新出墓志与唐代沙州刺史汤允献疑
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摘要
洛阳新出汤贲墓志中记载其曾祖汤允为沙州刺史一事,根据汤贲本人的生卒年月,以及汤贲子嗣墓志所提供的相对代际,可以推测汤允为沙州刺史的时间大致在武后时期至开元时期。根据现有沙州刺史的资料,及唐代刺史任期、转迁频率之规律,汤允最有可能在长安四年至景龙四年中担任沙州刺史。又根据传世文献中所载汤嘉惠之生平履历与汤允比对,以及二人名字训诂的契合,可以推测唐代河西节度使汤嘉惠可能即汤允其人。汤允官沙州刺史这一关键信息,与汤嘉惠的生平和官历正好衔接在一起,对于重新认识汤嘉惠在经营安西、北庭地区的经历有重要意义。
A newly unearthed epitaph of Tang Ben in Luoyang recorded that his great-grandfather Tang Yun was once a governor of Shazhou. According to Tang Ben's birth and death date and the relative intergenerational period provided by the epitaph of Tang Ben's descendants,it can be inferred that the time Tang Yun being promoted to Shazhou governor was roughly from the Wu Zetian's Zhou to Kaiyuan period. According to the information available on Shazhou governors,and the tenure and frequency of governors in Tang dynasty,the specific time Tang Yun becoming Shazhou governor was most likely from the fourth year of Chang'an to the fourth year of Jinglong. Based on the comparison of Tang Jiahui's life experience and Tang Yun's curriculum vitae in the handed-down literature,and the connection of their names,we can assume that Tang Jiahui might be Tang Yun. The relationship between Tang Yun and Tang Jiahui is of great significance to restudy the history of managing the northwest frontier in Tang dynasty.
A newly unearthed epitaph of Tang Ben in Luoyang recorded that his great-grandfather Tang Yun was once a governor of Shazhou. According to Tang Ben's birth and death date and the relative intergenerational period provided by the epitaph of Tang Ben's descendants,it can be inferred that the time Tang Yun being promoted to Shazhou governor was roughly from the Wu Zetian's Zhou to Kaiyuan period. According to the information available on Shazhou governors,and the tenure and frequency of governors in Tang dynasty,the specific time Tang Yun becoming Shazhou governor was most likely from the fourth year of Chang'an to the fourth year of Jinglong. Based on the comparison of Tang Jiahui's life experience and Tang Yun's curriculum vitae in the handed-down literature,and the connection of their names,we can assume that Tang Jiahui might be Tang Yun. The relationship between Tang Yun and Tang Jiahui is of great significance to restudy the history of managing the northwest frontier in Tang dynasty.
引文
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[2]齐运.洛阳新获七朝墓志[M].北京:中华书局,2012:370.
[3]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975:1604.
[4]郑樵.通志二十略[M].北京:中华书局,1995:123.
[5]上海古籍出版社.唐五代笔记小说大观[G].上海:上海古籍出版社,2000:1668.
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[7]胡戟,荣新江.大唐西市博物馆藏墓志[M].北京:北京大学出版社,2012:683.
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[9]郁贤皓.唐刺史考全编[M].合肥:安徽大学出版社,2000:499-502.
[10]王惠民.沙州刺史李无亏墓志跋[J].敦煌研究,2004(5):67-68.
[11]王庆昱、杨富学.新见唐瓜州刺史魏远望墓志考屑[J].敦煌研究,2018(5):85-91.
[12]潘明福.唐刺史考全编补遗[J].文献,2005(2):149-156.
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[14]荣新江.唐刺史考补遗[J].文献,1990(2):80-94.
[15]戴春阳.沙州刺史李庭光相关问题稽考[J].敦煌研究,2014(5):46-58.
[16]王溥.唐会要[M].北京:中华书局,1955:1198.
[17]刘昫.旧唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[18]张卫东.唐代刺史的任期与特点[J].中州学刊,2009(4):163-168.
[19]陈寅恪.隋唐制度渊源略论稿[M].北京:三联书店,2001:166.
[20]石墨林,陈国灿.唐安西都护府史事编年[M].乌鲁木齐:新疆人民出版社,2012:335-421.
[21]许慎.说文解字[M].北京:中华书局,1963:176.
[22]李学勤.尚书正义:标点本[G].北京:北京大学出版社,1999.
[23]班固.汉书[M].颜师古,注.北京:中华书局,1964:2223.
[24]逯钦立.先秦汉魏晋南北朝诗[M].北京:中华书局,1983:822.
[25]薛宗正.北庭历史文化研究——伊、西、庭三州及唐属西突厥左厢部落[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2010:271.
[26]吴钢.全唐文补遗·第七辑[G].西安:三秦出版社,2000:128.
[27]尚永亮.唐碎叶与安西四镇百年研究述论[J].浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2016(1):39-56.
[28]李正宇.沙州贞元四年陷蕃考[J].敦煌研究,2007(4):98-103.
(1)据敦煌文书S.2593号《沙州图经》载:“沙州,下,属凉州都督府管。”而《唐会要》卷七十载永徽二年五月沙州升为都督府,据池田温、李正宇等学者之说,此“永徽”为“永泰”之误,刘安志先生进一步证明:从载初元年到开元二年的沙州历任长官,皆无“都督”之衔,说明在此期间的沙州建制是刺史州,而非都督州。沙州升为都督州实际在永泰二年五月,与河西节度使西迁沙州有密切关联,参见氏著《关于唐代沙州升为都督府的时间问题》,《敦煌学辑刊》2004年第2期,第59-66页。
[2]齐运.洛阳新获七朝墓志[M].北京:中华书局,2012:370.
[3]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975:1604.
[4]郑樵.通志二十略[M].北京:中华书局,1995:123.
[5]上海古籍出版社.唐五代笔记小说大观[G].上海:上海古籍出版社,2000:1668.
[6]吴钢.全唐文补遗·第四辑[G].西安:三秦出版社,1997:167.
[7]胡戟,荣新江.大唐西市博物馆藏墓志[M].北京:北京大学出版社,2012:683.
[8]赖瑞和.唐代高层文官[M].北京:中华书局,2017.
[9]郁贤皓.唐刺史考全编[M].合肥:安徽大学出版社,2000:499-502.
[10]王惠民.沙州刺史李无亏墓志跋[J].敦煌研究,2004(5):67-68.
[11]王庆昱、杨富学.新见唐瓜州刺史魏远望墓志考屑[J].敦煌研究,2018(5):85-91.
[12]潘明福.唐刺史考全编补遗[J].文献,2005(2):149-156.
[13]郑炳林.敦煌碑铭赞辑释[M].兰州:甘肃教育出版社,1992:17.
[14]荣新江.唐刺史考补遗[J].文献,1990(2):80-94.
[15]戴春阳.沙州刺史李庭光相关问题稽考[J].敦煌研究,2014(5):46-58.
[16]王溥.唐会要[M].北京:中华书局,1955:1198.
[17]刘昫.旧唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[18]张卫东.唐代刺史的任期与特点[J].中州学刊,2009(4):163-168.
[19]陈寅恪.隋唐制度渊源略论稿[M].北京:三联书店,2001:166.
[20]石墨林,陈国灿.唐安西都护府史事编年[M].乌鲁木齐:新疆人民出版社,2012:335-421.
[21]许慎.说文解字[M].北京:中华书局,1963:176.
[22]李学勤.尚书正义:标点本[G].北京:北京大学出版社,1999.
[23]班固.汉书[M].颜师古,注.北京:中华书局,1964:2223.
[24]逯钦立.先秦汉魏晋南北朝诗[M].北京:中华书局,1983:822.
[25]薛宗正.北庭历史文化研究——伊、西、庭三州及唐属西突厥左厢部落[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,2010:271.
[26]吴钢.全唐文补遗·第七辑[G].西安:三秦出版社,2000:128.
[27]尚永亮.唐碎叶与安西四镇百年研究述论[J].浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2016(1):39-56.
[28]李正宇.沙州贞元四年陷蕃考[J].敦煌研究,2007(4):98-103.
(1)据敦煌文书S.2593号《沙州图经》载:“沙州,下,属凉州都督府管。”而《唐会要》卷七十载永徽二年五月沙州升为都督府,据池田温、李正宇等学者之说,此“永徽”为“永泰”之误,刘安志先生进一步证明:从载初元年到开元二年的沙州历任长官,皆无“都督”之衔,说明在此期间的沙州建制是刺史州,而非都督州。沙州升为都督州实际在永泰二年五月,与河西节度使西迁沙州有密切关联,参见氏著《关于唐代沙州升为都督府的时间问题》,《敦煌学辑刊》2004年第2期,第59-66页。