伊朗与国际体系:融入还是对抗?
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摘要
伊斯兰共和国建立以后,伊朗一度将"输出革命"作为外交政策的主要任务,而在遭受挫折后,伊朗不得不将维护伊斯兰政权的生存、安全和合法性作为现实目标。伊朗对国际体系的态度是伊朗实现上述外交目标的重要方面,无论是对抗还是融入,都是为了国内政治需要。伊朗对国际体系的态度变化经历了4个阶段:激进否定体系、积极融入体系、强烈挑战体系以及重启融入体系的阶段。在此期间,伊朗国内始终存在否定西方主导的国际体系的政治势力,对抗体系故而是伊朗外交政策的重要方面。在一些时间段内,伊朗也曾积极主动争取美国等西方国家以及国际体系的政治承认,但并没有得到美国等西方国家的积极回应。在伊朗伊斯兰革命以来40年发展历程中,伊朗一直面临美国等西方国家的政治外交孤立、经济制裁和军事威胁,其程度甚至不断加深。伊朗并未成功融入国际体系,既有其内在逻辑,也有外部因素制约。伊朗融入国际体系的实践表明,行为体与体系的关系是融入还是对抗,不仅取决于行为体自身是否按照体系的要求进行调适,而且取决于体系是否具有足够的多样性和包容性。全球新兴经济体群体性崛起,不断增强的国际体系的多样性和包容性,有利于伊朗融入国际体系。
Upon the founding of the Islamic Republic,Iran regarded exporting revolution as its major task,but had to choose the survival,security and legitimacy of the Islamic Republic as reasonable objectives after frustration.Iran's policy toward the international system had always been a major part of its foreign policy.It is both out of domestic politics whether Iran had been confronting against the system or endeavoring to get integrated into the system.Generally speaking,the evolution of Iran's positions toward the international system since the founding of the Islamic Republic had experienced four stages.Despite the evolution,Iran's foreign policy had been consistently featured more or less with challenging against the system all through the stages since the strong political factions opposing the international system dominated by the West are always there.Iran did in some stages work hard to get recognized politically by the United States,the West and the international system,but unfortunately had not been reciprocated by the West.Iran had been under political isolation,economic sanctions and military threat all through the forty years since the revolution.Iran's unsuccessful integration into the international system can be attributed to both its own domestic and international restrictions.Iran's case indicates that the relations between actors and the system,integration or confrontation,will not only depend on whether the actors will adapt themselves into the system,but also depend on whether the system itself is diversified and inclusive enough.The rising of new economies signifies the changing of international power structure,which will be an opportunity for Iran to get integrated into the system.
Upon the founding of the Islamic Republic,Iran regarded exporting revolution as its major task,but had to choose the survival,security and legitimacy of the Islamic Republic as reasonable objectives after frustration.Iran's policy toward the international system had always been a major part of its foreign policy.It is both out of domestic politics whether Iran had been confronting against the system or endeavoring to get integrated into the system.Generally speaking,the evolution of Iran's positions toward the international system since the founding of the Islamic Republic had experienced four stages.Despite the evolution,Iran's foreign policy had been consistently featured more or less with challenging against the system all through the stages since the strong political factions opposing the international system dominated by the West are always there.Iran did in some stages work hard to get recognized politically by the United States,the West and the international system,but unfortunately had not been reciprocated by the West.Iran had been under political isolation,economic sanctions and military threat all through the forty years since the revolution.Iran's unsuccessful integration into the international system can be attributed to both its own domestic and international restrictions.Iran's case indicates that the relations between actors and the system,integration or confrontation,will not only depend on whether the actors will adapt themselves into the system,but also depend on whether the system itself is diversified and inclusive enough.The rising of new economies signifies the changing of international power structure,which will be an opportunity for Iran to get integrated into the system.
引文
(1)杨洁勉等:《大体系:多级多体的新组合》,天津人民出版社,2008年版,第1页。
(2)同上书,第23～27页。
(3)秦亚青:《国际体系的延续与变革》,载《外交评论》2010年第1期,第13页。
(4)[美国]亚历山大·温特:《国际政治的社会理论》,秦亚青译,上海人民出版社,2000年版,第282页。
(5)See Mohiaddin Mesbahi,“Free and Confined:Iran and the International System”, Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs,Vol.2,No.5,2011,p.11.
(6)Farhang Rajaee,Islamic Values and World View:Khomeini on Man,the State and International Politics,Lanham,MD,University Press of America,1983,p.77.
(7)[美国]亨利·基辛格:《世界秩序》,胡利平等译,中信出版社,2015年版,第196页。
(8)参见陈全安:《伊朗伊斯兰革命及其世界影响》,复旦大学出版社,2007年版,第334～335页。
(9)Hamid Zangeneh ed.,Islam,Iran and World Stability,New York:St.Martin’s Press,1994,p.176.
(10)James Dobbins,“Negotiating with Iran:Reflections from Personal Experience”,The Washington Quarterly,January 2010,pp.149-162.
(11)President Bush’s State of the Union Address of 2002,The New York Times,January 30,2002.
(12)Glenn Kessler,“Rice Stays Close to Bush Policies in Hearing”,The Washington Post,January 19,2005.
(13)参见[伊朗]赛义德·贾拉丁·德哈加尼·弗鲁兹阿巴迪:《伊朗伊斯兰共和国外交政策理念的循环——从巴扎尔甘政府到鲁哈尼政府》(波斯文),莫哈塔伯出版社,2014年版,第145～146页。
(14)关于2012年美国对伊朗的制裁,参见蔡鹏鸿:《美国制裁伊朗及其对中国的影响》,载《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第16～22页。
(15)参见[伊朗]赛义德·贾拉丁·德哈加尼·弗鲁兹阿巴迪:前引书,第199页。
(16)参见陆瑾:《鲁哈尼政府外交政策与地区稳定》,载《西亚非洲》2013年第6期,第64～75页。
(17)Hassan Rouhani,“Why Iran Seeks Constructive Engagement?”,The Washington Post,September 20,2013.
(18)参见李绍先:《全面伊核协议的影响评估》,载《西亚非洲》2018年第5期,第7页。
(19)金宜久:《当代伊斯兰教》,东方出版社,1995年版,第165页。
(20)转引自金宜久:《伊斯兰教与世界政治》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年版,第209页。
(21)Mohammad Khatami:“Empathy and Compassion:Believing in Dialogue Paves the Wayfor Hope”,President Mohammad Khatami’s Speech at the U.N.Sponsored Conference of Dialogue Amongst Civilizations,New York,September 5,2000,http://www.payvand.com/news/00/sep/ 1022.html,2018-10-12.
(22)[美国]亨利·基辛格:前引书,第216页。
(23)同上书。
(24)“Tehran NAM Summit Shows Abject Failure of U.S.Policy to Isolate Iran”,Tehran Times,August 28,2012.
(25)Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Speech at General Assembly,New York,September 20,2006,https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/iran/2006/iran-060920-irna02.htm,2018-10-13.
(26)关于伊朗波斯人民族心理和文化特性的形成,参见范鸿达:《从伊朗的历史兴衰看其主体民族和国家的发展特性》,载《西亚非洲》2018年第1期,第110～134页。
(27)参见金良祥:《伊朗外交的国内根源研究》,世界知识出版社,2015年版,第29～46页。
(28)Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Speech at General Assembly,New York,September 17,2005,https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/iran/2005/iran-050918-irna02.htm,2018-11-23.
(29)CNN,“Sources:CIA Finds Iranian President Likely not Hostage-taker”,CNN,August 12,2005.
(30)See “Argo:Iran May Sue Over ‘Unrealistic’ Film”,Sky News,March 12,2013.
(31)See “U.S.says Iran’s Pick for U.N.Envoy Won’t get a Vsia”,The New Yok Times,April 12,2014.
(32)See Vali Nasr and Ray Takeyh:“Get Tehran Inside the Tent”,The New York Times,December 6,2007.
(33)[美国]约翰·米尔斯海默、斯蒂芬·沃尔:《以色列游说集团与美国对外政策》,王传兴译,上海人民出版社,2009年版,第420～421页。
(34)《上海合作组织宪章》,http://chn.sectsco.org/documents,2018-12-11。
(35)《伊朗核问题外长会联合声明》,载中华人民共和国外交部网站:https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_677172/1207_677184/t1598420.shtml,2018-11-30。
(36)参见中华人民共和国外交部网站:https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gjhdqzz_681964/jzgj_682158/jbqk_682160,2018-11-30。
(37)“Iranian Parliament Approves Bill to Combat Financing of Terrorism”,Tehran Times,October 7,2018.
(38)参见陆瑾:《试析鲁哈尼“重振经济”的路径和制约——兼议哈梅内伊的“抵抗型经济政策”》,载《西亚非洲》2014年第6期,第136～139页。
(39)Mohammad Zare,“Iran’s Changing Approach to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization”,Iran Review,July 2,2016.
(40)朱威烈:《伊斯兰文明与世界》,载上海市社会科学界联合会:《国际责任:互利共赢·软力量·对外战略》(上海市社会科学界联合会第五届学术年会文集),上海人民出版社,2007年版,第23页。
(2)同上书,第23～27页。
(3)秦亚青:《国际体系的延续与变革》,载《外交评论》2010年第1期,第13页。
(4)[美国]亚历山大·温特:《国际政治的社会理论》,秦亚青译,上海人民出版社,2000年版,第282页。
(5)See Mohiaddin Mesbahi,“Free and Confined:Iran and the International System”, Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs,Vol.2,No.5,2011,p.11.
(6)Farhang Rajaee,Islamic Values and World View:Khomeini on Man,the State and International Politics,Lanham,MD,University Press of America,1983,p.77.
(7)[美国]亨利·基辛格:《世界秩序》,胡利平等译,中信出版社,2015年版,第196页。
(8)参见陈全安:《伊朗伊斯兰革命及其世界影响》,复旦大学出版社,2007年版,第334～335页。
(9)Hamid Zangeneh ed.,Islam,Iran and World Stability,New York:St.Martin’s Press,1994,p.176.
(10)James Dobbins,“Negotiating with Iran:Reflections from Personal Experience”,The Washington Quarterly,January 2010,pp.149-162.
(11)President Bush’s State of the Union Address of 2002,The New York Times,January 30,2002.
(12)Glenn Kessler,“Rice Stays Close to Bush Policies in Hearing”,The Washington Post,January 19,2005.
(13)参见[伊朗]赛义德·贾拉丁·德哈加尼·弗鲁兹阿巴迪:《伊朗伊斯兰共和国外交政策理念的循环——从巴扎尔甘政府到鲁哈尼政府》(波斯文),莫哈塔伯出版社,2014年版,第145～146页。
(14)关于2012年美国对伊朗的制裁,参见蔡鹏鸿:《美国制裁伊朗及其对中国的影响》,载《现代国际关系》2012年第4期,第16～22页。
(15)参见[伊朗]赛义德·贾拉丁·德哈加尼·弗鲁兹阿巴迪:前引书,第199页。
(16)参见陆瑾:《鲁哈尼政府外交政策与地区稳定》,载《西亚非洲》2013年第6期,第64～75页。
(17)Hassan Rouhani,“Why Iran Seeks Constructive Engagement?”,The Washington Post,September 20,2013.
(18)参见李绍先:《全面伊核协议的影响评估》,载《西亚非洲》2018年第5期,第7页。
(19)金宜久:《当代伊斯兰教》,东方出版社,1995年版,第165页。
(20)转引自金宜久:《伊斯兰教与世界政治》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年版,第209页。
(21)Mohammad Khatami:“Empathy and Compassion:Believing in Dialogue Paves the Wayfor Hope”,President Mohammad Khatami’s Speech at the U.N.Sponsored Conference of Dialogue Amongst Civilizations,New York,September 5,2000,http://www.payvand.com/news/00/sep/ 1022.html,2018-10-12.
(22)[美国]亨利·基辛格:前引书,第216页。
(23)同上书。
(24)“Tehran NAM Summit Shows Abject Failure of U.S.Policy to Isolate Iran”,Tehran Times,August 28,2012.
(25)Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Speech at General Assembly,New York,September 20,2006,https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/iran/2006/iran-060920-irna02.htm,2018-10-13.
(26)关于伊朗波斯人民族心理和文化特性的形成,参见范鸿达:《从伊朗的历史兴衰看其主体民族和国家的发展特性》,载《西亚非洲》2018年第1期,第110～134页。
(27)参见金良祥:《伊朗外交的国内根源研究》,世界知识出版社,2015年版,第29～46页。
(28)Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Speech at General Assembly,New York,September 17,2005,https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/iran/2005/iran-050918-irna02.htm,2018-11-23.
(29)CNN,“Sources:CIA Finds Iranian President Likely not Hostage-taker”,CNN,August 12,2005.
(30)See “Argo:Iran May Sue Over ‘Unrealistic’ Film”,Sky News,March 12,2013.
(31)See “U.S.says Iran’s Pick for U.N.Envoy Won’t get a Vsia”,The New Yok Times,April 12,2014.
(32)See Vali Nasr and Ray Takeyh:“Get Tehran Inside the Tent”,The New York Times,December 6,2007.
(33)[美国]约翰·米尔斯海默、斯蒂芬·沃尔:《以色列游说集团与美国对外政策》,王传兴译,上海人民出版社,2009年版,第420～421页。
(34)《上海合作组织宪章》,http://chn.sectsco.org/documents,2018-12-11。
(35)《伊朗核问题外长会联合声明》,载中华人民共和国外交部网站:https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_677172/1207_677184/t1598420.shtml,2018-11-30。
(36)参见中华人民共和国外交部网站:https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gjhdqzz_681964/jzgj_682158/jbqk_682160,2018-11-30。
(37)“Iranian Parliament Approves Bill to Combat Financing of Terrorism”,Tehran Times,October 7,2018.
(38)参见陆瑾:《试析鲁哈尼“重振经济”的路径和制约——兼议哈梅内伊的“抵抗型经济政策”》,载《西亚非洲》2014年第6期,第136～139页。
(39)Mohammad Zare,“Iran’s Changing Approach to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization”,Iran Review,July 2,2016.
(40)朱威烈:《伊斯兰文明与世界》,载上海市社会科学界联合会:《国际责任:互利共赢·软力量·对外战略》(上海市社会科学界联合会第五届学术年会文集),上海人民出版社,2007年版,第23页。