文摘
In this paper, we discuss the bare-NP complementation pattern of the Spanish verb tener have.' We show that the maximality of the complement NP is dependent upon three factors: (i) idiosyncratic valence requirements; (ii) encyclopedic knowledge related to possessions; and (iii) contextualized semantic construal. More specifically, we present evidence suggesting that whether such bare count-noun complements can be interpreted as maximal or not hinges on specific facets of world knowledge and morphosyntax: bare complement NPs that are usually possessed in numbers greater than one need a plural marker in order to be maximal; those that are usually possessed in quantities of only one need no such marking. This interpretation of the facts stands in direct contradiction with the Chomskyan notion of grammar as an autonomous module, isolated from general knowledge. Contrary to the autonomy thesis, we show here that encyclopedic-knowledge structures can play a significant role in syntax.