在“立言”与“立功”之间——刘基的人格理想、学术旨趣与文学思想之关联
|
摘要
刘基是明朝的开国功臣,是政治家、军事家,但他又是位真正的文人,这两种身份之间存在着相互影响的关系。就人格理想而言,刘基是要做张良、诸葛亮那样辅佐君主建立不朽功业、能够"尊主庇民"的政治家。但鲜明的文人习性却使他壮志难酬,朱明王朝立国之后难以有所作为,只能郁郁而终。刘基这种人格理想表现在学术上是对"理"与"气"及其关系的高度重视与阐发;表现在文学思想上则是对"理""气""讽喻"三个关键词的强调与富有新意的理解。在人生命运方面刘基和宋濂有诸多相似之处,他们都是明初最有代表性的文人,二人又是惺惺相惜的好友,因此以宋濂的人格理想、学术旨趣以及文学思想为参照来理解刘基,或许可以更加凸显其独特性。
Liu Ji was one of the founding statesmen of Ming dynasty. He was a politician,a militarist,and in the meantime a real man of letters. There is an interactive relationship between the two kinds of identities. As far as personality ideal is concerned,Liu Ji was a politician like Zhang Liang and Zhuge Liang who assisted the emperors to establish enduring accomplishments and was able to "provide shelter for the people while respecting the lord". However,the very obvious nature of a man of letters made it difficult for him to fulfill his great aspirations. He was not able to amount to anything after the establishment of Ming dynasty,but died of grief. Reflected in the sphere of learning,Liu Ji's personality ideal led to his great emphasis on the concept of principle(li) and vital force(qi),as well as their connections. Reflected in his literary thoughts,it led to his very innovative understanding of the three key words——principle(li),vital force(qi) and allegory(fengyu). When we compare the course of lives of Liu Ji and Song Lian,we found many similarities:they were both representative men of letters in early Ming dynasty,and they were pretty good friends and they did some thinking together. Therefore,using Song Lian's personality ideal,academic interests and literary thoughts as reference to understand Liu Ji may be able to further highlight Lu's uniqueness.
Liu Ji was one of the founding statesmen of Ming dynasty. He was a politician,a militarist,and in the meantime a real man of letters. There is an interactive relationship between the two kinds of identities. As far as personality ideal is concerned,Liu Ji was a politician like Zhang Liang and Zhuge Liang who assisted the emperors to establish enduring accomplishments and was able to "provide shelter for the people while respecting the lord". However,the very obvious nature of a man of letters made it difficult for him to fulfill his great aspirations. He was not able to amount to anything after the establishment of Ming dynasty,but died of grief. Reflected in the sphere of learning,Liu Ji's personality ideal led to his great emphasis on the concept of principle(li) and vital force(qi),as well as their connections. Reflected in his literary thoughts,it led to his very innovative understanding of the three key words——principle(li),vital force(qi) and allegory(fengyu). When we compare the course of lives of Liu Ji and Song Lian,we found many similarities:they were both representative men of letters in early Ming dynasty,and they were pretty good friends and they did some thinking together. Therefore,using Song Lian's personality ideal,academic interests and literary thoughts as reference to understand Liu Ji may be able to further highlight Lu's uniqueness.
引文
(1)这一点可以从他的《太白丈人传》《白牛生传》等文中看出。
(2)徐一夔:《郁离子序》,见程敏政编:《明文衡》,长春:吉林人民出版社,1999年,第371-372页。
(3)宋濂:《凝道记·天下枢》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1773页。
(4)宋濂:《六经论》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第72页。
(5)(6)(7)刘基:《天说上》,见《刘基集》(卷七),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第79-80页,第80页,第80页。
(8)刘基:《郁离子·灵丘丈人》,见《刘基集》(卷二),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第20页。
(9)此期的“辞赋之士”的基本身份是宫廷文人,根本上也属于“官”,与东汉后期的“文人”不同。
(10)宋濂:《跋张孟兼文稿序后》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1161页。
(11)《明史·刘基传》,中华书局标点本,1974年,第3780页。
(12)《明史·桂彦良传》,中华书局标点本,1974年,第3948页。
(13)刘基:《苏平仲文集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第57页。
(14)杜牧:《答庄充书》,见《樊川文集》(卷十三),上海:上海古籍出版社,1978年,第194页-195页。
(15)黄庭坚:《答王观复书》,见《黄庭坚全集》(第2册),成都:四川大学出版社,2001年,第470页。
(16)张耒:《答李推官书》,见李修生主编《全宋文》(第127册),上海辞书出版社、安徽教育出版社,2006年版,第252页。
(17)吴子良:《荆溪林下偶谈》卷二,见王水照编《历代文话》(第一册),上海:复旦大学出版社,2007年,第558页。
(18)王柏:《题碧霞山人王公文集后》,见《全宋文》(第338册),上海辞书出版社、安徽教育出版社,2006年版第193页。
(19)吴澄:《东麓集序》,见李修生主编《全元文》(第14册),杭州:江苏古籍出版社,1999年,第278页。
(20)刘将孙:《潭村西诗文序》,见李修生主编《全元文》(第20册),杭州:江苏古籍出版社,1999年,第162页。
(21)关于“气”的含义左东岭教授《元明之际的“气”论与方孝孺的文学思想》一文论之甚详,见《文艺研究》2006年第1期。
(22)刘基:《王师鲁尚书文集序》,见《刘基集》(卷二十一),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第234页。
(23)宋濂:《徐教授文集序》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1352页。
(24)刘基:《送张山长序》,见《刘基集》卷五,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第51页。
(25)刘基:《书绍兴府达鲁花赤九十子阳德政诗后》,见《刘基集》(卷七),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第79页。
(26)刘基:《王原章诗集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第53页。
(27)朱熹:《四书集注·论语集注》,长沙:岳麓书社,1987年,第259页。
(28)孔颖达:《毛诗正义》(卷一),北京:北京大学出版社,1999年,第13页。
(29)刘基:《玄照上人诗集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第50页。
(2)徐一夔:《郁离子序》,见程敏政编:《明文衡》,长春:吉林人民出版社,1999年,第371-372页。
(3)宋濂:《凝道记·天下枢》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1773页。
(4)宋濂:《六经论》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第72页。
(5)(6)(7)刘基:《天说上》,见《刘基集》(卷七),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第79-80页,第80页,第80页。
(8)刘基:《郁离子·灵丘丈人》,见《刘基集》(卷二),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第20页。
(9)此期的“辞赋之士”的基本身份是宫廷文人,根本上也属于“官”,与东汉后期的“文人”不同。
(10)宋濂:《跋张孟兼文稿序后》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1161页。
(11)《明史·刘基传》,中华书局标点本,1974年,第3780页。
(12)《明史·桂彦良传》,中华书局标点本,1974年,第3948页。
(13)刘基:《苏平仲文集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第57页。
(14)杜牧:《答庄充书》,见《樊川文集》(卷十三),上海:上海古籍出版社,1978年,第194页-195页。
(15)黄庭坚:《答王观复书》,见《黄庭坚全集》(第2册),成都:四川大学出版社,2001年,第470页。
(16)张耒:《答李推官书》,见李修生主编《全宋文》(第127册),上海辞书出版社、安徽教育出版社,2006年版,第252页。
(17)吴子良:《荆溪林下偶谈》卷二,见王水照编《历代文话》(第一册),上海:复旦大学出版社,2007年,第558页。
(18)王柏:《题碧霞山人王公文集后》,见《全宋文》(第338册),上海辞书出版社、安徽教育出版社,2006年版第193页。
(19)吴澄:《东麓集序》,见李修生主编《全元文》(第14册),杭州:江苏古籍出版社,1999年,第278页。
(20)刘将孙:《潭村西诗文序》,见李修生主编《全元文》(第20册),杭州:江苏古籍出版社,1999年,第162页。
(21)关于“气”的含义左东岭教授《元明之际的“气”论与方孝孺的文学思想》一文论之甚详,见《文艺研究》2006年第1期。
(22)刘基:《王师鲁尚书文集序》,见《刘基集》(卷二十一),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第234页。
(23)宋濂:《徐教授文集序》,见《宋濂全集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第1352页。
(24)刘基:《送张山长序》,见《刘基集》卷五,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第51页。
(25)刘基:《书绍兴府达鲁花赤九十子阳德政诗后》,见《刘基集》(卷七),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第79页。
(26)刘基:《王原章诗集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第53页。
(27)朱熹:《四书集注·论语集注》,长沙:岳麓书社,1987年,第259页。
(28)孔颖达:《毛诗正义》(卷一),北京:北京大学出版社,1999年,第13页。
(29)刘基:《玄照上人诗集序》,见《刘基集》(卷五),杭州:浙江古籍出版社,1999年,第50页。