社会运动中的社交媒体动员与媒介间议程设置效应:以台湾地区“反服贸学运”为例
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摘要
在政治传播研究中,媒介间议程设置理论为选举期间议题在新旧媒介间的流动及其结构性影响提供了有力解释,但鲜少有人将其放置在社会运动情境中验证。2014年台湾地区发生的"反服贸学运"为探索这一效应的本土化特征提供了难得案例。通过时滞分析发现,社会运动情境中传统媒体与社交媒体确实存在跨媒介议程互动。社交媒体的议程设置能力主要体现在初期提供议题资源和产生"共鸣效果",而在后续抗争中赋予议题情感属性的框架过程依然掌握在传统媒体手中,这一结果与选举情境下的议题流动模式并不一致。当社运者将社交媒体更多作为资源动员的新工具时,其框架建构的驱动力与效果往往不如有政治偏向的传统媒体,这意味着新媒体及其裹挟的民意依旧很难摆脱被党派意识形态操控的风险。
In political communication research, intermedia agenda-setting theory can well explain the mobility of agenda between new and traditional media and its structural influence in the campaign, but few studies tested it in social movements. The ‘Anti-trade Student Movement' happened in Taiwan 2014 provided a good case. By time-lagged analysis, the results support the intermedia agenda-setting effects between traditional and social media in the situation of social movement. The agenda-setting ability of social media is mainly to provide the topic resources and ‘resonance effects' at the beginning of the movement, while traditional media still have influence on social media by the process of framing. This results challenge the mobility model of news agenda found in political elections. When social movement actors adopt social media mainly as a tool for resource mobilization, they may have less motivation and ability to take control of issue framing than the traditional political-biased media, which means new media and online public opinion are still in a hazard of manipulation by partisan ideologies.
In political communication research, intermedia agenda-setting theory can well explain the mobility of agenda between new and traditional media and its structural influence in the campaign, but few studies tested it in social movements. The ‘Anti-trade Student Movement' happened in Taiwan 2014 provided a good case. By time-lagged analysis, the results support the intermedia agenda-setting effects between traditional and social media in the situation of social movement. The agenda-setting ability of social media is mainly to provide the topic resources and ‘resonance effects' at the beginning of the movement, while traditional media still have influence on social media by the process of framing. This results challenge the mobility model of news agenda found in political elections. When social movement actors adopt social media mainly as a tool for resource mobilization, they may have less motivation and ability to take control of issue framing than the traditional political-biased media, which means new media and online public opinion are still in a hazard of manipulation by partisan ideologies.
引文
陈强(2013)。国外属性议程设置研究进展述评。《国际新闻界》,(6),47-54。
托德·吉特林(2007)。《新左派运动的媒介镜像》(张锐,胡正荣译)。北京:华夏出版社。
乐媛,刘君琳(2013)。超越蓝与绿?台湾主流媒体意识形态与网络舆论交互影响研究。《台湾研究集刊》,(4),70-78。
李明颖(2012)。网路潜水者的公民参与实践之探索:以“野草莓运动”为例。《新闻学研究》(台北),(112),77-116。
罗弘旭(2013)。《部落格书写者背后的力量与动机:权力意识与社会资本面向》。国立政治大学传播学院硕士学位论文。台北。
彭慧蕙(1997)。《大众传播媒介与社会运动:以“反雏妓”社会运动为例》。中国文化大学新闻研究所硕士学位论文。台北。
滕远聪(2014)。《电视与网络的媒介间议程设置研究》。吉林大学文学院硕士学位论文。长春。
吴颖(2012)。《报纸与网络议程互动研究》。南昌大学人文学院新闻与传播学系硕士学位论文。南昌。
徐昭(2012)。《网络环境下媒体间议程设置与舆论引导研究》。广西大学硕士学位论文。南宁。
张茂桂(1994)。民间社会、资源动员与新社会运动:台湾社会运动研究的理论志向。《香港社会科学学报》(香港),(4),33-66。
张耀仁(2006)。跨媒体议题设定之探析:整合次领域研究的观点。《传播与管理研究》(台湾),5(2),73-130。
赵鼎新(2006)。《社会与政治运动讲义》。北京:社会科学文献出版社。
Comstock,G.,&Scharrer,E.(2005).The psychology of media and politics,New York:Elsevier Academic Press.
Danielian,L.,&Reese,S.D.(1989).A closer look at inter-media influences in agenda setting:the cocaine issue of 1986.In P.J.Shoemaker(ed.),Communication campaigns about drugs:government,media,and the public(pp.47-66).Mahwah:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Dunn,S.W.(2009).Candidate and media agenda setting in the 2005 Virginia gubernatorial election.Journal of Communication,59(3),635-652.
Entman,R.M.(1993).Framing:toward clarification of a fractured paradigm.Journal of communication,43(4),51-58.
Gaby,S.,&Caren,N.(2012).Occupy online:how cute old men and Malcolm X recruited 400,000 USusers to OWS on Facebook.Social Movement Studies,11(3-4),367-374.
Harlow,S.(2012).Social media and social movements:Facebook and an online Guatemalan justice movement that moved offline.New Media&Society,14(2),225-243.
Ku,G.,Kaid,L.L.,&Pfau,M.(2003).The impact of web site campaigning on traditional news media and public information processing.Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,80(3),528-547.
Lee,B.,Lancendorfer,K.M.,&Lee,K.J.(2005).Agenda-setting and the internet:the inter-media influence of internet bulletin boards on newspaper coverage of the 2000 general election in South Korea.Asian Journal of Communication,15(1),57-71.
Lopez-Escobar,E.,Llamas,J.P.,McCombs,M.,&Lennon,F.R.(1998).Two levels of agenda setting among advertising and news in the 1995 Spanish elections.Political Communication,15(2),225-238.
Mathes,R.,&Pfetsch,B.(1991).The role of the alternative press in the agenda-building process:spillover effects and media opinion leadership.European Journal of Communication,6(1),33-62.
McCombs,M.(1997).Building consensus:the news media's agenda-setting roles.Political Communication,14(4),433-443.
McCombs,M.,Llamas,J.P.,Lopez-Escobar,E.,&Rey,F.(1997).Candidate images in Spanish elections:second-level agenda-setting effects.Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,74(4),703-717.
Noelle-Neumann&Mathes(1987).‘The events as event’and‘the event as a news’:The Significance of“consonance”for media effects research,European Journal of Communication,London:Sage,2:391-414
Penney,J.,&Dadas,C.(2014).(Re)Tweeting in the service of protest:digital composition and circulation in the occupy wall street movement.New Media&Society,16(1),74-90.
Takeshita,T.(2005).Current critical problems in agenda-setting research.International Journal of Public Opinion Research,18(3),275-296.
Wiersma,W.(2014).The internet as a catalyst for social movements:a simulation of social media mechanisms in the context of the Arab spring and occupy movements.Paper presented at the Social Simulation Conference.September 1-5,Catalunya(Spain).
1.野草莓运动,又称“1106争人权反集游法静坐”,为抗议“马政府”侵犯人权而发起的社会运动,最早由台大社会系助理教授李明璁透过PTT网络串连。
2 . Rozelle-Campbell baseline的计算公式是:[(PX1Y1+PX2Y2)/2]{[(PX1X2)2+(PY1Y2)2]/2}1/2。它是建立在自动相关性和同步相关性基础上的相关水平,自动相关性指同一议程在不同时间段的相关性,而同步相关性指不同议程在同一时段的相关性。
3 .由于白色正义社会联盟是因反对“反服贸”抗议而组织起来的“反反服贸”社团,因而在与中国大陆签订服贸协定这一议题上,“黑色岛国青年阵线”与泛绿阵营更为亲近,而白色正义社会联盟则与泛蓝阵营更为亲近。
托德·吉特林(2007)。《新左派运动的媒介镜像》(张锐,胡正荣译)。北京:华夏出版社。
乐媛,刘君琳(2013)。超越蓝与绿?台湾主流媒体意识形态与网络舆论交互影响研究。《台湾研究集刊》,(4),70-78。
李明颖(2012)。网路潜水者的公民参与实践之探索:以“野草莓运动”为例。《新闻学研究》(台北),(112),77-116。
罗弘旭(2013)。《部落格书写者背后的力量与动机:权力意识与社会资本面向》。国立政治大学传播学院硕士学位论文。台北。
彭慧蕙(1997)。《大众传播媒介与社会运动:以“反雏妓”社会运动为例》。中国文化大学新闻研究所硕士学位论文。台北。
滕远聪(2014)。《电视与网络的媒介间议程设置研究》。吉林大学文学院硕士学位论文。长春。
吴颖(2012)。《报纸与网络议程互动研究》。南昌大学人文学院新闻与传播学系硕士学位论文。南昌。
徐昭(2012)。《网络环境下媒体间议程设置与舆论引导研究》。广西大学硕士学位论文。南宁。
张茂桂(1994)。民间社会、资源动员与新社会运动:台湾社会运动研究的理论志向。《香港社会科学学报》(香港),(4),33-66。
张耀仁(2006)。跨媒体议题设定之探析:整合次领域研究的观点。《传播与管理研究》(台湾),5(2),73-130。
赵鼎新(2006)。《社会与政治运动讲义》。北京:社会科学文献出版社。
Comstock,G.,&Scharrer,E.(2005).The psychology of media and politics,New York:Elsevier Academic Press.
Danielian,L.,&Reese,S.D.(1989).A closer look at inter-media influences in agenda setting:the cocaine issue of 1986.In P.J.Shoemaker(ed.),Communication campaigns about drugs:government,media,and the public(pp.47-66).Mahwah:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Dunn,S.W.(2009).Candidate and media agenda setting in the 2005 Virginia gubernatorial election.Journal of Communication,59(3),635-652.
Entman,R.M.(1993).Framing:toward clarification of a fractured paradigm.Journal of communication,43(4),51-58.
Gaby,S.,&Caren,N.(2012).Occupy online:how cute old men and Malcolm X recruited 400,000 USusers to OWS on Facebook.Social Movement Studies,11(3-4),367-374.
Harlow,S.(2012).Social media and social movements:Facebook and an online Guatemalan justice movement that moved offline.New Media&Society,14(2),225-243.
Ku,G.,Kaid,L.L.,&Pfau,M.(2003).The impact of web site campaigning on traditional news media and public information processing.Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,80(3),528-547.
Lee,B.,Lancendorfer,K.M.,&Lee,K.J.(2005).Agenda-setting and the internet:the inter-media influence of internet bulletin boards on newspaper coverage of the 2000 general election in South Korea.Asian Journal of Communication,15(1),57-71.
Lopez-Escobar,E.,Llamas,J.P.,McCombs,M.,&Lennon,F.R.(1998).Two levels of agenda setting among advertising and news in the 1995 Spanish elections.Political Communication,15(2),225-238.
Mathes,R.,&Pfetsch,B.(1991).The role of the alternative press in the agenda-building process:spillover effects and media opinion leadership.European Journal of Communication,6(1),33-62.
McCombs,M.(1997).Building consensus:the news media's agenda-setting roles.Political Communication,14(4),433-443.
McCombs,M.,Llamas,J.P.,Lopez-Escobar,E.,&Rey,F.(1997).Candidate images in Spanish elections:second-level agenda-setting effects.Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,74(4),703-717.
Noelle-Neumann&Mathes(1987).‘The events as event’and‘the event as a news’:The Significance of“consonance”for media effects research,European Journal of Communication,London:Sage,2:391-414
Penney,J.,&Dadas,C.(2014).(Re)Tweeting in the service of protest:digital composition and circulation in the occupy wall street movement.New Media&Society,16(1),74-90.
Takeshita,T.(2005).Current critical problems in agenda-setting research.International Journal of Public Opinion Research,18(3),275-296.
Wiersma,W.(2014).The internet as a catalyst for social movements:a simulation of social media mechanisms in the context of the Arab spring and occupy movements.Paper presented at the Social Simulation Conference.September 1-5,Catalunya(Spain).
1.野草莓运动,又称“1106争人权反集游法静坐”,为抗议“马政府”侵犯人权而发起的社会运动,最早由台大社会系助理教授李明璁透过PTT网络串连。
2 . Rozelle-Campbell baseline的计算公式是:[(PX1Y1+PX2Y2)/2]{[(PX1X2)2+(PY1Y2)2]/2}1/2。它是建立在自动相关性和同步相关性基础上的相关水平,自动相关性指同一议程在不同时间段的相关性,而同步相关性指不同议程在同一时段的相关性。
3 .由于白色正义社会联盟是因反对“反服贸”抗议而组织起来的“反反服贸”社团,因而在与中国大陆签订服贸协定这一议题上,“黑色岛国青年阵线”与泛绿阵营更为亲近,而白色正义社会联盟则与泛蓝阵营更为亲近。