制度性吸纳与东亚威权主义政府执政地位的保持——对韩国、新加坡和菲律宾的比较分析
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摘要
吸纳被认为是威权主义政府执政地位得以长期保持的重要因素。以甘迪为代表的学者从政治制度角度讨论了议会吸纳的作用,并以理性选择模型分析吸纳的作用过程。本文以韩国、新加坡和菲律宾等东亚国家为案例,更为全面地分析了议会、政党和行政机关的吸纳对威权主义政府的执政地位保持的作用,并提出了制度性吸纳的"竞争性抑制"机制。案例分析的结果表明,经由这一机制,制度性吸纳越强,反对派力量被扼制,威权主义政府执政地位倾向于保持;反之,反对派力量迅猛发展,威权主义政府执政地位就会难以保持。
Cooptation is regarded as an important factor to improve the durability of authoritarian regimes. Scholars,represented by Gandhi,discussed the effect of legislature cooptation from the aspect of political institution,and analyzed the mechanism by the model of rational choice. This article,taking East Asian countries including South Korea,Singapore,and the Philippines as cases,more comprehensively analyzes the effect of cooptation of legislatures,parties,and administrations on durability of authoritarian regimes. Also,proposes the mechanism of competitive restraints. The results of cases show that,the stronger the cooptation of political institutions is,the oppositional forces are more likely to be restrained,and the regime is more likely to sustain; but on the other hand,while oppositional forces grows rapidly,the regime is more likely to break down.
Cooptation is regarded as an important factor to improve the durability of authoritarian regimes. Scholars,represented by Gandhi,discussed the effect of legislature cooptation from the aspect of political institution,and analyzed the mechanism by the model of rational choice. This article,taking East Asian countries including South Korea,Singapore,and the Philippines as cases,more comprehensively analyzes the effect of cooptation of legislatures,parties,and administrations on durability of authoritarian regimes. Also,proposes the mechanism of competitive restraints. The results of cases show that,the stronger the cooptation of political institutions is,the oppositional forces are more likely to be restrained,and the regime is more likely to sustain; but on the other hand,while oppositional forces grows rapidly,the regime is more likely to break down.
引文
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(2)Beatriz Magaloni and Ruth Kricheli,“Political Order and One-Party Rule”,Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.13,2010.
(3)Jennifer Gandhi,Political Institutions under Dictatorship,New York:Cambridge University Press,2008,pp.73-81.
(4)Dan Slater,Ordering Power:Contentious Politics and Authoritarian Leviathans in Southeast Asia,New York:Cambridge University Press,2010,p.7.
(5)〈德〉 W·桑巴特著,赖海榕译《为什么美国没有社会主义》,社会科学文献出版社,2003年,第63-65页。
(6)Lester G.Seligman,“Elite Recruitment and Political Development”,The Journal of Politics,Vol.26,No.3,1964,pp.612-626.
(7)Lester G.Seligman,“Political Recruitment and Party Structure:A Case Study”,The American Political Science Review,Vol.55,No.1,1961.
(8)Frederic J.Fleron,Jr.,“Cooptation as a Mechanism of Adaption to Change:The Soviet Political Leadership System”,Polity,Vol.2,No.2,1969.
(9)Bruce J.Dickson,“Cooptation and Corporatism in China:The Logic of Party Adaptation”,Political Science Quarterly,Vol.114,No.4,2000.
(10)金耀基:《行政吸纳政治——香港的政治模式》,《中国政治与文化》,香港:牛津大学出版社,1997年,第27页。
(11)Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski,“Authoritarian Institutions and the Survival of Autocrats”,Comparative Political Studies,Vol.40,No.11,2007.
(12)Erica Frantz and Andrea Kendall-Taylor,“A Dictator's Toolkit:Understanding How Co-optation Affects Repression in Autocracies”,Journal of Peace Research,Vol.51,No.3,2014.
(13)Ora John Reuter and Graeme Robertson,“Legislatures,Cooptation,and Social Protest in Contemporary Authoritarian Regimes”,The Journal of Politics,Vol.77,No.1,2015.
(14)Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski,“Cooptation,and Rebellion under Dictatorships”,Economics & Politics,Vol.18,No.1,2006.
(15)Mara Loveman,“High-Risk Collective Action:Defending Human Rights in Chile,Uruguay,and Argentina”,American Journal of Sociology,Vol.104,No.2,1998.
(16)O'Donnell,G.,Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism:Studies in South American Politics,CA:Institute of International Studies,1973,pp.25-40.
(17)Linz,J.,“Opposition to and under an Authoritarian Regime:The Case of Spain”,in R.Dahl ed.,Regimes and Oppositions,New Haven,CT:Yale University Press,1973,pp.171-259.
(18)Giovanni Sartori,“Concept Misformation in Comparative Politics”,American Political Science Review,Vol.64,No.4,1970.
(19)David Collier and James E.Mahon,“Conceptual Stretching Revisited:Adapting Categories in Comparative Analysis”,American Political Science Review,Vol.87,No.4,1993.
(20)〈美〉盖里·戈茨著,徐子婷等译《社会科学概念——方法论的思考》,台北:韦伯文化国际出版有限公司,2010年,第7-8页。
(21)金耀基:《行政吸纳政治——香港的政治模式》,《中国政治与文化》,香港:牛津大学出版社,1997年,第21-45页。
(22)Frederic J.Fleron,Jr.,“Cooptation as a Mechanism of Adaption to Change:The Soviet Political Leadership System”,Polity,Vol.2,No.2,1969.
(23)〈美〉亨廷顿著,李盛平等译《变革社会中的政治秩序》,华夏出版社,1988年,第12-13页。
(24)Berger,Peter and Luckmann,Thomas,Social Construction of Reality,New York:Anchor Books,1967,p.54.
(25)“民主转型学派”对此进行过大量的研究,可参见Dankwart A.Rustow,“Transitions to Democracy:Toward a Dynamic Model”,Comparative Politics,Vol.2,No.3,1970;Terry Lynn Carl and Philippe C.Schmitter,“Modes of Transition in Latin America,Southern and Eastern Europe”,International Social Science Journal,Vol.43,No.2,1991;Donald Share,“Transitions to Democracy and Transition through Transaction”,Comparative Political Studies,Vol.19,No.4,1987;Gerardo L.Munck and Carol Skalnik Leff,“Modes of Transition and Democratization:South America and Eastern Europe in Comparative Perspective”,Comparative Politics,Vol.29,No.3,1997,等等。
(26)Michael Mcfaul,“The Fourth Wave of Democracy and Dictatorship:Non-Cooperative Transitions in the Post-Communist World”,World Politics,Vol.54,2002.
(27)唐世平:《观念、行动和结果:社会科学的客体和任务》,《世界经济与政治》2018年第5期。
(28)周亦奇、唐世平:《“半负面案例比较法”与机制辨别——北约与华约的命运为何不同》,《世界经济与政治》2018年第12期。
(29)宋国华:《韩国政治转型中的政党政治研究》,山东大学博士学位论文,2009年,第52页。
(30)〈意〉萨托利著,雷飞龙译《政党与政治制度》,台北:韦伯文化事业出版社,2000年,第19页。
(31)〈韩〉权:《韩国政治民主化转型的力学》,吉林人民出版社,2004年,第108页。
(32)曹中屏、张琏瑰等编著《当代韩国史(1945—2000)》,南开大学出版社,2005年,第255-257页。
(33)郑继永:《韩国政党体系变迁动因与模式研究》,复旦大学博士学位论文,2007年,第30页。
(34)卢正涛:《新加坡威权政治研究》,南京大学出版社,2007年,第119页。
(35)〈日〉田村庆子著,吴昆鸿译《超管理国家——新加坡》,台北:东初国际股份有限公司,1993年,第56页。
(36)孙景峰:《试论新加坡一党独大的政治体制》,《国际问题研究》2007年第5期。
(37)孙景峰、李社亮:《基层组织与新加坡人民行动党执政地位的延续》,《河南师范大学学报》2011年第1期。
(38)〈新加坡〉《联合早报》编《李光耀40年政论选》,现代出版社,1996年,第153页。
(39)J.V.Abueva,“Ideology and Practice in the ‘New Society’”,in D.A.Rosenberg eds.,Marcos and Martial Law in the Philippines,New York:Cornell University Press,1979,pp.32-84.
(40)田雪梅、黄建洪:《颠覆型民主化:菲律宾民主转型的力学博弈及依靠力量》,《东南亚研究》2008年第2期。
(41)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第775页。
(42)L.G.Noble,“Politics in the Marcos Era”,in J.Bresnan eds.,Crisis in the Philippines:The Marcos Era and Beyond,NJ:Princeton University Press,1986,pp.70-113.
(43)C.I.Eugene Kim,“South Korea in 1986:Preparing for a Power Transition”,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.1,1987.
(44)郭定平:《韩国政治转型研究》,中国社会科学出版社,2000年,第116页。
(45)孙景峰:《新加坡人民行动党执政研究》,人民出版社,2005年,第39页。
(46)Ian Patrick,Goh Keng Swee and Southeast Asian Governance,Washington:Eastern University Press,2004,p.148.
(47)吕元礼:《鱼尾狮智慧——新加坡政治与治理》,经济管理出版社,2010年,第123-173页。
(48)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第776页。
(49)Bonner Raymond,Waltzing with a Dictator,New York:Times Books,1987,p.342.
(50)〈美〉格蕾欣·卡斯帕:《从对峙到调解:菲律宾的民主巩固之路》,〈美〉詹姆斯·F.霍利菲尔德、加尔文·吉尔森主编,何志平、马卫红译《通往民主之路——民主转型的政治经济学》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年,第185页。
(51)G.S.Silliman,“The Philippines in 1983:Authoritarianism Beleaguered”,Asian Survey,Vol.24,No.2,1984,pp.149-158.
(52)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第801页。
(53)《加入反对党我准备坐牢》,(新加坡)《联合晚报》2002年10月29日,http://woman.zaobao.com/pages2/woman291002.html
(54)B.J.Dickson,“Cooptation and Corporatism in China:The Logic of Party Adaptation”,Political Science Quarterly,Vol.115,No.4,2000.
(2)Beatriz Magaloni and Ruth Kricheli,“Political Order and One-Party Rule”,Annual Review of Political Science,Vol.13,2010.
(3)Jennifer Gandhi,Political Institutions under Dictatorship,New York:Cambridge University Press,2008,pp.73-81.
(4)Dan Slater,Ordering Power:Contentious Politics and Authoritarian Leviathans in Southeast Asia,New York:Cambridge University Press,2010,p.7.
(5)〈德〉 W·桑巴特著,赖海榕译《为什么美国没有社会主义》,社会科学文献出版社,2003年,第63-65页。
(6)Lester G.Seligman,“Elite Recruitment and Political Development”,The Journal of Politics,Vol.26,No.3,1964,pp.612-626.
(7)Lester G.Seligman,“Political Recruitment and Party Structure:A Case Study”,The American Political Science Review,Vol.55,No.1,1961.
(8)Frederic J.Fleron,Jr.,“Cooptation as a Mechanism of Adaption to Change:The Soviet Political Leadership System”,Polity,Vol.2,No.2,1969.
(9)Bruce J.Dickson,“Cooptation and Corporatism in China:The Logic of Party Adaptation”,Political Science Quarterly,Vol.114,No.4,2000.
(10)金耀基:《行政吸纳政治——香港的政治模式》,《中国政治与文化》,香港:牛津大学出版社,1997年,第27页。
(11)Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski,“Authoritarian Institutions and the Survival of Autocrats”,Comparative Political Studies,Vol.40,No.11,2007.
(12)Erica Frantz and Andrea Kendall-Taylor,“A Dictator's Toolkit:Understanding How Co-optation Affects Repression in Autocracies”,Journal of Peace Research,Vol.51,No.3,2014.
(13)Ora John Reuter and Graeme Robertson,“Legislatures,Cooptation,and Social Protest in Contemporary Authoritarian Regimes”,The Journal of Politics,Vol.77,No.1,2015.
(14)Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski,“Cooptation,and Rebellion under Dictatorships”,Economics & Politics,Vol.18,No.1,2006.
(15)Mara Loveman,“High-Risk Collective Action:Defending Human Rights in Chile,Uruguay,and Argentina”,American Journal of Sociology,Vol.104,No.2,1998.
(16)O'Donnell,G.,Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism:Studies in South American Politics,CA:Institute of International Studies,1973,pp.25-40.
(17)Linz,J.,“Opposition to and under an Authoritarian Regime:The Case of Spain”,in R.Dahl ed.,Regimes and Oppositions,New Haven,CT:Yale University Press,1973,pp.171-259.
(18)Giovanni Sartori,“Concept Misformation in Comparative Politics”,American Political Science Review,Vol.64,No.4,1970.
(19)David Collier and James E.Mahon,“Conceptual Stretching Revisited:Adapting Categories in Comparative Analysis”,American Political Science Review,Vol.87,No.4,1993.
(20)〈美〉盖里·戈茨著,徐子婷等译《社会科学概念——方法论的思考》,台北:韦伯文化国际出版有限公司,2010年,第7-8页。
(21)金耀基:《行政吸纳政治——香港的政治模式》,《中国政治与文化》,香港:牛津大学出版社,1997年,第21-45页。
(22)Frederic J.Fleron,Jr.,“Cooptation as a Mechanism of Adaption to Change:The Soviet Political Leadership System”,Polity,Vol.2,No.2,1969.
(23)〈美〉亨廷顿著,李盛平等译《变革社会中的政治秩序》,华夏出版社,1988年,第12-13页。
(24)Berger,Peter and Luckmann,Thomas,Social Construction of Reality,New York:Anchor Books,1967,p.54.
(25)“民主转型学派”对此进行过大量的研究,可参见Dankwart A.Rustow,“Transitions to Democracy:Toward a Dynamic Model”,Comparative Politics,Vol.2,No.3,1970;Terry Lynn Carl and Philippe C.Schmitter,“Modes of Transition in Latin America,Southern and Eastern Europe”,International Social Science Journal,Vol.43,No.2,1991;Donald Share,“Transitions to Democracy and Transition through Transaction”,Comparative Political Studies,Vol.19,No.4,1987;Gerardo L.Munck and Carol Skalnik Leff,“Modes of Transition and Democratization:South America and Eastern Europe in Comparative Perspective”,Comparative Politics,Vol.29,No.3,1997,等等。
(26)Michael Mcfaul,“The Fourth Wave of Democracy and Dictatorship:Non-Cooperative Transitions in the Post-Communist World”,World Politics,Vol.54,2002.
(27)唐世平:《观念、行动和结果:社会科学的客体和任务》,《世界经济与政治》2018年第5期。
(28)周亦奇、唐世平:《“半负面案例比较法”与机制辨别——北约与华约的命运为何不同》,《世界经济与政治》2018年第12期。
(29)宋国华:《韩国政治转型中的政党政治研究》,山东大学博士学位论文,2009年,第52页。
(30)〈意〉萨托利著,雷飞龙译《政党与政治制度》,台北:韦伯文化事业出版社,2000年,第19页。
(31)〈韩〉权:《韩国政治民主化转型的力学》,吉林人民出版社,2004年,第108页。
(32)曹中屏、张琏瑰等编著《当代韩国史(1945—2000)》,南开大学出版社,2005年,第255-257页。
(33)郑继永:《韩国政党体系变迁动因与模式研究》,复旦大学博士学位论文,2007年,第30页。
(34)卢正涛:《新加坡威权政治研究》,南京大学出版社,2007年,第119页。
(35)〈日〉田村庆子著,吴昆鸿译《超管理国家——新加坡》,台北:东初国际股份有限公司,1993年,第56页。
(36)孙景峰:《试论新加坡一党独大的政治体制》,《国际问题研究》2007年第5期。
(37)孙景峰、李社亮:《基层组织与新加坡人民行动党执政地位的延续》,《河南师范大学学报》2011年第1期。
(38)〈新加坡〉《联合早报》编《李光耀40年政论选》,现代出版社,1996年,第153页。
(39)J.V.Abueva,“Ideology and Practice in the ‘New Society’”,in D.A.Rosenberg eds.,Marcos and Martial Law in the Philippines,New York:Cornell University Press,1979,pp.32-84.
(40)田雪梅、黄建洪:《颠覆型民主化:菲律宾民主转型的力学博弈及依靠力量》,《东南亚研究》2008年第2期。
(41)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第775页。
(42)L.G.Noble,“Politics in the Marcos Era”,in J.Bresnan eds.,Crisis in the Philippines:The Marcos Era and Beyond,NJ:Princeton University Press,1986,pp.70-113.
(43)C.I.Eugene Kim,“South Korea in 1986:Preparing for a Power Transition”,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.1,1987.
(44)郭定平:《韩国政治转型研究》,中国社会科学出版社,2000年,第116页。
(45)孙景峰:《新加坡人民行动党执政研究》,人民出版社,2005年,第39页。
(46)Ian Patrick,Goh Keng Swee and Southeast Asian Governance,Washington:Eastern University Press,2004,p.148.
(47)吕元礼:《鱼尾狮智慧——新加坡政治与治理》,经济管理出版社,2010年,第123-173页。
(48)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第776页。
(49)Bonner Raymond,Waltzing with a Dictator,New York:Times Books,1987,p.342.
(50)〈美〉格蕾欣·卡斯帕:《从对峙到调解:菲律宾的民主巩固之路》,〈美〉詹姆斯·F.霍利菲尔德、加尔文·吉尔森主编,何志平、马卫红译《通往民主之路——民主转型的政治经济学》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年,第185页。
(51)G.S.Silliman,“The Philippines in 1983:Authoritarianism Beleaguered”,Asian Survey,Vol.24,No.2,1984,pp.149-158.
(52)金应熙主编《菲律宾史》,河南大学出版社,1990年,第801页。
(53)《加入反对党我准备坐牢》,(新加坡)《联合晚报》2002年10月29日,http://woman.zaobao.com/pages2/woman291002.html
(54)B.J.Dickson,“Cooptation and Corporatism in China:The Logic of Party Adaptation”,Political Science Quarterly,Vol.115,No.4,2000.