王芬谋废汉灵帝发微
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摘要
东汉王朝在灵帝统治时期摇摇欲坠,"党锢之祸""黄巾之乱"接踵而至,士大夫集团、宦官集团与皇权之间的关系错综复杂。王芬在灵帝统治后期发动了一次未能成功的叛乱,以这次叛乱为媒介,梳理以王芬为首的谋废立集团的出身及政治倾向,结合此事发生的地理、政治背景,能够归纳出王芬之谋具有"从宫廷政变发展到武装叛乱"和"从反宦官发展到反皇权"两大特征,而这两大特征也在其后的军阀割据中不断出现,最终成为导致东汉王朝灭亡的重要因素。
Rule of the Han Dynasty was torn in the reign of the Emperor Ling,Disasters of Partisan Prohibitions and the Yellow Turbans Uprising have been brought to the country successively. The relation of the group of Scholars-bureaucrats and the group of eunuchs between the imperial authority is complex.WANG Fen started a unsuccessful rebellion in the later period of reign of the Emperor Ling. By analyzing family background and political tendency of the rebellions clique as well as political and geographic background of this incident,two characters could be interpreted— " from palace coup to development to armed rebellion" and " from anti—eunuchs to anti-imperial authority".And the two characters did come up repeatedly over and over again in warlord regime,and became the significant reasons of the prey of the Eastern Han Dynasty.
Rule of the Han Dynasty was torn in the reign of the Emperor Ling,Disasters of Partisan Prohibitions and the Yellow Turbans Uprising have been brought to the country successively. The relation of the group of Scholars-bureaucrats and the group of eunuchs between the imperial authority is complex.WANG Fen started a unsuccessful rebellion in the later period of reign of the Emperor Ling. By analyzing family background and political tendency of the rebellions clique as well as political and geographic background of this incident,two characters could be interpreted— " from palace coup to development to armed rebellion" and " from anti—eunuchs to anti-imperial authority".And the two characters did come up repeatedly over and over again in warlord regime,and became the significant reasons of the prey of the Eastern Han Dynasty.
引文
[1]范晔.后汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1965.
[2]陈寿.三国志[M].北京:中华书局,1982.
[3]司马光,等.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,2011.
[4]唐长孺.魏晋南北朝隋唐史三论.北京:中华书局,2011.
[5]王夫之.读通鉴论[M].长沙:岳麓书社,2011.
[6]唐长孺.魏晋南北朝史论丛拾遗.北京:中华书局,2011.
(1)《后汉书》未记载此事,而《三国志》未记载此事具体时间,我们通过上下文可以判断出其大致时间点,即不早于黑山军兴(中平二年二月),早于曹操就任西园八校尉之一的典军校尉(中平五年八月),《资治通鉴》的时间点可能另有所本,暂从其说。
(2)王芬等人“连结豪强”的目标选取,可能与地域有关系,例如襄楷与华歆、陶洪丘俱为平原人,而曹操与周旌俱为沛人。由于史料所限,此说作为一个可能的推断供参考。
(3)唐长孺先生在《东汉末期的大姓名士》一文(收入《魏晋南北朝史论丛拾遗》)中对王芬之谋亦有论述,认为“部分名士(哪怕极少数)为了翦除宦官,已不惜为‘非常之谋’,即使冒易代废帝那种越出儒家道德轨范的大风险也不妨干一下。而要达到这个目的阎忠、陈逸等都把希望寄托在地方军队上,日后的事态发展正是这样”[6]34,正文所引用的是唐先生晚年较为凝练的说法,前后观点基本一致。
[2]陈寿.三国志[M].北京:中华书局,1982.
[3]司马光,等.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,2011.
[4]唐长孺.魏晋南北朝隋唐史三论.北京:中华书局,2011.
[5]王夫之.读通鉴论[M].长沙:岳麓书社,2011.
[6]唐长孺.魏晋南北朝史论丛拾遗.北京:中华书局,2011.
(1)《后汉书》未记载此事,而《三国志》未记载此事具体时间,我们通过上下文可以判断出其大致时间点,即不早于黑山军兴(中平二年二月),早于曹操就任西园八校尉之一的典军校尉(中平五年八月),《资治通鉴》的时间点可能另有所本,暂从其说。
(2)王芬等人“连结豪强”的目标选取,可能与地域有关系,例如襄楷与华歆、陶洪丘俱为平原人,而曹操与周旌俱为沛人。由于史料所限,此说作为一个可能的推断供参考。
(3)唐长孺先生在《东汉末期的大姓名士》一文(收入《魏晋南北朝史论丛拾遗》)中对王芬之谋亦有论述,认为“部分名士(哪怕极少数)为了翦除宦官,已不惜为‘非常之谋’,即使冒易代废帝那种越出儒家道德轨范的大风险也不妨干一下。而要达到这个目的阎忠、陈逸等都把希望寄托在地方军队上,日后的事态发展正是这样”[6]34,正文所引用的是唐先生晚年较为凝练的说法,前后观点基本一致。