Relativization in Dàgáárè and its typological implications: Left-headed but internally-headed

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• 作者：Adams Bodomo ; Ken Hiraiwa
• 关键词：Head-internal relative clauses ; Head-external relative clauses ; Typology ; Constituency ; Pied-piping ; Coordination ; Gur
• 刊名：Lingua
• 出版年：2010
• 出版时间：April 2010
• 年：2010
• 卷：120
• 期：4
• 页码：953-983
• 全文大小：1229 K

文摘

This article examines in detail the syntax of relativization in Dàgáárè, a Mabia (Oti-Volta) language of the Gur branch in the Niger-Congo family. The main aims of our investigation are twofold. The first is to describe a cluster of typologically interesting syntactic features of relativization in Dàgáárè in the light of the fact that no detailed description exists in the literature. The second is to demonstrate that relative clauses in Dàgáárè are head-internal relative clauses (HIRCs), even though they are, on the surface, postnominal relative clauses, like those in English. Thus, they are not of the in-situ type of HIRC that is well known in the literature. We call this type of relative clause a left-headed HIRC. This type of relativization has rarely been noticed cross-linguistically in the previous literature and therefore is of considerable significance for general linguistics, linguistic typology, as well as theoretical linguistics. Evidence comes from coordination in possessor relativization and PP relativization. Our discovery shows that Universal Grammar allows left-headed HIRCs as an option in addition to the more familiar types: in-situ HIRCs and head-external relative clauses (HERCs).