泛索马里主义的历史渊源与流变——兼论泛索马里主义与恐怖主义的关系
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摘要
索马里人共同的生活方式、语言、文化信仰,殖民瓜分对索马里人的冲击,反殖民主义斗争对内部认同的强化共同孕育了泛索马里主义。1948—1960年,泛索马里主义主要以反欧洲殖民主义为旗号,诉求是初步建立一个局部统一的索马里人独立国家。1960—1969年,它又以反"邻国殖民主义"为旗号,试图同时达成内部整合与外部扩张的双重目标。1969—1978年,泛索马里主义被嫁接到"科学社会主义"之中。1978—1991年,泛索马里主义回归到氏族主义层面,重新建构自身的理念与实践基础。1991—2012年,泛索马里主义借助伊斯兰主义的力量,试图以共同的宗教调和各氏族间的差异,通过常规武装斗争消除索马里人的内在分裂。2012年以来,泛索马里主义与恐怖主义相关联,试图以非常规恐怖袭击为手段达成所谓"大索马里伊斯兰国"的目标。对象都经历了复杂的历史嬗变。泛索马里主义既有民族主义的表征,又展现出反民族主义的跨地区文化主义特性,甚至与恐怖主义也产生了联系。不过,泛索马里主义与恐怖主义只是一种相互借势、各取所需的关系,前者有其文化合理性因素。
Pan-Somalism was bred by the common lifestyle,language,and cultural belief of the Somalis. It was also bred by the impact of colonization and the reinforcement of a common internal identity during the period of anti-colonial struggles. From 1948 to 1960,in the midst of anti-European colonialism movements and party-politics,the final goal of Pan-Somalism is established to achieve a unified and independent Somalia. From 1960 to 1969,in the name of anti-neighboring colonialism supported by the government,Pan-Somalism strived to reach the dual goals of internal integration and external expansion. From 1969 to 1978,due to the combination of Pan-Somalism and "scientific socialism,"the Siad Barre Regime accordingly sought to build a greater Somalia by introducing the power of the USSR. From 1978 to 1991,Pan-Somalism came back to Clanism,seeking to reconstruct its own ideas and practices as well as fighting against the Siad Barre Regime. From 1991 to 2012,Pan-Somalism,by supporting Islamism,attempted to meditate the differences between each clan with the same religion and to eliminate the internal division of Somalis by armed confrontations. Since 2012,Pan-Somalism has been associated with terrorism in order to achieve the goal of establishing an Islamic State based on Sharia law in the Greater Somalia through terrorist attacks. Pan-Somalism shows the feature of nationalism, yet at the same time it also shows the feature of trans-regional culturalism,which goes against nationalism. It even associated itself with terrorism. However,Pan-Somalism and terrorism are only making use of each other because the former has its own cultural rationality.
Pan-Somalism was bred by the common lifestyle,language,and cultural belief of the Somalis. It was also bred by the impact of colonization and the reinforcement of a common internal identity during the period of anti-colonial struggles. From 1948 to 1960,in the midst of anti-European colonialism movements and party-politics,the final goal of Pan-Somalism is established to achieve a unified and independent Somalia. From 1960 to 1969,in the name of anti-neighboring colonialism supported by the government,Pan-Somalism strived to reach the dual goals of internal integration and external expansion. From 1969 to 1978,due to the combination of Pan-Somalism and "scientific socialism,"the Siad Barre Regime accordingly sought to build a greater Somalia by introducing the power of the USSR. From 1978 to 1991,Pan-Somalism came back to Clanism,seeking to reconstruct its own ideas and practices as well as fighting against the Siad Barre Regime. From 1991 to 2012,Pan-Somalism,by supporting Islamism,attempted to meditate the differences between each clan with the same religion and to eliminate the internal division of Somalis by armed confrontations. Since 2012,Pan-Somalism has been associated with terrorism in order to achieve the goal of establishing an Islamic State based on Sharia law in the Greater Somalia through terrorist attacks. Pan-Somalism shows the feature of nationalism, yet at the same time it also shows the feature of trans-regional culturalism,which goes against nationalism. It even associated itself with terrorism. However,Pan-Somalism and terrorism are only making use of each other because the former has its own cultural rationality.
引文
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(2)在20世纪90年代,葛公尚就对泛索马里主义问题进行了研究,着重对泛索马里主义的性质与影响等问题进行了探析。该研究对于澄清泛索马里主义问题的性质意义重大,不过限于篇幅,它缺乏对泛索马里主义形成与发展过程的梳理。另外,随着21世纪以来恐怖主义、暴力极端主义的泛滥,泛索马里主义又出现了极端化等此前未曾有过的新情况,也需要学界跟进对此一问题的认识。参见葛公尚:《索马里部族混战透析——兼论泛民族主义、民族主义、部族主义对非洲国家发展的影响》,载《世界民族》,1996年第4期,第27—31页。
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(1)王涛、秦名连:《索马里青年党的发展及影响》,载《西亚非洲》,2013年第4期,第80—83页。
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(1)前青年党骨干阿卜杜勒·穆明(Abdulqadir Mumin)于2015年转而效忠“伊斯兰国”。另一个前青年党成员穆罕默德·阿卜迪·阿里(Mohamed Abdi Ali)又组织领导了“索马里、肯尼亚、坦桑尼亚和乌干达伊斯兰国”(Islamic State in Somalia,Kenya,Tanzania,and Uganda,也被称为“东非贾巴”Jahba East Africa),也于2016年9月向“伊斯兰国”宣誓效忠。参见刘中民、赵跃晨:《“伊斯兰国”在撒哈拉以南非洲地区的渗透及其影响因素分析》,载《国际展望》,2018年第2期。
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(4)在非洲之角地区,“索马里语”就成为一种认同的文化符号。但事实上,并非所有索马里人都讲索马里语,而讲索马里语的人也不一定就是索马里人。
(2)在20世纪90年代,葛公尚就对泛索马里主义问题进行了研究,着重对泛索马里主义的性质与影响等问题进行了探析。该研究对于澄清泛索马里主义问题的性质意义重大,不过限于篇幅,它缺乏对泛索马里主义形成与发展过程的梳理。另外,随着21世纪以来恐怖主义、暴力极端主义的泛滥,泛索马里主义又出现了极端化等此前未曾有过的新情况,也需要学界跟进对此一问题的认识。参见葛公尚:《索马里部族混战透析——兼论泛民族主义、民族主义、部族主义对非洲国家发展的影响》,载《世界民族》,1996年第4期,第27—31页。
(1)这种观点可参见Mohamed Ibrahim,“Somalia and Global Terrorism:A Growing Connection?”,Journal of Contemporary African Studies,vol.28,no.3,2010,pp.286-287.
(2)I.M.Lewis,“The Somali Conquest of the Horn of Africa”,Journal of African History,vol.1,no.2,1960,p.214.
(3)I.M.Lewis,“A Pastoral Democracy:A Study of Pastoralism and Politics among the Northern Somali of the Horn of Africa”,American Journal of Sociology,vol.68,no.6,1963,p.715.
(4)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,东方出版中心,2012年,第18页。
(5)I.M.Lewis,“The Somali Conquest of the Horn of Africa”,p.222.
(6)Oscar Gakuo Mwang,i“State Collapse,Al-Shabaab,Islamism,and Legitimacy in Somalia”,Politics,Religion&Ideology,no.4,2012,p.517.
(7)[肯尼亚]B.A.奥戈特主编,李安山等译:《非洲通史(第五卷):十六世纪至十八世纪的非洲》,中国对外翻译出版公司,2003年,第566页。
(8)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第5页。
(1)Ali A.Mazrui,The Africans:A Triple Heritage,Boston:Little,Brown&Company,1986,pp.70-71.
(2)穆罕默德·阿卜杜勒·哈桑(Muhammad Abdul Hassan)作为索马里反殖民主义战争的领袖,就是通过撰写大量索马里语诗歌,来唤起民众的。Ali A.Mazrui,The Africans:A Triple Heritage,p.71.
(3)Marco Zoppi,“Greater Somalia,the Never-ending Dream?Contested Somali Borders:the Power of Tradition vs.the Tradition of Power”,Journal of African History Politics&Society,vol.1,no.1,2015,p.47.
(4)Abdi Sheik-Abdi,“Somali Nationalism:Its Origins and Future”,The Journal of Modern African Studies,vol.15,no.4,1977,p.657.
(5)A.Abukar,Somalia:A Brief Country Report,Amsterdam:AWEPA,2015,p.9.
(6)I.M.Lewis,The Modern History of Somaliland:From Nation to State,London:Weidenfeld and Nicolson,1965,pp.51-53.
(7)Daniel D.Kendie,“Toward Northeast African Cooperation:Resolving the Ethiopia-Somalia Disputes”,Northeast African Studies,vol.10,no.2,2003,p.71.
(8)葛公尚主编:《当代国际政治与跨界民族研究》,民族出版社,2006年,第266页。
(1)Mahasin A.G.H.Al-saf,i“Kenya Somalis:The Shift From‘Greater Somalia’to Integration with Kenya”,Nordic Journal of African Studies,vol.4,no.2,1995,p.35.
(2)肖玉华、刘鸿武:《非洲之角安全困局述评》,载《现代国际关系》,2013年第2期,第35页。
(3)Abdi Sheik-Abdi,“Somali Nationalism:Its Origins and Future”,p.659.
(4)I.M.Lewis,“Pan-Africanism and Pan-Somalism”,Journal of Modern African Studies,vol.1,no.2,1963,p.148.
(5)Alice A.Adanalian,“The Horn of Africa”,World Affairs,vol.131,no.1,1968,p.39.
(6)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第114页。
(7)(8)Ahmed H Nur,“Does Somaliland Have a Legal Ground for Seeking International Recognition?”,Somaliland Law,April 2011,p.1.
(1)Cedric Barnes,“The Somali Youth League,Ethiopian Somalis and the Greater Somalia Idea,c.1946-48”,Journal of Eastern African Studies,vol.1,no.2,2007,p.281.
(2)Ahmed H Nur,“Does Somaliland Have a Legal Ground for Seeking International Recognition?”,p.1.
(3)顾章义、付吉军、周海泓编著:《列国志·索马里、吉布提》,社会科学文献出版社,2006年,第54页。
(4)Saul Kelly,“Britain,the United States,and the End of the Italian Empire in Africa,1940-52”,Journal of Forensic Sciences,vol.28,no.3,2000,p.59.
(5)Cedric Barnes,“The Somali Youth League,Ethiopian Somalis and the Greater Somalia Idea,c.1946-48”,p.281.
(6)[美]萨义德·A.阿德朱莫比著,董小川译:《埃塞俄比亚史》,商务印书馆,2009年,第136页。
(7)I.M.Lewis,“Pan-Africanism and Pan-Somalism”,p.149.
(8)Ahmed H Nur,“Does Somaliland Have a Legal Ground for Seeking International Recognition?”,p.2.
(1)李安山:《非洲民族主义研究》,中国国际广播出版社,2004年,第191页。
(2)(3)Peter J.Schraeder,From Irredentism to Secession:The Decline of Pan-Somali Nationalism,Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,2006,p.114.
(4)(5)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第142、143页。
(6)Peter J.Schraeder,From Irredentism to Secession:The Decline of Pan-Somali Nationalism,p.116.
(7)所谓“邻国殖民主义”是对两国间领土纠纷的一种意识形态化阐释,其根源在于盲目自我膨胀与排外的极端民族主义。
(8)I.M.Lewis,“The Somali Republic since Independence”,The World Today,vol.19,no.4,1963,p.170.
(9)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第160页。
(1)Ahmed H Nur,“Does Somaliland Have a Legal Ground for Seeking International Recognition?”,p.4.
(2)A.Abukar,Somalia:A Brief Country Report,p.20.
(3)I.M.Lewis,“Pan-Africanism and Pan-Somalism”,p.151.
(4)(5)OSC,The Country Report:Somalia,Reston:Open Source Center,May 2012,p.13,14.
(6)Daniel D.Kendie,“Toward Northeast African Cooperation:Resolving the Ethiopia-Somalia Disputes”,p.76.
(7)[美]罗伯特·马克森著,王涛、暴明莹译:《东非简史》,世界知识出版社,2012年,第259页。
(8)Mohamed Kadamy,“Djibouti:Between War and Peace”,Review of African Political Economy,vol.23,no.70,1996,p.512.
(9)Daniel D.Kendie,“Toward Northeast African Cooperation:Resolving the Ethiopia-Somalia Disputes”,p.77.
(10)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第192页。
(1)(5)A.Abukar,Somalia:A Brief Country Report,p.22,664.
(2)Abdi Sheik-Abdi,“Somali Nationalism:Its Origins and Future”,p.664.
(3)Gary D.Payton,“The Somali Coup of 1969:The Case for Soviet Complicity”,The Journal of Modern African Studies,vol.18,no.3,1980,p.494.
(4)Ahmed I.Samatar,“Self-Reliance Betrayed:Somali Foreign Policy,1969-1980”,Canadian Journal of African Studies,vol.21,no.2,1987,pp.211-212.
(6)[肯尼亚]A.A.马兹鲁伊主编,屠尔康等译:《非洲通史(第八卷):1935年以后的非洲》,中国对外翻译出版公司,2003年,第588页。
(7)[挪]文安立著,牛可等译:《全球冷战:美苏对第三世界的干涉与当代世界的形成》,世界图书出版公司,2013年,第282页。
(8)Bruce D.Porter,The USSR in Third World Conflict:Soviet Arms and Diplomacy in Local Wars,1945-1980,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1984,p.200.
(9)[英]I.M.刘易斯著,赵俊译:《索马里史》,第223页。
(1)John L.Hirsch and Robert B.Oakley,Somalia and Operation Restore Hope:Reflections on Peacemaking and Peacekeeping,Washington D.C.:United States Institute of Peace,1995,p.9.
(2)Marco Zoppi,“Greater Somalia,the Never-ending Dream?Contested Somali Borders:the Power of Tradition vs.the Tradition of Power”,p.56.
(3)Samuel M.Makinda,Seeking Peace from Chaos:Humanitarian Intervention in Somalia,London:Lynne Rienner Pulishers,1993,p.21.
(4)Marco Zoppi,“Greater Somalia,the Never-ending Dream?Contested Somali Borders:the Power of Tradition vs.the Tradition of Power”,p.56.
(5)(6)Harry Ododa,“Somalia's Domestic Politics and Foreign Relations since the Ogaden War of 1977-78”,Middle Eastern Studies,vol.21,no.3,1985,p.286.
(7)Mark Bradbury,Becoming Somaliland,Cumbria:Long House Publishing Service,2008,p.46.
(8)樊小红:《索马里伊斯兰激进组织初探》,载《西亚非洲》,2010年第10期,第38页。
(1)Hussein Ahmed,“Reflections on Historical and Contemporary Islam in Ethiopia and Somalia:A Comparative and Contrastive Overview”,Journal of Ethiopian Studies,vol.40,no.1/2,2007,p.270.
(2)刘中民:《关于伊斯兰复兴运动概念、术语和类型研究的若干讨论》,载《宁夏社会科学》,2003年第3期,第70—72页。
(3)刘中民:《中东民族国家建构中的民族主义与伊斯兰教》,载《国际观察》,2008年第5期,第40—41页。
(4)李福泉:《索马里政治伊斯兰的演进与特点》,载《国际论坛》,2012年第6期,第74页。
(5)A.Abukar,Somalia:A Brief Country Report,p.26.
(6)涂龙德、周华:《伊斯兰激进组织》,时事出版社,2010年,第378页。
(7)Alex de Waal,Islamism and Its Enemies in the Horn of Africa,London:Hurst&Company,2004,p.125.
(8)Lara Santoro,“Islamic Clerics Combat Lawlessness in Somalia”,The Christian Science Monitor,July 13,1999.
(9)Angel Rabasa,Radical Islam in East Africa,Santa Monica:RAND Corporation,2009,p.62.
(10)Katerina Rudincová,Islamic Movements in Somalia:Global or Local Jihad?Ostrava:University of Ostrava,2011,p.274.
(11)Edmund Sanders and Abukar Albadr,i“Somalian Troops Take Their Capital”,Los Angeles Times,December 29,2006.
(1)王涛、秦名连:《索马里青年党的发展及影响》,载《西亚非洲》,2013年第4期,第80—83页。
(2)宁彧、王涛:《索马里青年党的意识形态与身份塑造》,载《世界民族》,2017年第3期。
(3)蒋安全:《索马里“青年党”宣布加入“基地”组织》,载《人民日报》,2012年2月12日,第3版。
(4)王涛、宁彧:《萨拉菲主义的多维透视——兼论萨拉菲主义与恐怖主义的关系》,载《俄罗斯东欧中亚研究》,2018年第1期。
(5)Hussein Solomon,“Somalia's Al Shabaab:Clans vs Islamist Nationalism”,South African Journal of International Affairs,vol.21,no.3,2014,p.360.
(6)Daniel E.Agbiboa,“Al-Shabab,the Global Jihad,and Terrorism without Borders”,Aljazeera,September 24,2013.
(7)Daniel E.Agbiboa,“Terrorism without Borders:Somalia's Al-Shabaab and the Global Jihad Network”,Journal of Terrorism,vol.5,iss.1,2014,p.27.
(8)丁小溪:《肯尼亚遭遇恐怖主义之痛》,载《参考消息》,2015年4月6日,第11版。
(9)王涛、秦名连:《索马里青年党的发展及影响》,第79页。
(1)前青年党骨干阿卜杜勒·穆明(Abdulqadir Mumin)于2015年转而效忠“伊斯兰国”。另一个前青年党成员穆罕默德·阿卜迪·阿里(Mohamed Abdi Ali)又组织领导了“索马里、肯尼亚、坦桑尼亚和乌干达伊斯兰国”(Islamic State in Somalia,Kenya,Tanzania,and Uganda,也被称为“东非贾巴”Jahba East Africa),也于2016年9月向“伊斯兰国”宣誓效忠。参见刘中民、赵跃晨:《“伊斯兰国”在撒哈拉以南非洲地区的渗透及其影响因素分析》,载《国际展望》,2018年第2期。
(2)E.Hobsbawn and T.Ranger(eds.),The Invention of Tradition,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1983.
(3)郝时远:《民族分裂主义与恐怖主义》,载《民族研究》,2002年第1期,第7页。
(4)在非洲之角地区,“索马里语”就成为一种认同的文化符号。但事实上,并非所有索马里人都讲索马里语,而讲索马里语的人也不一定就是索马里人。