罗莎·卢森堡群众运动观的革命性重塑——兼论其与卡尔·考茨基的争论
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摘要
在第一次世界大战之前,德国社会民主党内中派和左派的主要分歧在于是否要启用群众罢工作为政治斗争手段。罗莎·卢森堡为代表的左派反对通行的议会改良策略,主张将俄国的经验介绍到德国,以推进德国的革命形势;卡尔·考茨基为代表的中派则坚持维护政党"久经考验的疲劳战略"——议会改良策略。受俄国和波兰革命活动的启发,在《群众罢工、党和工会》(1906)这本小册子中,罗莎·卢森堡第一次全面系统地阐释群众罢工斗争策略,用以替代德国社会民主党的议会改良策略。直到1910年左派和中派的分歧公开化时,她的主要观点都是这一文本的延续。关于对群众罢工问题的阐释,居于罗莎·卢森堡革命理论的核心位置,这也是她对马克思革命学说的创造性继承和运用。分析研究该文本,有助于明晰卢森堡的思考和论证方式,有助于理解德国社会民主党内左派和中派决裂的原因,亦能由此看到马克思革命学说在实践和运用中所遭遇的危机与挑战。
Before World War I, the main dispute between the radicals and the centrists within the German Social Democratic Party(SPD) was whether or not mass strike should be taken as the means of political class struggle. The radicals, represented by Rosa Luxemburg, were against electoral strategies and instead introduced Russian experiences to Germany in order to radicalize the situation. On the other hand, the centrists, represented by Karl Kautsky, supported maintaining the status quo and continuing the strategy of parliamentary struggle, which was the SPD's widely acknowledged and long-tested strategy. Inspired by Russian and Polish revolutionary activities, for the first time Luxemburg systematically expressed her opinions on mass strike strategy and the necessity that this strategy should replace the parliamentary strategy in a 1906 brochure named Mass Strike, Party and Trade Unions. Luxemburg's explanation of the mass strike was at the core of her theory of revolution, which was a creative inheritance and application of Marx's revolutionary doctrine. Her views on mass strike were continually represented by this text until 1910, when the SPD's internal debate became public. By analyzing this representative text, we can understand Luxemburg's mode of thinking, the reasons why the leftists broke from the centrists, and the challenges and crisis that Marx's theory of revolution faced in practice and reality.
Before World War I, the main dispute between the radicals and the centrists within the German Social Democratic Party(SPD) was whether or not mass strike should be taken as the means of political class struggle. The radicals, represented by Rosa Luxemburg, were against electoral strategies and instead introduced Russian experiences to Germany in order to radicalize the situation. On the other hand, the centrists, represented by Karl Kautsky, supported maintaining the status quo and continuing the strategy of parliamentary struggle, which was the SPD's widely acknowledged and long-tested strategy. Inspired by Russian and Polish revolutionary activities, for the first time Luxemburg systematically expressed her opinions on mass strike strategy and the necessity that this strategy should replace the parliamentary strategy in a 1906 brochure named Mass Strike, Party and Trade Unions. Luxemburg's explanation of the mass strike was at the core of her theory of revolution, which was a creative inheritance and application of Marx's revolutionary doctrine. Her views on mass strike were continually represented by this text until 1910, when the SPD's internal debate became public. By analyzing this representative text, we can understand Luxemburg's mode of thinking, the reasons why the leftists broke from the centrists, and the challenges and crisis that Marx's theory of revolution faced in practice and reality.
引文
[1]Partei und Gewerkschaften,Wortw?rtlich Abdruck des Punktes:Partei und Gewerkschaften’ausdem Protokollder Konferenzder Gewerkschaftsvorst?nde vom 19.bis 23.Februar1906,Berlin.
[2]Karl Radek,Rosa Luxemburg,Karl Liebknecht,Leo Jogiches,Hamburg,1921.
[3][苏]罗·叶夫泽洛夫,英·亚日鲍罗夫斯卡娅.罗莎·卢森堡传[M].北京:人民出版社,1983.
[4]李宗禹,编.卢森堡文选[M].北京:人民出版社,2012.
[5]马克思恩格斯选集:第1卷[M].北京:人民出版社,1995.
[6]Karl Kautsky,“Was nun?”,Neue Zeit,XXVIII,1909-1910,Vol.II.
[7]共产党宣言(单行本)[M].北京:人民出版社,1997.
[8]王学东,编.考茨基文选[M].北京:人民出版社,2008.Karl Kautsky,Eine Neue Strategie,Neue Zeit
[9]XXVIII,1909-1910,Vol.II.
[10][德]卡尔·考茨基.取得政权的道路[M].刘磊,译.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1961.
[11][德]卡尔·考茨基.一个马克思主义者的成长[M].叶至,译.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1973.
[12]Carl E.Schorske,German Social Democracy,1905-1917:The Development of the Great Schism[M].Harward University Press,1983.
[13][比利时]厄内斯特·曼德尔.罗莎·卢森堡与德国社会民主主义[EB/OL].https://www.marxists.org/chinese/Ernest-Mandel/mia-chinese-mandel-1971.htm.
(1)萨克森州废除了相对自由的选举制度,转而支持普鲁士的三级选举制,极大地减少了中产阶级和工人的代表权,针对这一变化,11-12月之间,该州大规模地爆发了争取选举权的示威游行。
(1)第二国际开启了马克思学说被“主义化”的时代。理论家们援引导师的词句来证实自己、证伪对手成为著述和论战中的普遍做法,对导师著作的解释权本身即是一种政治权威。在争论中,是否与马克思相一致在很大程度上被看作是否与“正确”站在一起。层出不穷的新现象与旧理论相互摩擦,这种“一致性”可以并且需要被创制。但是,貌似的一致却有各种不同的层次:有的仅在“语词”上保持一致;有的是在“政治目标”上一致;有的则是“思想方法”上的一致。作为党内主张革命的理论家,罗莎·卢森堡致力于使用经典理论对当下现实进行融贯的解释,与此同时还要维持理论的内在一致性(coherence)--使用马克思的“话语”,用马克思看问题的“方法”,仍维系马克思时代的“结论”,实现马克思主义政党的“政治目标”--有关群众罢工问题的阐述就是罗莎·卢森堡在她的时代下,仍试图维持马克思学说在以上诸多意义上保持一致的表现。
[2]Karl Radek,Rosa Luxemburg,Karl Liebknecht,Leo Jogiches,Hamburg,1921.
[3][苏]罗·叶夫泽洛夫,英·亚日鲍罗夫斯卡娅.罗莎·卢森堡传[M].北京:人民出版社,1983.
[4]李宗禹,编.卢森堡文选[M].北京:人民出版社,2012.
[5]马克思恩格斯选集:第1卷[M].北京:人民出版社,1995.
[6]Karl Kautsky,“Was nun?”,Neue Zeit,XXVIII,1909-1910,Vol.II.
[7]共产党宣言(单行本)[M].北京:人民出版社,1997.
[8]王学东,编.考茨基文选[M].北京:人民出版社,2008.Karl Kautsky,Eine Neue Strategie,Neue Zeit
[9]XXVIII,1909-1910,Vol.II.
[10][德]卡尔·考茨基.取得政权的道路[M].刘磊,译.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1961.
[11][德]卡尔·考茨基.一个马克思主义者的成长[M].叶至,译.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,1973.
[12]Carl E.Schorske,German Social Democracy,1905-1917:The Development of the Great Schism[M].Harward University Press,1983.
[13][比利时]厄内斯特·曼德尔.罗莎·卢森堡与德国社会民主主义[EB/OL].https://www.marxists.org/chinese/Ernest-Mandel/mia-chinese-mandel-1971.htm.
(1)萨克森州废除了相对自由的选举制度,转而支持普鲁士的三级选举制,极大地减少了中产阶级和工人的代表权,针对这一变化,11-12月之间,该州大规模地爆发了争取选举权的示威游行。
(1)第二国际开启了马克思学说被“主义化”的时代。理论家们援引导师的词句来证实自己、证伪对手成为著述和论战中的普遍做法,对导师著作的解释权本身即是一种政治权威。在争论中,是否与马克思相一致在很大程度上被看作是否与“正确”站在一起。层出不穷的新现象与旧理论相互摩擦,这种“一致性”可以并且需要被创制。但是,貌似的一致却有各种不同的层次:有的仅在“语词”上保持一致;有的是在“政治目标”上一致;有的则是“思想方法”上的一致。作为党内主张革命的理论家,罗莎·卢森堡致力于使用经典理论对当下现实进行融贯的解释,与此同时还要维持理论的内在一致性(coherence)--使用马克思的“话语”,用马克思看问题的“方法”,仍维系马克思时代的“结论”,实现马克思主义政党的“政治目标”--有关群众罢工问题的阐述就是罗莎·卢森堡在她的时代下,仍试图维持马克思学说在以上诸多意义上保持一致的表现。