尺度政治视角下南海冲突分析
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摘要
长期以来南海问题是影响中国与周边国家关系的重要问题,南海冲突涉及冲突方多、尺度变化大,这种特点适合尺度政治分析。基于尺度政治理论和尺度重构分析方法,对二战后南海冲突进行分析,探讨在不同阶段的南海冲突中,不同国家利用尺度政治和尺度重构,谋求南海争端中的优势,维护自身利益的途径。研究表明:①在不同时期的南海冲突中,各方都有意或无意地运用了尺度政治的方法手段,核心目的是通过对尺度的控制,实现权力和利益的最大化。②在地区冲突中,各主体往往根据自身在权力关系中的强弱地位采取相反的尺度重构手段,弱势主体多采用尺度上推手段,强势主体倾向于尺度下推或尺度锁定。③但在地区的地缘合作中,情况相反,弱势主体多采用尺度下移手段,吸引有利的资源要素,强势主体则积极推动尺度上推和重构,促进更大范围、更广领域的合作。因此,在南海周边国家与中国发生冲突时,采用引入域外大国等手段推动尺度上推;而在与中国开展"一带一路"建设等地缘合作时,则突出各自地缘优势,推动尺度下移,争取获得更多的资金、项目等支持,发展本国经济。
The South China Sea issue is an important issue that affects China's relations with its neighboring countries for a long time. The conflict in the South China Sea involves many conflicts and large scale changes. This characteristic is suitable for the scale political analysis. Based on the theory of scale politics and the method of scale reconstruction,analyzing the South China Sea conflict after the Second World War, discussing in the different stages of the South China Sea conflict,different countries using scale politics and scale reconstruction to seek advantages in South China Sea disputes and safeguard their own interests. Results show that: ① In the conflicts of the South China Sea in different periods, all parties have intentionally or unintentionally applied the methods of scale politics. The core purpose is to maximize the power and interests through the control of scales. ②In regional conflicts, each actors tends to adopt the opposite scale reconstruction method according to its position in power relations. The weak actors mostly adopt the scale-up method, and the strong actors tend to scale down or scale lock. ③ In the geographical cooperation of the region, the situation is reversed. The weak actors mostly adopt the scale downward shift method to attract favorable resource elements, while the strong subjects actively promote the scale push and reconstruction to promote cooperation in a wider scope and broader fields.In the case of conflicts between China and the countries surrounding the South China Sea, the introduction of extra-territorial powers and other means to push up the scale; while in the geographical cooperation with China to carry out the "Belt and Road" construction, it will highlight their respective geographical advantages, push the scale down, and strive for more support,such as more funds, projects, etc.to develop the domestic economy.
The South China Sea issue is an important issue that affects China's relations with its neighboring countries for a long time. The conflict in the South China Sea involves many conflicts and large scale changes. This characteristic is suitable for the scale political analysis. Based on the theory of scale politics and the method of scale reconstruction,analyzing the South China Sea conflict after the Second World War, discussing in the different stages of the South China Sea conflict,different countries using scale politics and scale reconstruction to seek advantages in South China Sea disputes and safeguard their own interests. Results show that: ① In the conflicts of the South China Sea in different periods, all parties have intentionally or unintentionally applied the methods of scale politics. The core purpose is to maximize the power and interests through the control of scales. ②In regional conflicts, each actors tends to adopt the opposite scale reconstruction method according to its position in power relations. The weak actors mostly adopt the scale-up method, and the strong actors tend to scale down or scale lock. ③ In the geographical cooperation of the region, the situation is reversed. The weak actors mostly adopt the scale downward shift method to attract favorable resource elements, while the strong subjects actively promote the scale push and reconstruction to promote cooperation in a wider scope and broader fields.In the case of conflicts between China and the countries surrounding the South China Sea, the introduction of extra-territorial powers and other means to push up the scale; while in the geographical cooperation with China to carry out the "Belt and Road" construction, it will highlight their respective geographical advantages, push the scale down, and strive for more support,such as more funds, projects, etc.to develop the domestic economy.
引文
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[21]贺小婧,刘云刚.钓鱼岛事件的尺度政治与言论分析.世界地理研究,2015,24(3):24-33
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[23]张争胜,刘玄宇,牛姝雅.尺度政治视角下中菲黄岩岛争端.地理研究,2017,10:009.
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[28]李金明.抗战前后中国政府维护西沙,南沙群岛主权的斗争.中国边疆史地研究,1998,3.
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[34]张春英.海峡两岸对南沙和西沙群岛主权的共同维护.军事历史,2003,5:004.
[35]唐盟.被越南侵占的中国南沙群岛岛礁的时空分布特征及战略格局.热带地理, 2015,35(5):739-744.
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[39]杨胜雄.南沙海域油气勘查信息专报.国土资源部广州海洋地质调查局信息资源所编. 2008-2013.
[40]李金明.从东盟南海宣言到南海各方行为宣言.东南亚,2004(3):31-35.
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[42]中华人们共和国商务部.国家发展改革委、外交部、商务部联合发布《推动共建丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路的愿景与行动》,http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/resume/n/201504/20150400929655.shtml.
[43]新华网,http://www.xinhuanet.com/mil/2018-02/22/c_129814427.htm.
[2]吴士存.南海资料索引.海口:海南出版社,1998.
[3]李金明.南海争端与国际海洋法,北京:海洋出版社,2004.
[4]赵理海.关于南海诸岛的若干法律问题.法制与社会发展,1995(4):50-63.
[5]巩建华.中国南海海洋政治战略研究———论南海争端中的中国作为.太平洋学报,2012,20(3):75-87.
[6]梁甲瑞.美国重返亚太及中国的战略应对-基于南海海上战略通道的视角.世界地理研究,2017,26(1):12-21.
[7]保罗·克罗瓦尔,著.地理学思想史.郑胜华,刘德美,译.北京:北京大学出版社,2007:14-26.
[8] Taylor P J. A materialist framework for political geography.Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers,1982,7(1):15-34.
[9] Marston S. The social construction of scale. Progress in Human Geography,2000,24(2):219-242.
[10] Herod A, Wright M. Geographies of Power. Oxford:Blackwell,2002.
[11] Marston S, Jones J P, Woodward K. Human geography without scale. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers,2005,30(4):416-432.
[12] Manson S M. Does scale exist? An epistemological scale continuum for complex human-environment systems. Geoforum,2008,39(2):776-788.
[13]刘云刚,王丰龙.尺度的人文地理内涵与尺度政治———基于1980年代以来英语圈人文地理学的尺度研究.人文地理,2011,26(3):1-6.
[14]王丰龙,刘云刚.尺度政治理论框架.地理科学进展,2017,36(12):1500-1509.
[15] Smith N. Contours of a spatialized politics:Homeless vehicles andthe production of geographical scale. Social Text,1992,33:55-81.
[16] Smith N. Uneven Development:Nature, Capital, and the Production of Space. Georgia:University of Georgia Press,2010.
[17] Delaney D, Leitner H. The political construction of scale. Political geography,1997,16(2):93-97.
[18] Flint C, Taylor P J. Political Geography:World-economy, Nation-state and Locality(5th ed). New Jersey:Prentice Hall, 2007.26-28.
[19]刘云刚,王丰龙.三鹿奶粉事件的尺度政治分析.地理学报,2011,66(10):1368-1378.
[20]胡志丁,葛岳静,徐建伟.尺度政治视角下的地缘能源安全评价方法及应用.地理研究,2014,33(5).853-862.
[21]贺小婧,刘云刚.钓鱼岛事件的尺度政治与言论分析.世界地理研究,2015,24(3):24-33
[22]王丰龙,张衔春,杨林川,等.尺度理论视角下的“一带一路”战略解读.地理科学,2016,36(4):502-511.
[23]张争胜,刘玄宇,牛姝雅.尺度政治视角下中菲黄岩岛争端.地理研究,2017,10:009.
[24]中国海军百科全书编审委员会. Editorial Board of the Chinese Navy Encyclopedia.中国海军百科全书,731.
[25]世界银行. http://www.worldbank.org/,2017-08-11.
[26]谭玉华.权利与控制:1947年永兴岛事件引发的中法西沙群岛之争.中山大学学报:社会科学版,2016,56(5):67-78.
[27]杨志荣.抗战胜利后中国收复南海诸岛的历史意义与现实启示.中国军事科学,2016,6:017.
[28]李金明.抗战前后中国政府维护西沙,南沙群岛主权的斗争.中国边疆史地研究,1998,3.
[29]李国强.民国政府与南沙群岛.近代史研究,1992(6):163-174.
[30]袁澍.民国时期的南海.海南师范大学学报:社会科学版,2011,24(5):53-59.
[31]周德华.捍卫南沙海域主权的赤瓜礁海战.铁军,2017(7):18-18.
[32]孙现强.越南1945年~1975年南海立场之研究.中国社会科学院研究生院,2013.
[33]赵焕庭,王丽荣,袁家义.中国南海诸岛主权维护与回归——纪念中国政府收复南海诸岛70周年(1).热带地理,2017,37(5):634-648.
[34]张春英.海峡两岸对南沙和西沙群岛主权的共同维护.军事历史,2003,5:004.
[35]唐盟.被越南侵占的中国南沙群岛岛礁的时空分布特征及战略格局.热带地理, 2015,35(5):739-744.
[36]倪光辉.南沙永暑礁上有“顺风耳”.人民日报,2015-05-18(22).
[37]王自堃.永暑礁海洋观测站27年提供水文气象数据500万条.中国海洋报,2015-05-22(2).
[38]周子云.南海岛屿冲突各方在南海的油气开发现状及动因研究.暨南大学,2017.
[39]杨胜雄.南沙海域油气勘查信息专报.国土资源部广州海洋地质调查局信息资源所编. 2008-2013.
[40]李金明.从东盟南海宣言到南海各方行为宣言.东南亚,2004(3):31-35.
[41]特约评论员.中国维护南海领土主权和海洋权益的决心坚定不移.人民日报,2016-07-13(3).
[42]中华人们共和国商务部.国家发展改革委、外交部、商务部联合发布《推动共建丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路的愿景与行动》,http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/resume/n/201504/20150400929655.shtml.
[43]新华网,http://www.xinhuanet.com/mil/2018-02/22/c_129814427.htm.