力动态视角下汉语致役类动结式的语义建构及认知理据
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摘要
汉语致役类动结式具有语力动态性,其结构简练而寓意丰富。从Talmy的力动态模型和认知转喻视角考察汉语致役类动结式的语义建构及认知理据,研究发现:(1)致役类动结式致事力量可源于恒力、力量转换和外力;(2)致役类动结式可分为恒力致役类动结式、力量转换致役类动结式以及外力致役类动结式;(3)致役类动结式"力量来源"的语义建构与动结式底层论元之间的指称关系紧密;(4)致役类动结式多样"力量来源"的理据是认知转喻,即在事件理想认知模型中,致役类动结式"使因事件"中的"致事"或"役事"代替整个事件,实现部分代整体的认知转喻路径。
Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction bears illocutionary dynamic force with simple structure yet rich meanings. Based on force-dynamic patterns and cognitive metonymy, the present paper explores its semantic construction and generative motivation. The findings are as follows:(1) The dirving force of Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction is diversified, including constant force, shifting force and external force.(2) Such construction can be categorized into constant-force Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction, shifting-force Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction and external-forceCauser-causee Verb-resultative Construction.(3) The semantic structuring of this construction's sources is closely connected with the underlying argument's referential relation.(4) The cognitive motivation of this construction is attributed to cognitive metonymy. In Idealized Cognitive Model, the causing event of Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction is replaced by "agent" or "patient" so that the part-whole metonymy can be realized.
Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction bears illocutionary dynamic force with simple structure yet rich meanings. Based on force-dynamic patterns and cognitive metonymy, the present paper explores its semantic construction and generative motivation. The findings are as follows:(1) The dirving force of Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction is diversified, including constant force, shifting force and external force.(2) Such construction can be categorized into constant-force Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction, shifting-force Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction and external-forceCauser-causee Verb-resultative Construction.(3) The semantic structuring of this construction's sources is closely connected with the underlying argument's referential relation.(4) The cognitive motivation of this construction is attributed to cognitive metonymy. In Idealized Cognitive Model, the causing event of Chinese Causer-causee Verb-resultative Construction is replaced by "agent" or "patient" so that the part-whole metonymy can be realized.
引文
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袁毓林.2001.述结式配价的控制——还原分析[J].中国语文 (5):399-410.
张绍全.2010.词义演变的动因与认知机制[J].外语学刊 (152):34-39.
赵琪.2013.汉语非典型动结构式的论元结构分析[J].汉语学习 (3):37-44.
LAKOFF G.1987.Women,Fire and Dangerous Things[M].Chicago and London:The University of Chicago Press.
RADDEN G,KOVECSES Z.1999.Towards a theory of metonymy [C]//PANTHER K U,RADDEN G (eds.).Metonymy in Language and Thought.Amsterdam:John Benjamins.
SWEETSER E.1990.From Etymology to Pragmatics:Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
TALMY L.2000.Toward a Cognitive Semantics (Vol.1)[M].Cambridge,Massachusetts:MTI Press.
林璐.2015.“KEEP+V-ING”构式在心理和社会领域的力动态研究[J].外语学刊 (2):49-55.
卢植,彭克飞.2013.基于转喻视角下的动结构式研究[J].山东外语教学 (6):21-25.
吕叔湘.1980.现代汉语八百词[M].北京:商务印书馆.
沈力.1993.关于汉语结果复合动词中参项结构的问题[J].语文研究 (3):12-21.
施春宏.2006.动结式的配价层级及其歧价现象[J].语言教学与研究 (4):45-57.
施春宏.2008.汉语动结式的句法语义研究[M].北京:北京语言大学出版社.
施春宏.2015.动结式在相关句式群中不对称分布的多重界面互动机制[J].世界汉语教学 (1):25-44.
王力.1985.中国现代语法[M].北京:商务印书馆.
王寅.2009.动结构式的体验性事件的结构分析[J].外语教学与研究 (5):345-349.
熊力游.2008.力动态模型下因果动词的翻译[J].外语学刊 (4):125-127.
熊仲儒.2003.现代汉语中的致使句式[D].北京:北京语言大学.
袁毓林.2001.述结式配价的控制——还原分析[J].中国语文 (5):399-410.
张绍全.2010.词义演变的动因与认知机制[J].外语学刊 (152):34-39.
赵琪.2013.汉语非典型动结构式的论元结构分析[J].汉语学习 (3):37-44.
LAKOFF G.1987.Women,Fire and Dangerous Things[M].Chicago and London:The University of Chicago Press.
RADDEN G,KOVECSES Z.1999.Towards a theory of metonymy [C]//PANTHER K U,RADDEN G (eds.).Metonymy in Language and Thought.Amsterdam:John Benjamins.
SWEETSER E.1990.From Etymology to Pragmatics:Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
TALMY L.2000.Toward a Cognitive Semantics (Vol.1)[M].Cambridge,Massachusetts:MTI Press.