论清代卫河流域的河神崇拜与习俗
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摘要
我国清代的卫河流域水灾频发,严重威胁着沿岸居民的日常生活。当诸多防灾措施无法从根本上扭转被洪水袭击的局面时,人们转而寄希望于河神的慈悲与庇护,从而形成了当地居民崇拜河神的心理,并因之形成了不同于其他地方的一些习俗。这种崇拜河神与地方习俗的形成过程,体现了人类面对自然灾害的集体反应。过分依赖对河神的崇拜虽然带有一定的迷信色彩,也不能从根本上解决水患问题,还会制约防灾抗灾行为,但在当时条件下不失为人们处理人地关系的一种思想态度,在某种程度上对地方官员为政一方、百姓向善也有一定的积极意义。
The everyday life of the residents along Weihe was severely by the flood occuring in Qing Dynasty.When measures dealing with the flood could not change the situation,people turned to seek the compassion and shelter of the river god,which thus formed the folklore of river god adoration.It is different from the regional folklore in other areas.This forming process reflected the attitude of the mankind facing natural disasters.Which couldn't unsolve problems fundamentally so it had some superstition colour that laied restictions on disaster prevention behavior if they depended on the river god deeply.It is regarded as positive attitude to deal with man and the nature relationship at that time,which had some positive significance in offical management and common people did good deeds in some extent.
The everyday life of the residents along Weihe was severely by the flood occuring in Qing Dynasty.When measures dealing with the flood could not change the situation,people turned to seek the compassion and shelter of the river god,which thus formed the folklore of river god adoration.It is different from the regional folklore in other areas.This forming process reflected the attitude of the mankind facing natural disasters.Which couldn't unsolve problems fundamentally so it had some superstition colour that laied restictions on disaster prevention behavior if they depended on the river god deeply.It is regarded as positive attitude to deal with man and the nature relationship at that time,which had some positive significance in offical management and common people did good deeds in some extent.
引文
[1]孟祥晓.清至民初卫河流域水灾与人地关系研究[D].天津:天津师范大学,2011.
[2]修武县志[M].台北:成文出版社,“民国二十年”铅印本.
[3]彰德府志[G].乾隆五十二年刻本:15.
[4]王庆成.晚清北方寺庙与社会文化[J].近代史研究,2009(2):17.
[5]林县志[G].黄绘书院藏版,乾隆十六年刻本:20.
[6]彰德府志[G].乾隆三十五年本.
[7]滑县志[G].乾隆二十五年刻本:4.
[8]临漳县志[G].光绪三十年刻本.
[9]安阳县志[G].康熙三十二年刻本:85.
[10]大名县志[G].康熙十五年刻本:2.
[11]彰德府志[G].乾隆五十二年刻本:17.
[12]大名府志[G].康熙十一年刻本:118.
[13]汲县志[G].乾隆二十年刻本.
[14]内黄县志[G].乾隆四年刻本:3.
[15]山东省临清市地方史志编纂委员会.临清市志[M].济南:齐鲁书社出版社,1997.
[16]淇县志[G].顺治十七年刻本.
1现在的卫河流域依然有“二月二,龙抬头”之说,意思是指过了农历二月初二,龙王开始抬头,自此,雨水就逐渐多起来了。
[2]修武县志[M].台北:成文出版社,“民国二十年”铅印本.
[3]彰德府志[G].乾隆五十二年刻本:15.
[4]王庆成.晚清北方寺庙与社会文化[J].近代史研究,2009(2):17.
[5]林县志[G].黄绘书院藏版,乾隆十六年刻本:20.
[6]彰德府志[G].乾隆三十五年本.
[7]滑县志[G].乾隆二十五年刻本:4.
[8]临漳县志[G].光绪三十年刻本.
[9]安阳县志[G].康熙三十二年刻本:85.
[10]大名县志[G].康熙十五年刻本:2.
[11]彰德府志[G].乾隆五十二年刻本:17.
[12]大名府志[G].康熙十一年刻本:118.
[13]汲县志[G].乾隆二十年刻本.
[14]内黄县志[G].乾隆四年刻本:3.
[15]山东省临清市地方史志编纂委员会.临清市志[M].济南:齐鲁书社出版社,1997.
[16]淇县志[G].顺治十七年刻本.
1现在的卫河流域依然有“二月二,龙抬头”之说,意思是指过了农历二月初二,龙王开始抬头,自此,雨水就逐渐多起来了。