文摘
For nearly 30 years it has been assumed that some English relatives require a movement relationship between the external head noun phrase and its clause-internal position (the raising analysis) whereas other relatives do not allow such a relationship (the matching analysis). This division has largely been motivated by reconstruction facts. This paper argues that the matching analysis is eliminable if one assumes vehicle change is a general property of A-bar movement, and if one accepts that sentence construction and movement are derivational while chain formation is representational. This allows a uniform raising analysis for English relatives that eliminates difficulties with previous raising analyses, allows relative clauses to be uniformly treated as adjuncts, and accounts for otherwise mysterious extraposition facts. The conclusions also have implications for the idea that adjuncts may be merged acyclically in a derivation.