关于“中国模式”的争论与研究
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摘要
"中国模式"这一概念如今已经是中外思想界的一个热门话题,但大多数西方学者是在意识形态的光谱下观察中国模式,而一些否定中国模式的说法事实上也是在以既定的观念和政治模式而"关照"中国,无法对新中国前后30年的政治发展进行深度的经验性研究和高度的理论概括。新中国的政治实践就是在中华文明基因的基础上,从前30年的制度奠基到后30年的制度建设最后到制度定型,其中的一条主线就是民主集中制。因此,中国模式就是以民主集中制为核心的政治发展。
The concept of"Chinese mode"is now a hot topic in the ideological circles both at home and abroad.But most western scholars observe the Chinese mode under the spectrum of ideology.Some of the arguments that negate the Chinese mode are actually"taking care of China"with established concepts and political models.They cannot conduct in-depth empirical research and theoretical generalization of the 30 years' political development before and after the founding of New China.The political practice of New China is based on the gene of Chinese civilization,laying the foundation of the system in the first 30 years,and building the system in the last 30 years,and finalized the system.One of the main lines of this process is the democratic centralism.Therefore,the Chinese mode is in fact the political development centered on democratic centralism.
The concept of"Chinese mode"is now a hot topic in the ideological circles both at home and abroad.But most western scholars observe the Chinese mode under the spectrum of ideology.Some of the arguments that negate the Chinese mode are actually"taking care of China"with established concepts and political models.They cannot conduct in-depth empirical research and theoretical generalization of the 30 years' political development before and after the founding of New China.The political practice of New China is based on the gene of Chinese civilization,laying the foundation of the system in the first 30 years,and building the system in the last 30 years,and finalized the system.One of the main lines of this process is the democratic centralism.Therefore,the Chinese mode is in fact the political development centered on democratic centralism.
引文
[1]丁学良.辩论“中国模式”[M].北京:社会科学文献出版社,2011.
[2]Andrew Nathan.China’s Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience[J].Journal of Democracy,Vol.14,No.1,January 2003.
[3]Francis Fukuyama.What is Governance[J].Governace,Vol.26,No.3,July 2013.
[4]M.Weitzman,Xu.Chinese Township Village Enterprises as Vaguely Defined Cooperatives[J].Journal of Comparative Economics,1994,18(2).
[5]林毅夫,蔡昉,李周.中国的奇迹:发展战略与经济改革(增订版)[M].上海:格致出版社,2014.
[6]Qian Yingyi,Barry R.Weingast.Federalism as a Commitment to Perserving Market Incentives[J].The Journal of Economic Perspectives,Vol.11,No.4,Autumn 1997.
[7]郑永年.中国崛起:重估亚洲价值观[M].北京:东方出版社,2016.
[8]胡鞍钢.中国国家治理现代化[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2014.
[9]Zheng Yongnian.The Chinese Communist Party As Organizational Emperor:Culture,Reproduction and Transformation[M].London and New York:Routledge,2010.
[10]郑永年.中国模式:经验与挑战[M].北京:中信出版社,2016.
[11]王绍光.中国·政道[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2014.
[12]Bruce Dickson.Red Capitalists in China:Party,Private Entrepreneurs,and Prospects for Political Change[M].Cambridge:Cambridge U-niversity Press,2003.
[13][美]蔡欣怡.绕过民主:当代中国私营企业主的身份与策略[M].黄涛,何大明译.杭州:浙江人民出版社,2013.
[14]黄宗良.从苏联模式到中国道路[M].北京:北京大学出版社,2014.
[15]张维为.中国震撼:一个文明型国家的崛起[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2011.
[16]潘维.人民共和国六十年与中国模式[M].北京:三联书店,2010.
[17]朱云汉.高思在云:中国兴起与全球秩序重组[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2015.
[18]Daniel A.Bell.The China Model:Political Meritocracy and the limits of Democracy[M].Princeton:Princeton University Press,2015.
[19]姚洋.中国模式及其前景[J].中国市场,2010,(24).
[20]王赓武.更新中国:国家与新全球史[M].黄涛译.杭州:浙江人民出版社,2016.
[21]赵汀阳.天下体系---世界制度哲学导论[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2011.
[22]杨光斌.中华文明基体论[J].人民论坛,2016,(5).
[23]Pei Minxin.China’s Trapped Transition:The Limits of Developmental Autocracy[M].Cambridge,Mass:Harvard University Press,2006.
[24][美]弗朗西斯·福山.中国模式---高增长与双刃的威权主义[N].读卖新闻(日本),2011-09-25.
[25]Susan L.Shirk.China:Fragile Superpower:How China’s Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise[M].New York:Oxford University Press,2007.
[26]David Shambaugh.China’s Communist Party:Atrophy and Adaptation[M].Berkeley:University of California Press,2008.
[27]Andrew Nathan.China’s Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience[J].Journal of Democracy,Vol.14,No.1,January 2003.
[28]许小年.中国模式其实是不存在的[J].上海企业,2013,(1).
[29]陈志武.没有中国模式这回事[J].南方人物周刊,2011,(8).
[30]黄亚生.印度模式优于中国模式[EB/OL].http://www.guancha.cn/HuangYaSheng/2014_10_15_276253.shtml.
[31]石之瑜,李梅玲.“西方中心论”与崛起后的中国---英美知识界如何评估中国模式[J].人民论坛·学术前沿,2013,(3).
[32]杨光斌,乔哲青.论作为“中国模式”的民主集中制政体[J].政治学研究,2015,(6).
[33]杨光斌.民主集中制是我国根本政治制度的优势所在[N].光明日报,2014-09-30.
[34]邓小平文选[M].第1卷.北京:人民出版社,1994.
[35]习近平.在庆祝全国人民代表大会成立60周年上的讲话[N].人民日报,2014-09-05.
(1)参见Joshua Cooper Ramo:“The Beijing Consensus”,Foreign Policy Centre,May 2004.“华盛顿共识”源自撒切尔和里根在上台后对英国和美国的经济结构做出的一定程度的重整,从而影响到整个20世纪80年代西方国家的经济思维革命,通过实行“大市场、小政府、轻赋税”的“新自由主义改革”一举解决了西方国家在经历两次石油危机之后的“滞胀”局面。这种“新自由主义”路线最后被升华为“华盛顿共识”,并被国际货币基金组织和世界银行在全世界推销,一时间成为大多数发展中国家奉为圭臬的典范。
[2]Andrew Nathan.China’s Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience[J].Journal of Democracy,Vol.14,No.1,January 2003.
[3]Francis Fukuyama.What is Governance[J].Governace,Vol.26,No.3,July 2013.
[4]M.Weitzman,Xu.Chinese Township Village Enterprises as Vaguely Defined Cooperatives[J].Journal of Comparative Economics,1994,18(2).
[5]林毅夫,蔡昉,李周.中国的奇迹:发展战略与经济改革(增订版)[M].上海:格致出版社,2014.
[6]Qian Yingyi,Barry R.Weingast.Federalism as a Commitment to Perserving Market Incentives[J].The Journal of Economic Perspectives,Vol.11,No.4,Autumn 1997.
[7]郑永年.中国崛起:重估亚洲价值观[M].北京:东方出版社,2016.
[8]胡鞍钢.中国国家治理现代化[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2014.
[9]Zheng Yongnian.The Chinese Communist Party As Organizational Emperor:Culture,Reproduction and Transformation[M].London and New York:Routledge,2010.
[10]郑永年.中国模式:经验与挑战[M].北京:中信出版社,2016.
[11]王绍光.中国·政道[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2014.
[12]Bruce Dickson.Red Capitalists in China:Party,Private Entrepreneurs,and Prospects for Political Change[M].Cambridge:Cambridge U-niversity Press,2003.
[13][美]蔡欣怡.绕过民主:当代中国私营企业主的身份与策略[M].黄涛,何大明译.杭州:浙江人民出版社,2013.
[14]黄宗良.从苏联模式到中国道路[M].北京:北京大学出版社,2014.
[15]张维为.中国震撼:一个文明型国家的崛起[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2011.
[16]潘维.人民共和国六十年与中国模式[M].北京:三联书店,2010.
[17]朱云汉.高思在云:中国兴起与全球秩序重组[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2015.
[18]Daniel A.Bell.The China Model:Political Meritocracy and the limits of Democracy[M].Princeton:Princeton University Press,2015.
[19]姚洋.中国模式及其前景[J].中国市场,2010,(24).
[20]王赓武.更新中国:国家与新全球史[M].黄涛译.杭州:浙江人民出版社,2016.
[21]赵汀阳.天下体系---世界制度哲学导论[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2011.
[22]杨光斌.中华文明基体论[J].人民论坛,2016,(5).
[23]Pei Minxin.China’s Trapped Transition:The Limits of Developmental Autocracy[M].Cambridge,Mass:Harvard University Press,2006.
[24][美]弗朗西斯·福山.中国模式---高增长与双刃的威权主义[N].读卖新闻(日本),2011-09-25.
[25]Susan L.Shirk.China:Fragile Superpower:How China’s Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise[M].New York:Oxford University Press,2007.
[26]David Shambaugh.China’s Communist Party:Atrophy and Adaptation[M].Berkeley:University of California Press,2008.
[27]Andrew Nathan.China’s Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience[J].Journal of Democracy,Vol.14,No.1,January 2003.
[28]许小年.中国模式其实是不存在的[J].上海企业,2013,(1).
[29]陈志武.没有中国模式这回事[J].南方人物周刊,2011,(8).
[30]黄亚生.印度模式优于中国模式[EB/OL].http://www.guancha.cn/HuangYaSheng/2014_10_15_276253.shtml.
[31]石之瑜,李梅玲.“西方中心论”与崛起后的中国---英美知识界如何评估中国模式[J].人民论坛·学术前沿,2013,(3).
[32]杨光斌,乔哲青.论作为“中国模式”的民主集中制政体[J].政治学研究,2015,(6).
[33]杨光斌.民主集中制是我国根本政治制度的优势所在[N].光明日报,2014-09-30.
[34]邓小平文选[M].第1卷.北京:人民出版社,1994.
[35]习近平.在庆祝全国人民代表大会成立60周年上的讲话[N].人民日报,2014-09-05.
(1)参见Joshua Cooper Ramo:“The Beijing Consensus”,Foreign Policy Centre,May 2004.“华盛顿共识”源自撒切尔和里根在上台后对英国和美国的经济结构做出的一定程度的重整,从而影响到整个20世纪80年代西方国家的经济思维革命,通过实行“大市场、小政府、轻赋税”的“新自由主义改革”一举解决了西方国家在经历两次石油危机之后的“滞胀”局面。这种“新自由主义”路线最后被升华为“华盛顿共识”,并被国际货币基金组织和世界银行在全世界推销,一时间成为大多数发展中国家奉为圭臬的典范。