谈中国历史上都城最典型的“主辅摇摆期”——隋唐都城长安(大兴)与洛阳主辅关系转换问题研究
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摘要
从都城史及主(首都)辅(陪都)关系史的角度看,隋唐是中国古代史上都城典型的"主辅摇摆期"。隋唐之际,长安(大兴)与洛阳之间,都城主辅关系发生大规模的转换有三次,而因就食洛阳而发生短时间的主辅关系转换竟多达十余次。其中,三次大规模的主辅关系转换为:隋大兴(长安)与洛阳之间的主辅关系转换、武则天天授元年开始长安与洛阳之间的主辅关系转换、唐末天祜元年长安与洛阳之间的主辅关系转换。这三次主辅关系的转换,是商周以来中国政治重心在黄河流域内从西向东移动、转变的延续,反映了隋唐时期政治中心的变迁,蕴含了国家命运的兴衰。隋唐既是中国古代的一个盛世,也是中国古代历史上一个重要转换时期,更是由西向东转换,同时也包括由北向南的历史趋势转换的一个时期。隋唐长安与洛阳三次首都—陪都之间的主辅关系转换是这种历史大趋势的缩影和典型代表。
From the perspective of the history of the capital and the relationship between the main(capital) and the auxiliary(accompanying) capital, the Sui and Tang Dynasties are the typical"swing period of the main and auxiliary"of the capital in the ancient history of China. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, there were three large-scale transformations of the relationship between the Capital Changan(Daxing) and Luoyang, and there were more than ten short-term transformations of the relationship betweenChangan(Daxing) and Luoyang. Among them, three large-scale transformations of the main-subsidiary relationship are as follows: the main-subsidiary relationship between Daxing(Changan) and Luoyang in Sui Dynasty, the main-subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang from the beginning of the first year of Tianguo by Wu Zetian,and the main-subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang during the first year of Tianyou in the late Tang Dynasty.These three transformations are the continuation of the shift of China's political focus from west to East in the Yellow River basin since Shang and Zhou Dynasties, reflecting the changes of the political center in Sui and Tang Dynasties, and implying the rise and fall of the countrys destiny. Sui and Tang Dynasty is not only a flourishing period in ancient China, but also an important period of transformation in the great history of ancient China. It is also a period of transformation from west to east,as well as a period of great transformation in the historical trend from north to south. The transformation of the principal and subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang in Sui and Tang Dynasties is the epitome and typical representative of this historical trend.
From the perspective of the history of the capital and the relationship between the main(capital) and the auxiliary(accompanying) capital, the Sui and Tang Dynasties are the typical"swing period of the main and auxiliary"of the capital in the ancient history of China. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, there were three large-scale transformations of the relationship between the Capital Changan(Daxing) and Luoyang, and there were more than ten short-term transformations of the relationship betweenChangan(Daxing) and Luoyang. Among them, three large-scale transformations of the main-subsidiary relationship are as follows: the main-subsidiary relationship between Daxing(Changan) and Luoyang in Sui Dynasty, the main-subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang from the beginning of the first year of Tianguo by Wu Zetian,and the main-subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang during the first year of Tianyou in the late Tang Dynasty.These three transformations are the continuation of the shift of China's political focus from west to East in the Yellow River basin since Shang and Zhou Dynasties, reflecting the changes of the political center in Sui and Tang Dynasties, and implying the rise and fall of the countrys destiny. Sui and Tang Dynasty is not only a flourishing period in ancient China, but also an important period of transformation in the great history of ancient China. It is also a period of transformation from west to east,as well as a period of great transformation in the historical trend from north to south. The transformation of the principal and subsidiary relationship between Changan and Luoyang in Sui and Tang Dynasties is the epitome and typical representative of this historical trend.
引文
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[8]彭定求.全唐诗:增订本[M].北京:中华书局,1999.
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[11]陈寅恪.隋唐制度渊源略论稿唐代政治史述论稿[M].北京:三联书店,2001.
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[13]辛德勇.大业杂记辑校[M].西安:三秦出版社,2006.
[14]周易[M].郭彧,译注.北京:中华书局,2006.
[15]朱耀廷.定都与迁都:中国七大古都比较研究之一[J].北京联合大学学报(人文社会科学版),2003(1):69-76.
[16]金振华,陈桂声主编.文史合璧[M].苏州:苏州大学出版社,2016.
[17]李久昌.中国古代都城的“洛阳模式”[J].中州学刊,2018(4):126-130.
[18]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[19]薛居正.旧五代史[M].北京:中华书局,1976.
[20]刘宽夫.汴州纠曹厅壁记[M]//董浩等.全唐文.北京:中华书局,1983.
[21]脱脱等.宋史[M].北京:中华书局,1977.
[22]李焘.续资治通鉴长编[M].北京:中华书局,1986.
(1)参见丁海斌:《论中国古代的多京制》,《社会科学战线》2015年第8期。
(2)“主辅摇摆期”是笔者为研究都辅关系首次提出的一个名词。其意为在特定的历史时期中,都城地位不稳,都城与陪都(一般为具有主要地位的陪都,如唐代有多个陪都,但洛阳是具有突出地位的陪都,在多京制体系中与长安共同形成两京主体制)之间角色多发生转换,权力中心在两个城市之间摇摆不定。
(3)参见丁海斌、焦杨:《中国古代“由主入辅型陪都”研究》,《中原文化研究》2018年第2期。
[2]邹逸麟.中国历史人文地理[M].北京:科学出版社,2001.
[3]魏征.隋书[M].北京:中华书局,1982.
[4]李昉.太平御览[M].河北:河北教育出版社,2000.
[5]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1976.
[6]徐松.河南志[M].北京:中华书局,1994.
[7]刘昫等.旧唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[8]彭定求.全唐诗:增订本[M].北京:中华书局,1999.
[9]班固.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1964.
[10]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,1963.
[11]陈寅恪.隋唐制度渊源略论稿唐代政治史述论稿[M].北京:三联书店,2001.
[12]史念海.隋唐时期的交通与都会[J].唐史论丛,1995(1):7-63.
[13]辛德勇.大业杂记辑校[M].西安:三秦出版社,2006.
[14]周易[M].郭彧,译注.北京:中华书局,2006.
[15]朱耀廷.定都与迁都:中国七大古都比较研究之一[J].北京联合大学学报(人文社会科学版),2003(1):69-76.
[16]金振华,陈桂声主编.文史合璧[M].苏州:苏州大学出版社,2016.
[17]李久昌.中国古代都城的“洛阳模式”[J].中州学刊,2018(4):126-130.
[18]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[19]薛居正.旧五代史[M].北京:中华书局,1976.
[20]刘宽夫.汴州纠曹厅壁记[M]//董浩等.全唐文.北京:中华书局,1983.
[21]脱脱等.宋史[M].北京:中华书局,1977.
[22]李焘.续资治通鉴长编[M].北京:中华书局,1986.
(1)参见丁海斌:《论中国古代的多京制》,《社会科学战线》2015年第8期。
(2)“主辅摇摆期”是笔者为研究都辅关系首次提出的一个名词。其意为在特定的历史时期中,都城地位不稳,都城与陪都(一般为具有主要地位的陪都,如唐代有多个陪都,但洛阳是具有突出地位的陪都,在多京制体系中与长安共同形成两京主体制)之间角色多发生转换,权力中心在两个城市之间摇摆不定。
(3)参见丁海斌、焦杨:《中国古代“由主入辅型陪都”研究》,《中原文化研究》2018年第2期。