试论冷战结束以来美国的南海政策
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摘要
美国南海政策是基于美国地缘战略构想生发而成。基于多位地缘政治家的理论,根据冷战结束之后亚太地区的新形势,美国在南海地区实施以加强军事存在、强化舆论战为主要内容的对外政策,其目的就是插手南海事务,攫取在亚太地区海洋利益。冷战结束之后,美国实施的南海政策,影响了南海地区局势的稳定、有引发地区军备竞赛的危险、引发了亚太地区地缘政治格局的新变动。
The South China Sea policy of US is based on the American geostrategy.Based on the theories of several political theorists and the new situation in the Asia-Pacific region after the end of the Cold War,the United States has implemented its foreign policy which contains strengthening its military presence and enhancing its public opinion warfare in the South China Sea.Its purpose is to be involved in the South China Sea affairs in order to seize maritime interests in the Asia-Pacific region.Since the end of the Cold War,the South China Sea policy implemented by the United States has affected the stability of the situation in the South China Sea,and has the danger of triggering a regional arms race and a new change in the geopolitical pattern in the Asia-Pacific region.
The South China Sea policy of US is based on the American geostrategy.Based on the theories of several political theorists and the new situation in the Asia-Pacific region after the end of the Cold War,the United States has implemented its foreign policy which contains strengthening its military presence and enhancing its public opinion warfare in the South China Sea.Its purpose is to be involved in the South China Sea affairs in order to seize maritime interests in the Asia-Pacific region.Since the end of the Cold War,the South China Sea policy implemented by the United States has affected the stability of the situation in the South China Sea,and has the danger of triggering a regional arms race and a new change in the geopolitical pattern in the Asia-Pacific region.
引文
(1)李双建、于保华等:《美国海洋战略研究》,北京:时事出版社2016年版,第22页。
(2)罗伯特·劳:“目前及未来东南亚及南海的海洋安全问题”(Robert Rau,“Present and Future Maritime Security Issues in the Southeast Asian and South China Seas”),《当代东南亚》(Contemporary Southeast Asia)1986年第1期,第49~51页。
(3)理查德·C.布什:“冲绳与东亚安全”(Richard C.Bush,“Okinawa and Security in East Asia”),https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/okinawa-and-security-in-east-asia/,2010—03—10/2017-10-08。
(1)李双建等:《美国海洋战略研究》,北京:时事出版社2016年版,第39页。
(2)罗美尔·班乐义:“菲美关系在全球反恐运动中的作用:对地区安全的影响”(Rommel C.Banlaoi,“The Role of Philippine-American Relations in the Global Campaign Against Terrorism:Implications for Regional Security”),《当代东南亚》(Contemporary Southeast Asia)2002年第2期,第299页。
(3)“美国军事存在的目标是恐怖主义,不是中国”(“Terrorism,not China,target of U.S.military presence”),《菲律宾每日问讯报》(Philippine Daily Inquirer),2002-04-28。
(1)武夫:《美菲反恐肩并肩联合演习变实战》,《解放军报》,2002-01-28。
(2)王传军:《菲美南沙军演对着谁》,《环球时报》,2004-02-27。
(3)姬高升:《美军重返越南的战略影响》,《国际展望》2000年第13期,第12页。
(4)赵军、王会杰:《美越军事关系缘何升温》,《中国海洋报》,2003-11-25。
(1)吉姆·加拉蒙:“帕内塔对坎兰湾的访问标志着美越关系的不断发展”(Jim Garamone,“Panetta’s Cam Ranh Bay Visit Symbolizes Growing”),U.S.-Vietnam Ties,http://archive.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspxid=116597,2012-06-04/2017-05-21。
(2)“拉莫斯:中国占领了南沙群岛的美济礁”(“Ramos:Sinos occupying RP reef in Spratlys”),《菲律宾每日问讯报》(Philippine Daily Inquirer),1995-02-09。
(3)“美国警告南海禁止限制”(“US warns against restriction in South China Sea”),《海峡时报》(The Strait Times),1995-05-12。
(4)(5)美国国务院:“117号海洋边界报告——中国直线基线声明”(United States Department of State,“Limits in the Seas No.117 (Straight Baselines Claim:China”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/documents/organization/57692.pdf,1996-07-09/2017-05-21。
(1)周江:《论洋中群岛的领海基线划定》,《法商研究》2015年第4期,第164页。
(2)美国国务院:“美越政治、安全和防务对话”(U.S.Department of State,“U.S.-Vietnam Political,Security,and Defense Dialogue”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/06/166479.htm,2011-06-17/2017-05-20。
(3)希拉里·克林顿:“介绍与菲律宾外交部长阿尔伯特·德尔·罗萨里奥签署《发展伙伴关系》的联合新闻稿的情况”(Hillary Rodham Clinton,“Presentation of Signing of the Partnership for Growth and Joint Press Availability with Philippines Foreign Secretary Albert Del Rosario”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2011/11/177234.htm,2011-11-16/2017-05-20。
(4)汉斯·摩根索著,徐昕,郝望,李保平译:《国家间政治》,北京:北京大学出版社2006年版,第298页。
(1)丹·尤因:“中国转变安全评估”(Dan Ewing,“China’s Changing Security Calculus”),《韩国先驱报》(Korea Herald),2002-01-21。
(2)杨讴等:“美国南海倡议受冷遇游说各方‘冻结南海行动’”,http://world.huanqiu.com/exclusive/2014-08/5102597.html,2014-08-12/2017-05-08。
(3)马凌:《南海问题分化东盟十国》,《21世纪经济报道》,2012-11-22。
(4)罗伯特·G.萨特,雪莉·甘:“中国作为亚洲的一个安全问题:看法、评估和美国的选择”(Robert G.Sutter and Shirley Kan:“China as a Security Concern in Asia:Perceptions,Assessment,and U.S.Options”),美国数字国家安全档案馆(Digital National Security Archive),文档编号94-32S,1994年,第25页。
(5)罗会钧:《美越防务安全合作及其对中国的影响》,《国际安全研究》2017年第3期,第139页。
(6)郗笃刚、刘建忠、周桥:《“亚太再平衡”战略实施以来美国在南海周边军事布局及其对南海问题的影响》,《亚太安全与海洋研究》2017年第6期,第68页。
(2)罗伯特·劳:“目前及未来东南亚及南海的海洋安全问题”(Robert Rau,“Present and Future Maritime Security Issues in the Southeast Asian and South China Seas”),《当代东南亚》(Contemporary Southeast Asia)1986年第1期,第49~51页。
(3)理查德·C.布什:“冲绳与东亚安全”(Richard C.Bush,“Okinawa and Security in East Asia”),https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/okinawa-and-security-in-east-asia/,2010—03—10/2017-10-08。
(1)李双建等:《美国海洋战略研究》,北京:时事出版社2016年版,第39页。
(2)罗美尔·班乐义:“菲美关系在全球反恐运动中的作用:对地区安全的影响”(Rommel C.Banlaoi,“The Role of Philippine-American Relations in the Global Campaign Against Terrorism:Implications for Regional Security”),《当代东南亚》(Contemporary Southeast Asia)2002年第2期,第299页。
(3)“美国军事存在的目标是恐怖主义,不是中国”(“Terrorism,not China,target of U.S.military presence”),《菲律宾每日问讯报》(Philippine Daily Inquirer),2002-04-28。
(1)武夫:《美菲反恐肩并肩联合演习变实战》,《解放军报》,2002-01-28。
(2)王传军:《菲美南沙军演对着谁》,《环球时报》,2004-02-27。
(3)姬高升:《美军重返越南的战略影响》,《国际展望》2000年第13期,第12页。
(4)赵军、王会杰:《美越军事关系缘何升温》,《中国海洋报》,2003-11-25。
(1)吉姆·加拉蒙:“帕内塔对坎兰湾的访问标志着美越关系的不断发展”(Jim Garamone,“Panetta’s Cam Ranh Bay Visit Symbolizes Growing”),U.S.-Vietnam Ties,http://archive.defense.gov/news/newsarticle.aspxid=116597,2012-06-04/2017-05-21。
(2)“拉莫斯:中国占领了南沙群岛的美济礁”(“Ramos:Sinos occupying RP reef in Spratlys”),《菲律宾每日问讯报》(Philippine Daily Inquirer),1995-02-09。
(3)“美国警告南海禁止限制”(“US warns against restriction in South China Sea”),《海峡时报》(The Strait Times),1995-05-12。
(4)(5)美国国务院:“117号海洋边界报告——中国直线基线声明”(United States Department of State,“Limits in the Seas No.117 (Straight Baselines Claim:China”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/documents/organization/57692.pdf,1996-07-09/2017-05-21。
(1)周江:《论洋中群岛的领海基线划定》,《法商研究》2015年第4期,第164页。
(2)美国国务院:“美越政治、安全和防务对话”(U.S.Department of State,“U.S.-Vietnam Political,Security,and Defense Dialogue”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/06/166479.htm,2011-06-17/2017-05-20。
(3)希拉里·克林顿:“介绍与菲律宾外交部长阿尔伯特·德尔·罗萨里奥签署《发展伙伴关系》的联合新闻稿的情况”(Hillary Rodham Clinton,“Presentation of Signing of the Partnership for Growth and Joint Press Availability with Philippines Foreign Secretary Albert Del Rosario”),https://2009-2017.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2011/11/177234.htm,2011-11-16/2017-05-20。
(4)汉斯·摩根索著,徐昕,郝望,李保平译:《国家间政治》,北京:北京大学出版社2006年版,第298页。
(1)丹·尤因:“中国转变安全评估”(Dan Ewing,“China’s Changing Security Calculus”),《韩国先驱报》(Korea Herald),2002-01-21。
(2)杨讴等:“美国南海倡议受冷遇游说各方‘冻结南海行动’”,http://world.huanqiu.com/exclusive/2014-08/5102597.html,2014-08-12/2017-05-08。
(3)马凌:《南海问题分化东盟十国》,《21世纪经济报道》,2012-11-22。
(4)罗伯特·G.萨特,雪莉·甘:“中国作为亚洲的一个安全问题:看法、评估和美国的选择”(Robert G.Sutter and Shirley Kan:“China as a Security Concern in Asia:Perceptions,Assessment,and U.S.Options”),美国数字国家安全档案馆(Digital National Security Archive),文档编号94-32S,1994年,第25页。
(5)罗会钧:《美越防务安全合作及其对中国的影响》,《国际安全研究》2017年第3期,第139页。
(6)郗笃刚、刘建忠、周桥:《“亚太再平衡”战略实施以来美国在南海周边军事布局及其对南海问题的影响》,《亚太安全与海洋研究》2017年第6期,第68页。