拜占廷时期《荷马史诗》的文化特征
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摘要
拜占廷时期的《荷马史诗》具有大众性、现实性和传承性的文化特征。在拜占廷时期,《荷马史诗》受到民众、文人学者、皇室成员的高度认可,具有广泛的影响力。《荷马史诗》顺应现实,服务于皇权和教权,颂扬皇室成员的美德,促进基督教信仰的传播。《荷马史诗》的抄写、翻译、评注,促进了拜占廷帝国对古希腊文化的传承,并在拜占廷晚期国势衰颓之际,推动了拜占廷人对古希腊人的族群认同感。
引文
(1)R.Bianchi Bandinelli,Hellenistic Byzantine Miniatures of the Iliad,Olten,1955.
(2)F.Pontani,“A Byzantine Portrait of Homer”,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,Vol.68(2005),pp.1~26.
(3)#12
(4)R.H.Robins,“The Byzantine Grammarians”,Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure,No.51(1998),pp.29~38.V.Valiavitcharska,“Rhetoric in the Hands of the Byzantine Grammarian”,A Journal of the History of Rhetoric,Vol.31,No.3(Summer 2013),pp.237~260.
(5)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,New York:Cambridge University Press,2008.
(6)除《荷马史诗》原文之外,本文还涉及《荷马史诗》的续写篇以及与之相关的神话故事,文中不再加以区分。
(1)#12
(2)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,p.30.
(3)这则信息来自拉奥迪西亚(Laodikea)的一处碑文。碑文中除了名字以外,还包含大量《伊里亚特》中的段落,参见F.R.Trombley,Hellenic Religion and Christianization c.370-529,Volume 2,Leiden,Boston:Brill,2014,pp.103~104.
(4)H.Hunger,“On the Imitation of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23/24(1969/1970),p.28.A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.244.
(5)Ducas,Istoria Turco-Bizantina(1341-1462),ed.V.Grecu,Bucharest:Academia Republicae Popularis Romanicae,1958,12:3:7~10.
(6)Anna Comnène,Alexiade,ed.B.Leib,3 vols.Paris:Les Belles Lettres,1937-1945,2:7:2:18 and 3:3:4:4ff.
(7)Anna Comnène,Alexiade,10:9:8:1~12.
(1)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),p.26.
(2)(3)M.J.Jeffreys,“The Nature and Origins of the Political Verse”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28(1974),pp.154、151.
(4)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.242.
(5)Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,ed.M.van der Valk,Leiden:Brill,1971,I:19:10~11.
(6)A.P.Kazhdan and A.W.Epstein,Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,Berkeley,Los Angeles,London:University of California Press,1985,p.111.
(7)Giorgio di Pisidia,Poemi,ed.A.Pertusi,I,Ettal:Buch-Kunstverlag,1959,I:84~92.
(8)Giorgio di Pisidia,Poemi,I:71~76.
(9)Ph.Longworth,The Making of Eastern Europe:from Prehistory to Postcommunism,1997,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,p.321,note23.
(1)Michel Psellos,Chronographia,6:61.
(2)例如,教会史学家苏格拉底(Socrates)指出:“对于多神教文化,基督及其信徒既不应该拒绝,也不应该接纳……我们必须使用敌人的武器来打击他们……我们并非要接纳他们的观点,而是要检验它们,去其糟粕,保留精华。”参见Socrates,Historia Ecclesiastica,ed.W.Bright,2nd edn,Oxford:Clarendon Press,1893,III:16.
(3)H.Hunger,“On the Imitation of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23/24(1969/1970),pp.22~23.
(4)(7)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),pp.25、18.
(5)(8)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,pp.201、242.
(6)F.Pontani,“A Byzantine Portrait of Homer”,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,Vol.68(2005),p.14.
(1)此处为概括性翻译。原文在涉猎各个领域时,都有更详细论证。参见Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,I:1:1~21.
(2)(4)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),pp.22、22~23.
(3)陈志强:《拜占庭帝国通史》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社,2013年,第334页。
(5)(7)A.P.Kazhdan and A.W.Epstein,Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,pp.134~135、134.
(6)V.Valiavitcharska,“Rhetoric in the Hands of the Byzantine Grammarian”,A Journal of the History of Rhetoric,Vol.31,No.3(Sum mer 2013),pp.240~241.
(8)Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,I:2:3ff.
(9)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.307.
(10)Nicetae Choniatae,Historia,ed.J.van Dieten,Berlin:De Gruyter,1975,647:1~655:3.
(11)Nicetae Choniatae,Historia,580:87~95.
(1)例如波利比乌斯(Polybius)的理念:“写史应抛弃自己的主观好恶。”参见George Akropolites,The History,translated with an introduction and commentary by R.Macrides,New York:Oxford University Press,2007,pp.105~106,and p.51 note 312.
(2)C.Mango,“Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers,Vol.17(1963),p.69.
(3)Theodore Metochites,On Ancient Authors and Philosophy,Semeioseis gnomikai 1-26&71,trans.by Karin Hult,Goteborg:Acta U-niversitatis Gothoburgensis,2002,71:12:1.
(4)S.Vryonis,“Greek Identity in the Middle Ages”,Etudes Balkaniques 6(1999),p.34.
(5)R.Browning,“The language of Byzantine literature”,in S.Vryonis ed.,The“Past”in Medieval and Modern Greek Culture,Malibu:Undena Publications,1978,p.123.
(6)Decline and fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks,by Doukas,An Annotated Translation of“Historia Turco-Byzantina”,trans.by H.J.Magoulias,Detroit:Wayne State University Press,1975,pp.25,29 and 244.
(7)Laonikos Chalkokondyles:A translation and commentary of the“Demonstration of Histories”(Books I-III),trans.N.Nicoloudis,Athens:Historical Publications St.D.Basilopoulos,1996,p.162 note 43 and p.350 note 107.
(8)Laonikos Chalkokondyles:A translation and commentary of the“Demonstration of Histories”(Books I-III),pp.76~93.
(2)F.Pontani,“A Byzantine Portrait of Homer”,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,Vol.68(2005),pp.1~26.
(3)#12
(4)R.H.Robins,“The Byzantine Grammarians”,Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure,No.51(1998),pp.29~38.V.Valiavitcharska,“Rhetoric in the Hands of the Byzantine Grammarian”,A Journal of the History of Rhetoric,Vol.31,No.3(Summer 2013),pp.237~260.
(5)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,New York:Cambridge University Press,2008.
(6)除《荷马史诗》原文之外,本文还涉及《荷马史诗》的续写篇以及与之相关的神话故事,文中不再加以区分。
(1)#12
(2)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,p.30.
(3)这则信息来自拉奥迪西亚(Laodikea)的一处碑文。碑文中除了名字以外,还包含大量《伊里亚特》中的段落,参见F.R.Trombley,Hellenic Religion and Christianization c.370-529,Volume 2,Leiden,Boston:Brill,2014,pp.103~104.
(4)H.Hunger,“On the Imitation of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23/24(1969/1970),p.28.A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.244.
(5)Ducas,Istoria Turco-Bizantina(1341-1462),ed.V.Grecu,Bucharest:Academia Republicae Popularis Romanicae,1958,12:3:7~10.
(6)Anna Comnène,Alexiade,ed.B.Leib,3 vols.Paris:Les Belles Lettres,1937-1945,2:7:2:18 and 3:3:4:4ff.
(7)Anna Comnène,Alexiade,10:9:8:1~12.
(1)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),p.26.
(2)(3)M.J.Jeffreys,“The Nature and Origins of the Political Verse”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28(1974),pp.154、151.
(4)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.242.
(5)Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,ed.M.van der Valk,Leiden:Brill,1971,I:19:10~11.
(6)A.P.Kazhdan and A.W.Epstein,Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,Berkeley,Los Angeles,London:University of California Press,1985,p.111.
(7)Giorgio di Pisidia,Poemi,ed.A.Pertusi,I,Ettal:Buch-Kunstverlag,1959,I:84~92.
(8)Giorgio di Pisidia,Poemi,I:71~76.
(9)Ph.Longworth,The Making of Eastern Europe:from Prehistory to Postcommunism,1997,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,p.321,note23.
(1)Michel Psellos,Chronographia,6:61.
(2)例如,教会史学家苏格拉底(Socrates)指出:“对于多神教文化,基督及其信徒既不应该拒绝,也不应该接纳……我们必须使用敌人的武器来打击他们……我们并非要接纳他们的观点,而是要检验它们,去其糟粕,保留精华。”参见Socrates,Historia Ecclesiastica,ed.W.Bright,2nd edn,Oxford:Clarendon Press,1893,III:16.
(3)H.Hunger,“On the Imitation of Antiquity in Byzantine Literature”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23/24(1969/1970),pp.22~23.
(4)(7)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),pp.25、18.
(5)(8)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,pp.201、242.
(6)F.Pontani,“A Byzantine Portrait of Homer”,Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,Vol.68(2005),p.14.
(1)此处为概括性翻译。原文在涉猎各个领域时,都有更详细论证。参见Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,I:1:1~21.
(2)(4)R.Browning,“Homer in Byzantium”,Viator 6(1975),pp.22、22~23.
(3)陈志强:《拜占庭帝国通史》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社,2013年,第334页。
(5)(7)A.P.Kazhdan and A.W.Epstein,Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,pp.134~135、134.
(6)V.Valiavitcharska,“Rhetoric in the Hands of the Byzantine Grammarian”,A Journal of the History of Rhetoric,Vol.31,No.3(Sum mer 2013),pp.240~241.
(8)Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis,Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes,I:2:3ff.
(9)A.Kaldellis,Hellenism in Byzantium,The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition,p.307.
(10)Nicetae Choniatae,Historia,ed.J.van Dieten,Berlin:De Gruyter,1975,647:1~655:3.
(11)Nicetae Choniatae,Historia,580:87~95.
(1)例如波利比乌斯(Polybius)的理念:“写史应抛弃自己的主观好恶。”参见George Akropolites,The History,translated with an introduction and commentary by R.Macrides,New York:Oxford University Press,2007,pp.105~106,and p.51 note 312.
(2)C.Mango,“Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder”,Dumbarton Oaks Papers,Vol.17(1963),p.69.
(3)Theodore Metochites,On Ancient Authors and Philosophy,Semeioseis gnomikai 1-26&71,trans.by Karin Hult,Goteborg:Acta U-niversitatis Gothoburgensis,2002,71:12:1.
(4)S.Vryonis,“Greek Identity in the Middle Ages”,Etudes Balkaniques 6(1999),p.34.
(5)R.Browning,“The language of Byzantine literature”,in S.Vryonis ed.,The“Past”in Medieval and Modern Greek Culture,Malibu:Undena Publications,1978,p.123.
(6)Decline and fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks,by Doukas,An Annotated Translation of“Historia Turco-Byzantina”,trans.by H.J.Magoulias,Detroit:Wayne State University Press,1975,pp.25,29 and 244.
(7)Laonikos Chalkokondyles:A translation and commentary of the“Demonstration of Histories”(Books I-III),trans.N.Nicoloudis,Athens:Historical Publications St.D.Basilopoulos,1996,p.162 note 43 and p.350 note 107.
(8)Laonikos Chalkokondyles:A translation and commentary of the“Demonstration of Histories”(Books I-III),pp.76~93.