潮汕入声:从阴高阳低到阴低阳高
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摘要
潮汕方言的入声经历了从"阴高阳低"到"阴低阳高"的演化,此过程并非"翻转(flip-flop)"变化,而是语音上的连续演变,大致经历了四个阶段:阶段一,假设早期潮汕入声与相邻的漳泉入声一样,如晋江闽语,入声格局为"阴高阳低";阶段二,以云澳闽语为代表,入声格局是"阴中降阳中升";阶段三,以达濠闽语为代表,入声格局是"阴低降阳高升";阶段四,以汕头闽语为代表,入声格局是"阴低阳高"。阴入、阳入在语音连续变化的过程中之所以没有发生合并,是因为两者的基频走向不同,而基频走向不同的主导因素是发声态:导致阴入基频下降的是嘎裂声,导致阳入基频上升的是张声。
We argue that the historical "flip-flop" of Chaoshan checked tones is not a sudden change, but is accomplished via a process of gradual phonetic change. At the first stage, the pattern of checked tones of Chaoshan dialects is the same as that in Zhangquan dialect, such as Jinjiang dialect, being "Yin-high vs. yang-low"; At the second stage, the pattern of checked tones is "Yin-mid-falling vs. yang-mid-rising", and just like the case in Yun'ao dialect; At the third stage, the pattern of checked tones is "Yin-falling-low vs. yang-rising-high", and the example is drawn from Dahao dialect. The last stage is "yin-low vs. yang-high", which can be found in most Chaoshan dialects. The transitional stages are characterized by distinctive pitch contours, which are triggered by different phonation types, with creaky voice in T4a and fortis voice(the final glottal stop) in T4b, respectively.
We argue that the historical "flip-flop" of Chaoshan checked tones is not a sudden change, but is accomplished via a process of gradual phonetic change. At the first stage, the pattern of checked tones of Chaoshan dialects is the same as that in Zhangquan dialect, such as Jinjiang dialect, being "Yin-high vs. yang-low"; At the second stage, the pattern of checked tones is "Yin-mid-falling vs. yang-mid-rising", and just like the case in Yun'ao dialect; At the third stage, the pattern of checked tones is "Yin-falling-low vs. yang-rising-high", and the example is drawn from Dahao dialect. The last stage is "yin-low vs. yang-high", which can be found in most Chaoshan dialects. The transitional stages are characterized by distinctive pitch contours, which are triggered by different phonation types, with creaky voice in T4a and fortis voice(the final glottal stop) in T4b, respectively.
引文
高本汉1948《中国音韵学研究》,赵元任、李方桂、罗常培译,商务印书馆。
孔江平2001《论语言发声》,中央民族大学出版社。
麦耘1998“浊音清化”分化的语音条件试释,《语言研究》(增刊)。
岩田礼1984南部中国语の音节末闭锁音,《言语研究》。
岩田礼1992汉语方言入声音节的生理特征--兼论入声韵尾的历时变化,《中国境内语言暨语言学》第1期。
曾南逸2013《泉厦方言音韵比较研究》,北京大学博士学位论文。
朱晓农1987声调笔记五则,《文字与文化》2:117-124页,光明日报出版社。又载《音韵研究》145-154页,商务印书馆,2006。
朱晓农2007论早期上声带假声,《中国语文》第2期。
朱晓农2010《语音学》,商务印书馆。
朱晓农2014声调类型学大要--对调型的研究,《方言》第3期。
朱晓农、焦磊、严至诚、洪英2008入声演化三途,《中国语文》第4期。
朱晓农、洪英2010潮州话入声的“阴低阳高”,《中国语言学集刊》第4辑第1期。
朱晓农、严至诚2009入声唯闭韵尾的共时变异和历时演化:香港粤语个案研究,《南方语言学》第1期。
朱晓农、杨建芬2010嘎裂声作为低调特征--河北省方言的声调考察,《语言研究集刊》第七辑。
Chen,Limin 2014 Glottal Stop Production and its Interaction with Tonal Evolution:A Case Study of Entering Tone Sound Change in Puxian Min.Mphil Thesis.The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.
Edmondson,J.A.&Esling,J.H.2006 The valves of the throat and their functioning in tone,vocal register,and stress:laryngoscopic case studies.Phonology 23:157-191.
Esling,J.H.,Fraser,K.E.,&Harris,J.G.2005 Glottal stop,glottalized resonants,and pharyngeals:Areinterpretation with evidence from a laryngoscopic study of Nuuchahnulth(Nootka).Journal of Phonetics33.4:383-410.
Garellek,Marc 2013“Production and Perception of Glottal Stops.”Ph.D dissertation,University of California,Los Angeles.
Gordon,M.,&Ladefoged,P.2001 Phonation Types:A Cross-Linguistic Overview.Journal of Phonetics,(4),383-406.
Hillenbrand,J.,Cleveland,R.A.and Erickson,R.L.1994 Acoustic Correlates of Breathy Vocal Quality.Journal of Speech and Hearing Research.37:769-778.
Hong,Ying 2009 Phonation Types in the Entering Tone Syllables of Chaozhou Dialect.M.Phil Thesis,The Hong Kong University of Technology and Science,Hong Kong.
Hong,Ying 2013 A Phonetic Study of Chaozhou Chinese.Ph.D.Thesis,The University of Hong Kong Science and Technology,Hong Kong.
Hombert,J.M.,Ohala,J.J.and Ewan,W.G.1979 Phonetic Explanations for the Development of Tones.Language 55:37-58.
Keating,P.,Esposito,C.,Garellek,M.,Khan,S.ud D.,&Kuang,J.2011 Phonation Contrasts Across Languages.Presented at the ICPhS XVII,Hong Kong.
Kuang,Jianjing 2011 Phonation Contrast in Two Register Contrast Languages and Its Influence on Vowel Quality and Tone.In Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences(pp.1146-1149).Hong Kong.
Ladefoged,P.,&Maddieson,I.1996 The Sounds of the World’s Languages.Blackwell Publishers.
Laver,J.1994 Principles of Phonetics.Cambridge University Press.
Thurgood,Graham 2002 Vietnamese and Tonogenesis:Revising the Model and the Analysis.Diachronica19:333-363.
Thomas,E.2011 Sociophonetics:An Introduction.Palgrave Macmillan.
Wang,W.S.-Y.1967 Phonological Features of Tone.International Journal of American Linguistics,33(2),93-105.
Yue-Hashimoto,A.O.1986 Tonal Flip-Flop in Chinese Dialects.Journal of Chinese Linguistics,14(2),161-82.
(1)福建闽南语入声舒化的现象已有学者进行讨论,多是阳入舒化的速度快于阴入,参考Chen(2014)。
(2)朱晓农(2014)提出的“普适调型库”将时长这个维度区分为三度,分别是长、中短、短。
(1)李菲、朱晓农《梅州客家方言入声:共时分布和演化途径》,2016年12月3-4日中山大学“客家方言研讨会”论文。
孔江平2001《论语言发声》,中央民族大学出版社。
麦耘1998“浊音清化”分化的语音条件试释,《语言研究》(增刊)。
岩田礼1984南部中国语の音节末闭锁音,《言语研究》。
岩田礼1992汉语方言入声音节的生理特征--兼论入声韵尾的历时变化,《中国境内语言暨语言学》第1期。
曾南逸2013《泉厦方言音韵比较研究》,北京大学博士学位论文。
朱晓农1987声调笔记五则,《文字与文化》2:117-124页,光明日报出版社。又载《音韵研究》145-154页,商务印书馆,2006。
朱晓农2007论早期上声带假声,《中国语文》第2期。
朱晓农2010《语音学》,商务印书馆。
朱晓农2014声调类型学大要--对调型的研究,《方言》第3期。
朱晓农、焦磊、严至诚、洪英2008入声演化三途,《中国语文》第4期。
朱晓农、洪英2010潮州话入声的“阴低阳高”,《中国语言学集刊》第4辑第1期。
朱晓农、严至诚2009入声唯闭韵尾的共时变异和历时演化:香港粤语个案研究,《南方语言学》第1期。
朱晓农、杨建芬2010嘎裂声作为低调特征--河北省方言的声调考察,《语言研究集刊》第七辑。
Chen,Limin 2014 Glottal Stop Production and its Interaction with Tonal Evolution:A Case Study of Entering Tone Sound Change in Puxian Min.Mphil Thesis.The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.
Edmondson,J.A.&Esling,J.H.2006 The valves of the throat and their functioning in tone,vocal register,and stress:laryngoscopic case studies.Phonology 23:157-191.
Esling,J.H.,Fraser,K.E.,&Harris,J.G.2005 Glottal stop,glottalized resonants,and pharyngeals:Areinterpretation with evidence from a laryngoscopic study of Nuuchahnulth(Nootka).Journal of Phonetics33.4:383-410.
Garellek,Marc 2013“Production and Perception of Glottal Stops.”Ph.D dissertation,University of California,Los Angeles.
Gordon,M.,&Ladefoged,P.2001 Phonation Types:A Cross-Linguistic Overview.Journal of Phonetics,(4),383-406.
Hillenbrand,J.,Cleveland,R.A.and Erickson,R.L.1994 Acoustic Correlates of Breathy Vocal Quality.Journal of Speech and Hearing Research.37:769-778.
Hong,Ying 2009 Phonation Types in the Entering Tone Syllables of Chaozhou Dialect.M.Phil Thesis,The Hong Kong University of Technology and Science,Hong Kong.
Hong,Ying 2013 A Phonetic Study of Chaozhou Chinese.Ph.D.Thesis,The University of Hong Kong Science and Technology,Hong Kong.
Hombert,J.M.,Ohala,J.J.and Ewan,W.G.1979 Phonetic Explanations for the Development of Tones.Language 55:37-58.
Keating,P.,Esposito,C.,Garellek,M.,Khan,S.ud D.,&Kuang,J.2011 Phonation Contrasts Across Languages.Presented at the ICPhS XVII,Hong Kong.
Kuang,Jianjing 2011 Phonation Contrast in Two Register Contrast Languages and Its Influence on Vowel Quality and Tone.In Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences(pp.1146-1149).Hong Kong.
Ladefoged,P.,&Maddieson,I.1996 The Sounds of the World’s Languages.Blackwell Publishers.
Laver,J.1994 Principles of Phonetics.Cambridge University Press.
Thurgood,Graham 2002 Vietnamese and Tonogenesis:Revising the Model and the Analysis.Diachronica19:333-363.
Thomas,E.2011 Sociophonetics:An Introduction.Palgrave Macmillan.
Wang,W.S.-Y.1967 Phonological Features of Tone.International Journal of American Linguistics,33(2),93-105.
Yue-Hashimoto,A.O.1986 Tonal Flip-Flop in Chinese Dialects.Journal of Chinese Linguistics,14(2),161-82.
(1)福建闽南语入声舒化的现象已有学者进行讨论,多是阳入舒化的速度快于阴入,参考Chen(2014)。
(2)朱晓农(2014)提出的“普适调型库”将时长这个维度区分为三度,分别是长、中短、短。
(1)李菲、朱晓农《梅州客家方言入声:共时分布和演化途径》,2016年12月3-4日中山大学“客家方言研讨会”论文。