·利明,埃德温·贝尔德著,李培茱,何其敏,金泽译:《神话学》,上海:上海人民出版社,1990年,第60页。
③蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第125、127页。
①G. A. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York: Routledge, 1986, p.145-146.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005, p.287.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 83-84.
①金寿福:《法老——带王冠的人间之神》,上海:上海辞书出版社,2003年,第2页。
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 179.
③参见[英]派特立编订,倪罗译:《埃及古代故事》,北京:作家出版社,1957年,第9-13页。
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. II, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§192-212.
①A. M. Wilson, Egyptian Literature, New York: The Colonial Press, 1901, p. 345.
②Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2001, p. 3.
①Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 113.
②G. A. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York: Routledge, 1986, p.116.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Leiden?Boston, 2005, p. 181.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. II, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§299.
①H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 15.
②H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature, Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 59, p. 192.
①J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 431.
②金寿福:《在希望与绝望之间——论古代埃及人来世观念的产生和发展》,《史学集刊》2005年第1期,第55页。
③A. Weidemann, Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality, London: H. Grevel & CO., 1895, p. 11.
④H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 121.
①H·法兰克弗特,H·法兰克弗特,约翰A·威尔森,陶克尔德·雅克布森著,郭丹彤译:《人类思想发展史——关于古代近东思辨思想的讨论》,哈尔滨:黑龙江人民出版社,2005年,第65页。
②[日]池田大作,[英]B·威尔逊,梁鸿飞,王健译:《社会与宗教》,成都:四川人民出版社,1991年,第49页。
①吴于廑,齐世荣主编:《世界史·古代史编》(上卷),北京:高等教育出版社,1994年,第39页。
②Cyril Aldred, The Egyptians, New York: Thames and Hudson, 1987, p. 185.
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§260.
④刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第228页。
①刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第117页。
②斯塔特,古埃及的土地面积单位,1斯塔特约合2375平方米。
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§155,§156,§159.
①北京师范大学历史系世界古代史教研室编:《世界古代及中古史资料选集》,北京:北京师范大学出版社,1999年,第6-7页。
②A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An Introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1966, p.84.
③奔奔石与赫利奥坡里斯创世神学中的原始丘有关,根据古埃及的太阳神话创世之神阿图姆是从奔奔石上升起的。
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 31, p.122, p. 234.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 145.
①A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 150.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.40, p.289, p.349.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.50, p.155. 43
①K. Sethe, Die alt?gyptischen Pyramidentext, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich, 1908, Pyr. 257c, Pyr. 272a, Pyr. 820c.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.32.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.131.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.429.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.266.
⑥A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 487.
①A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 148.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.86, p. 107, p. 174.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 86.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.67, p.107.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.56, p.93.
②这里所说的“眼睛”指“荷鲁斯之眼”,根据奥西里斯神话,奥西里斯之子荷鲁斯在为父报仇的过程中被塞特夺走了左眼,后来在月神的帮助下荷鲁斯又夺回了这只眼睛,他还把这只失而复得的眼睛献给父亲冥世之神奥西里斯,因此在古埃及宗教中荷鲁斯之眼又是祭品的代名词。后来荷鲁斯之眼还逐渐演变成保佑人们平安的护身符。
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.19, p.73, p.100.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 21-29.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.176.
①古埃及神话里有一种对天空的解释,认为天空是由四根擎天圆柱支撑的,每个柱子代表一个方向,每个方向又由一位神灵代表,东南西北四位神灵依次是:杜阿木悌夫、屈伯塞努耶夫、伊姆塞悌和哈匹。
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.23, p.71, p.79.
③Barbara Watterson, Introducing Egyptian Hieroglyphs, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1981, p. 99.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.105, p. 294.
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.230.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.179, p.31, p.34.
②Jean Sainte Fare Garnot, A Hymn to Osiris in the Pyramid Texts, JNES, 1949, p. 101-102.
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.129.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.219.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.276, p. 86.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第41页,第50页。
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 16, p. 18, p. 23.
③M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 15;蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第51页。
①Elise J. Baumgartel, The Cultures of Prehistoric Egypt, London: Oxford University Press, 1955, p.21.
②A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An Introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1966, p.88.
③刘汝醴:《古代埃及艺术》,上海:上海人民美术出版社,1985年,第133页。
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 18.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第47页。
③Yvonne Harpur, Paolo J. Scremin, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content, New York: Routledge, 1987, p.63-64.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 16.
②A. J. Spencer, Death in Ancient Egypt, London: Penguin Books, 1982, p. 34.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第375页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第122页。
②Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p. 49.
③[古希腊]希罗多德,王以铸译:《历史》,北京:商务印书馆,1997年,第146页。
④Alyward M. Blackman, Some Notes on the Ancient Egyptian Practice of Washing the Dead, JEA, 1918, p. 118.传统上古埃及的国王生前每天都要进行“浸礼”仪式。一般认为这种仪式受到赫利奥坡里斯太阳神崇拜的影响。赫利奥坡里斯神学认为太阳神每天在东方出现前都要在努恩或者神圣的池塘中沐浴,活着的法老作为太阳神在人间的化身每天都要重复这一仪式,表现生命的又一次重生。参见布莱克曼《奥西里斯还是太阳神?——答佩里先生》(Alyward M. Blackman, Osiris or the Sun-God? A Reply to Mr. Perry, JEA, 1925, p.201-209.)和伽德纳《法老的浸礼》(A. Gardiner, The Baptism of Pharaoh, JEA,1950, p.3-12.)。
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 191.
①Cyril Aldred, Egypt to the End of the Old Kingdom, London: Thames and Hudson, 1965, p. 91.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.429.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.41.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.41
⑤James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.59.
⑥James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p.60.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 216.
②G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.146.
③日知选译:《古代埃及与古代两河流域》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1957年,第20页。
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 81.
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§213-214.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 50.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 36.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 159, p.297, .
③M. Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, G?ttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992, p. 9.
④M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 17.
⑤参见蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第47、50页。
①James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 183.
②James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 185.
③James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 151.
④James P. Allen (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, London: Brill, 2005, p. 222, p. 244.
①J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§377,§381.
②[苏联]阿布基耶夫,王以铸译:《古代东方史》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1956年,第230页。
③M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 85.
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 493.
②蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第161页。
③《辛努赫的故事》的主人公辛努赫是阿蒙尼姆赫特一世统治时期的一位大臣,在一次宫廷政变中由于害怕受到牵连辛努赫逃亡到巴勒斯坦。流浪多年后,他得到国王的恩准回到故土安享晚年。
①为了管理王室在各诺姆内的领地,国王会任命一些人为“王冠所有者的监工”,这些人常驻各诺姆管理王室的收益。
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§522.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 140.
④参见北京师范大学历史系世界古代史教研室编:《世界古代及中古史资料选集》,北京:北京师范大学出版社,1999年,第16-19页;布利斯特德《古代埃及文献》第一卷第619-633节(J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§619-633.)。
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 520.
②Janet Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 8-9.
③Douglas J. Brewer and Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 88.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第188页。
②D. Redford (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Ancient Egypt, Vol. II, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 396.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 146.
④刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第196页。
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 195.
①John A. Wilson, The Culture of Ancient Egypt, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1951, p. 117.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 131.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 315, Spell 18, Spell 99.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 551, Spell 587.
④Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 9. 71
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1094.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 644.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 159, Spell 279.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 30.
⑤亥泰普(Hetep)古埃及的神灵之一,在棺文当中她在少数情况下被看做是“祭品之地之主”,因此祭品之地在棺文中有时也被称为“亥泰普之地”( the Field of Hetep)。参见莱斯科《棺文中的亥泰普之地》(Leonard H. Lesko, The Field of Hetep in Egyptian Coffin Texts, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 9(1971-1972), p. 89-101.)。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 464.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1034.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 704.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 786.
⑤R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 68.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1030.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 21.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 128.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 423.
⑤A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957, p. 577.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1035.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 60, Spell 241.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 789, Spell 1130.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1080, Spell 1085.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1087.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 228.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 790.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 1048.
②H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 103-104.
③颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第139页。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 175, Spell 44, Spell 36.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 30, Spell 33-35.
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 32.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 216, Spell 33-35.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 58.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 206.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 424.
④R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. III, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1978, Spell 894.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 146.
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 165.
①这首《竖琴手之歌》保留在新王国时期的文献中,但歌词开头介绍了此歌本是出自一位名叫安太夫的国王的墓铭。古埃及的第11王朝和第17王朝都有若干国王名叫安太夫,但新王国时期的文献都是抄录的中王国时期的原文,因此,该《竖琴手之歌》的年代毫无疑问是中王国时期的。参见利希泰姆《古代埃及文学》第一卷,第194-195页(M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 194-195.)。
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 196.
③蒲慕州编译《:尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第166-168页。
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 147.
①H·法兰克弗特,H·法兰克弗特,约翰A·威尔森,陶克尔德·雅克布森著,郭丹彤译:《人类思想发展史——关于古代近东思辨思想的讨论》,哈尔滨:黑龙江人民出版社,2005年,第111页。
②刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第203页。
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第204页。
①莫伦兹认为“巴”最初的含义不是“灵魂”而是“神圣的存在”,而泰勒的观点与其相近,认为古王国时期的文献中神或者国王的“巴”都是一种包含着力量的存在状态。具体参见莫伦兹《埃及宗教》第206页(Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 157-158.)和泰勒《古代埃及的死亡与死后生活》第20页(J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 20.)。
②Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, translated by Ann E. Keep, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1973, p. 206.
①[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第18、20页。
②刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第174页。
③[埃]穆斯塔法·埃尔-埃米尔:《埃及考古学》,北京:科学出版社,1959年,第25页。
①J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 223.
②颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第171页。
③“德坎”即星宿,古埃及人习惯以十天为一单位,用一组出现在赤道附近的星群来标记,赤道附近的星被古埃及人共分为36组,每组即被称为“德坎”。参见哈里斯的《埃及的遗产》(J. R. Harris, The Legacy of Egypt, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971, p. 46-47.)。
④Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 12.
⑤J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 221.
①Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 11.
②J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 148.
③J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§667.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§669
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. II, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1974, Spell 416.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 335a.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Vol. I, Oxford: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1973, Spell 307.
①I. E. Edwards and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. I, part 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 521-522.
②J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§613.
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 179.
④J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. I, London: Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., 1988,§523.
①David O’Connor and David Silverman (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden·New York·K?ln: E. J. Brill, 1995, p.157-158.
②蒲慕州:《法老的国度——古埃及文化史》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年,第162页。
③Donald B. Redford, Pharaonic Kinglists, Annals and Day-books: A Contribution to the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History, Ontariao: Benben Publications, 1986, p. 201.
④J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 431.
⑤M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 35.
①蒲慕州编译:《尼罗河畔的文采——古埃及作品选》,台湾:远流出版事业股份有限公司,1993年,第27页。
②William C. Hayes and others (ed.), The Cambridge Ancient History (third edition), Vol. II, part 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973, p. 321.
③David O’Connor and David Silverman (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden·New York·K?ln: E. J. Brill, 1995, p.164.
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 349.
②Douglas J. Brewer and Emily Teeter, Egypt and the Egyptians, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 91-92.
③Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p. 180.
④J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955, p. 380. 97
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 16.
②M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 81, p. 87.
③J. H. Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905, p. 272.
①Byron E. Shafer, Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice, London: Routledge, 1991, p.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第384页。
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 101, Spell 136A.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 102, Spell 79.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 109, Spell 110.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 9, Spell 17, Spell 22, Spell 117.
②Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, London: Gilbert and Rivington Ltd., 1904, p. 26; Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 87.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 43, Spell 149, Spell 183.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 17.
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 26.
①E. A. W. Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co, 1906, p. 51.
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 37, p. 62.
③Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 86.
①Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 59-65.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 12-15.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15.
①J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p.302.
②Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 54.
①刘文鹏:《古代埃及史》,北京:商务印书馆,2002年,第466页。
②Erik Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, translated by David Lorton, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999, p. 13, p. 27.
③Erik Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: the One and the Many, translated by John Baines, New York: Cornell University Press, 1971, p. 256.
④H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 19-20.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. II, London: University of California, 1976, p. 81-82.
②G. Hart, A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddess, London and New York, 1986, p.165.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 1, Spell 89, Spell 169.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 26, Spell 29B.
③R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 92, Spell 105.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 30A, Spell 168.
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 44, Spell 175, Spell 176.
①颜海英:《守望和谐——古埃及文明探秘》,昆明:云南人民出版社,2004年,第144页。
②R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 29A, Spell 39, Spell 45, Spell 54, Spell 62.
①M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vol. I, London: University of California, 1975, p. 195.
②J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p. 185-187.
③M. Lichtheim, The Songs of the Harpers, JNES, Vol. 4, 1945, p. 182-183.
①R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 15, Spell 20, Spell 187.
②金寿福:《在希望与绝望之间——论古代埃及人来世观念的产生与发展》,《史学集刊》2005年第1期,第56页。
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第364页。
②S. L. Kram and A. Dodson, The Mummy in Ancient Egypt, London: Thames and Hudson , 1998, p. 169.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第375页。
①Bojana Mojsov, Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God, Malden and Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, p. 86.
②金寿福:《古代埃及人的来世观念与王陵内外部构造的关系》,《学术研究》2005年第10期,第100页。
J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 152.
J. H Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1905.
J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 153-154.
①刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第376页。
②J. H. Taylor, The Death and Afterlife in Ancient Egypt, London: British Museum Press, 2001, p. 227.
③刘文鹏:《埃及考古学》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008年,第377、379页。
①R. O. Faulkner (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 125.
②R. O. Faulkner (trans.), The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London: British Museum Publications, 1972, Spell 125.
③J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972, p.309.
①Alan B. Lloyd (ed.), Gods, Priests and Men, London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1998, p. 51.
②B. Gunn, The Religion of the Poor in Ancient Egypt, JEA, Vol.3, 1916, p.83.
①H. Frankfort, Ancient Egyptian Religion: An Interpretation, New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1948, p. 121.
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