魏晋时期“狂狷”士风形成的原因及其内在冲突
|
摘要
魏晋时期"狂狷"士风的形成,主要源自于"道统"与"政统"的冲突。魏晋时期政治生活的这一冲突在社会生活中则表现为"自然"与"名教"的冲突;在学术生活中则表现为"尊德性"与"道问学"的冲突。在这些冲突与矛盾中,不愿意流为"乡愿"的知识分子在政治生活、社会生活与学术生活中,或表现为"积极进取"的"狂",或表现为"有所不为"的"狷",这就形成了魏晋时期独特的"狂狷"士风。
The radical pursuit of the literati for free spirit during the Wei and Jin Dynasties( 220 A. D– 420 A. D) could be attributed to the conflict between the Confucian tradition and the political orthodoxy,which was embodied by the conflict between the nature and the Confucian ethical code in social life and that between the doctrines of honoring the virtuous and following the knowledge in academic life. Caught between these conflicts,the literati,who refused to be denied entry into the elite social,political and academic circles,chose to behave either radically active or radically inactive. This phenomenon characterized the whole two dynasties.
The radical pursuit of the literati for free spirit during the Wei and Jin Dynasties( 220 A. D– 420 A. D) could be attributed to the conflict between the Confucian tradition and the political orthodoxy,which was embodied by the conflict between the nature and the Confucian ethical code in social life and that between the doctrines of honoring the virtuous and following the knowledge in academic life. Caught between these conflicts,the literati,who refused to be denied entry into the elite social,political and academic circles,chose to behave either radically active or radically inactive. This phenomenon characterized the whole two dynasties.
引文
[1]中共中央马克思恩格斯列宁斯大林著作编译局编译.马克思恩格斯文集(第一卷)[M].北京:人民出版社,2009.
[2](美)余英时著.士与中国文化[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2003.
[3](南朝·宋)范晔撰;(唐)李贤等注.后汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1965.
[4](清)赵翼撰;曹光甫校点.廿二史札记[M].南京:凤凰出版社,2008.
[5](唐)房玄龄等撰.晋书[M].北京:中华书局,1974.
[6]鲁迅著.而已集[M].上海:北新书局,1928.
[7](三国·魏)嵇康著;戴明扬校注.嵇康集校注[M].北京:中华书局,2014.
[8]徐震堮著.世说新语校笺[M].北京:中华书局,1984.
[9]梁启超原著;朱维铮校注.清代学术概论[M].北京:中华书局,2010.
[10](汉)班固撰;(唐)颜师古注.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[11](清)皮锡瑞著;周予同注释.经学历史[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
(1)孟子在《孟子·尽心下》中初步提出了儒家的师承体系,韩愈在《原道》中仿照佛家的传法体系正式提出儒家的道统思想。
(2)牟宗三在《略论道统、学统、政统》一文中把“‘政治形态’或政体发展之统续”称为“政统”。详见牟宗三著《生命的学问》(桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第29页)。
(1)对于《管蔡论》《太师箴》是否借文讽刺与反抗司马氏,学术界有不同看法(侯外庐等对此持肯定看法,童强则持否定看法)。参见侯外庐等著《中国思想通史》第三卷(北京:人民出版社,1957年)、童强著《嵇康评传》(南京:南京大学出版社,2006年)的相关内容。本文采用侯外庐等的看法。
[2](美)余英时著.士与中国文化[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2003.
[3](南朝·宋)范晔撰;(唐)李贤等注.后汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1965.
[4](清)赵翼撰;曹光甫校点.廿二史札记[M].南京:凤凰出版社,2008.
[5](唐)房玄龄等撰.晋书[M].北京:中华书局,1974.
[6]鲁迅著.而已集[M].上海:北新书局,1928.
[7](三国·魏)嵇康著;戴明扬校注.嵇康集校注[M].北京:中华书局,2014.
[8]徐震堮著.世说新语校笺[M].北京:中华书局,1984.
[9]梁启超原著;朱维铮校注.清代学术概论[M].北京:中华书局,2010.
[10](汉)班固撰;(唐)颜师古注.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[11](清)皮锡瑞著;周予同注释.经学历史[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
(1)孟子在《孟子·尽心下》中初步提出了儒家的师承体系,韩愈在《原道》中仿照佛家的传法体系正式提出儒家的道统思想。
(2)牟宗三在《略论道统、学统、政统》一文中把“‘政治形态’或政体发展之统续”称为“政统”。详见牟宗三著《生命的学问》(桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第29页)。
(1)对于《管蔡论》《太师箴》是否借文讽刺与反抗司马氏,学术界有不同看法(侯外庐等对此持肯定看法,童强则持否定看法)。参见侯外庐等著《中国思想通史》第三卷(北京:人民出版社,1957年)、童强著《嵇康评传》(南京:南京大学出版社,2006年)的相关内容。本文采用侯外庐等的看法。