明代会元唐顺之科举八股文《一匡天下》考述
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摘要
《论语》作为"四书"之一是科举考试的范畴,其中孔子对管仲的评价言论成为出题的内容。"一匡天下"是孔子对管仲功劳的评价,也是明代会元唐顺之所作的八股文题目。文中唐顺之肯定了儒家孔子、朱熹关于"仁"的理念,从当时春秋时期混乱的社会背景出发,以充分的事例论证管仲辅佐齐桓公尊王攘夷、匡正天下取得的卓越贡献。唐顺之对管仲"一匡天下"事功的肯定,对其人生道路的选择有引导作用,进而在抗倭攘夷方面功勋卓著,鲜明体现其心系天下的家国情怀。
The Analects of Confucius,as one of the"Four Books",was the category of imperial examination,in which Confucius' comments on Guan Zhong,became the content of the topic. Restoring Peace to the Country was Confucius' evaluation of Guan Zhong's merits,and was also the eight-part topic of Tang Shunzhi,the Huiyuan of Ming Dynasty. Tang Shunzhi affirmed the Confucius and Zhu Xi's concept of "benevolence"in the answer paper. Starting from the chaotic social background in the Spring and Autumn Period,he demonstrated Guan Zhong's assistance to Qihuangong with sufficient examples to rectify the outstanding contributions made by Guan Zhong. Tang Shunzhi's affirmation had guiding effect on his choice of life path,and then he had made outstanding achievements in resisting Japanese invaders and barbarians,which clearly reflected his national and family feelings in the world.
The Analects of Confucius,as one of the"Four Books",was the category of imperial examination,in which Confucius' comments on Guan Zhong,became the content of the topic. Restoring Peace to the Country was Confucius' evaluation of Guan Zhong's merits,and was also the eight-part topic of Tang Shunzhi,the Huiyuan of Ming Dynasty. Tang Shunzhi affirmed the Confucius and Zhu Xi's concept of "benevolence"in the answer paper. Starting from the chaotic social background in the Spring and Autumn Period,he demonstrated Guan Zhong's assistance to Qihuangong with sufficient examples to rectify the outstanding contributions made by Guan Zhong. Tang Shunzhi's affirmation had guiding effect on his choice of life path,and then he had made outstanding achievements in resisting Japanese invaders and barbarians,which clearly reflected his national and family feelings in the world.
引文
[1]杨伯峻.论语译注[M].北京:中华书局,1980:151-152.
[2][3][10][22](清)张廷玉等.明史[M].北京:中华书局,1974:1693,1694,5422,5423.
[4](明)何良俊.四友斋丛说[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[5]赵尔巽等.清史稿[M].北京:中华书局,1976:3099.
[6][7](清)方苞编,王同舟,李澜校注.钦定四书文校注[M].武汉:武汉大学出版社,2009:22,28-29,153.
[8]龚笃清主编.八股文汇编(下)[M].长沙:岳麓书社,2014:671.
[9]田启霖编著.八股文观止[M].海口:海南出版社,1996:1074-1075.
[11][14](宋)朱熹注.四书集注[M].北京:北京古籍出版社,2000:167.
[12]杨伯峻编著.春秋左传注[M].北京:中华书局,1990:104-106.
[13]顾馨,徐明校点.春秋谷梁传[M].沈阳:辽宁教育出版社,2000:111.
[15](元)吴海.闻过斋集(第2册)[M].北京:文物出版社,1982:6.
[16][17][18]田启霖编著.明清会元状元科举文墨集注(第二册)[M].南宁:广西师范大学出版社,2016.
[19]高明扬.文体学视野下的科举八股文研究[M].昆明:云南人民出版社,2012:181-182.
[20]孙彦.以古文之法入于时文———论唐顺之的八股文创作[J].船山学刊,2013,(4):151.
[21]刘孝严主编.中华百体文选·八股文(第10册)[M].北京:中国文史出版社,1998:203.
[23](清)马骕著,王利器整理.绎史[M].北京:中华书局,2002:621.
(1)《明史·唐顺之传》记载唐顺之中会元年龄为“年三十二,举会试第一,改庶吉士”,应有误。明代文人李开先《闲居集》中《荆川唐都御史传》记载:“生则正德丁卯十月初五日。”唐顺之的出生时间为正德二年(1507),中会元时间为嘉靖八年(1529),故应为22 岁。
(1)历史上很多学者对公子纠与齐桓公的兄、弟秩序进行过考证。清代学者阎若璩说:“纠兄桓弟,此万无可疑者。”清代学者毛奇龄也说:“子纠、小白,皆齐僖公之子,齐襄公之弟,然子纠兄也,小白弟也。”参见程树德《论语集释》(第3册),中华书局1990年版,第988-989页。
[2][3][10][22](清)张廷玉等.明史[M].北京:中华书局,1974:1693,1694,5422,5423.
[4](明)何良俊.四友斋丛说[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[5]赵尔巽等.清史稿[M].北京:中华书局,1976:3099.
[6][7](清)方苞编,王同舟,李澜校注.钦定四书文校注[M].武汉:武汉大学出版社,2009:22,28-29,153.
[8]龚笃清主编.八股文汇编(下)[M].长沙:岳麓书社,2014:671.
[9]田启霖编著.八股文观止[M].海口:海南出版社,1996:1074-1075.
[11][14](宋)朱熹注.四书集注[M].北京:北京古籍出版社,2000:167.
[12]杨伯峻编著.春秋左传注[M].北京:中华书局,1990:104-106.
[13]顾馨,徐明校点.春秋谷梁传[M].沈阳:辽宁教育出版社,2000:111.
[15](元)吴海.闻过斋集(第2册)[M].北京:文物出版社,1982:6.
[16][17][18]田启霖编著.明清会元状元科举文墨集注(第二册)[M].南宁:广西师范大学出版社,2016.
[19]高明扬.文体学视野下的科举八股文研究[M].昆明:云南人民出版社,2012:181-182.
[20]孙彦.以古文之法入于时文———论唐顺之的八股文创作[J].船山学刊,2013,(4):151.
[21]刘孝严主编.中华百体文选·八股文(第10册)[M].北京:中国文史出版社,1998:203.
[23](清)马骕著,王利器整理.绎史[M].北京:中华书局,2002:621.
(1)《明史·唐顺之传》记载唐顺之中会元年龄为“年三十二,举会试第一,改庶吉士”,应有误。明代文人李开先《闲居集》中《荆川唐都御史传》记载:“生则正德丁卯十月初五日。”唐顺之的出生时间为正德二年(1507),中会元时间为嘉靖八年(1529),故应为22 岁。
(1)历史上很多学者对公子纠与齐桓公的兄、弟秩序进行过考证。清代学者阎若璩说:“纠兄桓弟,此万无可疑者。”清代学者毛奇龄也说:“子纠、小白,皆齐僖公之子,齐襄公之弟,然子纠兄也,小白弟也。”参见程树德《论语集释》(第3册),中华书局1990年版,第988-989页。