以情致用:特朗普政治劝说话语中的恐惧驱动模式
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摘要
作为古典修辞学的核心要素,情感对于政治劝说话语建构具有举足轻重的作用。随着近来公共话语研究的日益勃兴,具体情感元素的政治指向性与关联性研究日趋成为学界关注的热点,基于政治、话语和文化的多元界面而展开具化研究就是其中一个不可忽视的向度。从文化语用学视角出发,以美国政治领袖特朗普总统的政治话语为个案,分析具体情感元素如何立足于具有历史性、文化性与政治性的公共话语空间来完成政治信息的建构与传播,进而呈现政治领袖领导力的话语建构过程则具有典型的案例示范价值。基于美国文化体系中的恐惧心理与政治话语分析表明,特朗普的公共话语输出分别指涉宏观(国家)、中观(家庭)和微观(个人)三个层面,其积极建构恐惧驱动的公共话语输出模式,以谋求普通美国民众的文化认同与政治共情。这对于认识公共空间当中当代政治领袖话语的文化属性与政治本性具有一定的参考意义,同时也提示政治领袖领导力的建构与提升需要实现从"存量"到"增量"的转型,因此,必须注意公共话语的文化属性分析以及文化的自我超越特征研究。
As the core element of classical rhetoric, emotion plays a decisive role in constructing persuasion of political discourse. With the increasing popularity of public discourse studies in recent years, focus is of increasing significance on specific emotional elements and its political orientation and relevance, along which a specific study cannot be ignored that integrates the interfaces of politics, discourse and culture. Taking a cultural pragmatics perspective, with the political undertakings of American President Trump as a case, how the concrete emotional elements are manipulated for the construction and dissemination of political information is analyzed and discussed in the context of historical,cultural and political public discourses, which finally contributes to a valid construction of political leaders' leadership as a typical case. It is found that Trump's output of public discourse refers to macro-(state), meso-(family) and micro-(individual) levels with the help of "FEAR" of American cultural system, which is conducive for an active construction of a fear-driven public discourse output mode while obtaining cultural identification and political empathy from ordinary American civilians. These findings are of a certain values for understanding the cultural attributes and political nature of contemporary political leaders' discourse in public space. At the same time, it also suggests that the construction and improvement of political leadership need to transform from "stock" to "increment", during which the cultural attributes of public discourse and the characteristics of cultural self-transcendence cannot afford to be ignored.
As the core element of classical rhetoric, emotion plays a decisive role in constructing persuasion of political discourse. With the increasing popularity of public discourse studies in recent years, focus is of increasing significance on specific emotional elements and its political orientation and relevance, along which a specific study cannot be ignored that integrates the interfaces of politics, discourse and culture. Taking a cultural pragmatics perspective, with the political undertakings of American President Trump as a case, how the concrete emotional elements are manipulated for the construction and dissemination of political information is analyzed and discussed in the context of historical,cultural and political public discourses, which finally contributes to a valid construction of political leaders' leadership as a typical case. It is found that Trump's output of public discourse refers to macro-(state), meso-(family) and micro-(individual) levels with the help of "FEAR" of American cultural system, which is conducive for an active construction of a fear-driven public discourse output mode while obtaining cultural identification and political empathy from ordinary American civilians. These findings are of a certain values for understanding the cultural attributes and political nature of contemporary political leaders' discourse in public space. At the same time, it also suggests that the construction and improvement of political leadership need to transform from "stock" to "increment", during which the cultural attributes of public discourse and the characteristics of cultural self-transcendence cannot afford to be ignored.
引文
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[2]郑洁.律师辩护词劝说策略分析---面子理论视角[J].西南农业大学学报(社会科学版),2013,(5):24-28.
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[4]Perloff R.The Dynamics of Persuasion[M].Hillside:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,1993.2.
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[7]Cap P.The Language of Fear:Communicating Threat in Public Discourse[J].London and New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2017.
[8]申智奇.关联理论对说服行为的解释[J].外国语言文学,2004,(4):31-35.
[9]唐霞.劝说言语行为的语用分析[J].长沙大学学报,2009,(3):73-75.
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[11]Alhudhaif A.A Speech Act Approach to Persuasion in American and Arabie Edictorial[D].Purdue:Purdue U-niversity Graduate School,2005.5.
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[16]Reddy M.Against constructionist:The historical ethnography of emotions[J].Current Anthropology,1997,(38):327-340.
[17]Kitchens J.and L.Powell.The Four Pillars of Politics:Why Some Candidates Don’t Win and Others Can't Lead[M].New York:Lexington Books,2015.
[18]Gagnon M.,Jacob J.and Holmes D.Governing through(in)security:A critical analysis of a fear-based public health campaign[J].Critical Public Health,2010,(20):245-256.
[19]Jerit J.Survival of the fittest:rhetoric during the dourse of an Election Campaign[J].Political Psychology,2004,(25):563-575.
[20]Neustadt R.Presidential Power:The Politics of Leadership[M].New York:Wiley,1960.152.
[21]Hovland C.and Sherif M.Social Judgment:Assimilation and Contrast Effects in Communication and Attitude Change[M].Westport:Greenwood,1980.
[22]Sherif C.and Sherif M.&Nebergall R.Attitude and Attitude Change[M].Philadelphia:W.B.Saunders,1965.2.
[23]Crowley S.Toward a civil discourse:Rhetoric and fundamentalism[M].Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,2006.87.
[24]Ahmed S.The cultural politics of emotion[M].New York:Routledge,2004.12.
[25]Zembylas M.Discursive practices,genealogies,and emotional rules:A poststructuralist view on emotion and identity in teaching[J].Teaching and Teacher Education,2005,(21):935-948.
[26]Abu-Lughod L.and C.Lutz.Language and the politics of emotion[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1990.14.
[27]Worsham L.Going postal:Pedagogic violence and the schooling of emotion[J].JAC:Journal of Advanced Composition,1998,(2):213-245.
[28]Gorzelsky G.The language of experience:Literate practices and social change[M].Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,2005.29.
[29]何刚.话语、社交、文化---文化驱动的社会语用视角[J].外语教学理论与实践,2011,(3):35-41.
[30]何刚.文化指示方式的解释---以当代美国英语话语为例[J].浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2014,(6):174-183.
[31]Hitler A.Mein Kampf[M].London:Hurst&Blackett Publishers,1939.7.
[32]Luciana C.and Cartelli L.The implicit and explicit effects of negative political campaigns:Is the source really blamed[J].Political Psychology,2010,(4):617-645.
(1)英文的原文是:We have nothing to fear, but fear itself.1941年,在美国国会做国情咨文演讲时,罗斯福提出了著名的“四大自由”观念。四大自由包括:言论自由、信仰自由、免于匮乏的自由和免于恐惧的自由。其中前两项仍然属于传统的权利法案的内容,属于政治权利的范畴,而后两项则为后来第二权利法案的提出奠定了基础。
[2]郑洁.律师辩护词劝说策略分析---面子理论视角[J].西南农业大学学报(社会科学版),2013,(5):24-28.
[3]Simons H.Persuasion in Society[M].Longdon:Sage Publications Inc,2001.4.
[4]Perloff R.The Dynamics of Persuasion[M].Hillside:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,1993.2.
[5]孙维张,吕明臣.社会交际语言学[M].长春:吉林大学出版社,1996.27.
[6]Searle J.Speech Acts:An Essay in the Philosophy of Language[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1969.124.
[7]Cap P.The Language of Fear:Communicating Threat in Public Discourse[J].London and New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2017.
[8]申智奇.关联理论对说服行为的解释[J].外国语言文学,2004,(4):31-35.
[9]唐霞.劝说言语行为的语用分析[J].长沙大学学报,2009,(3):73-75.
[10]郑立华.交际与面子博弈---互动社会语言学研究[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社,2013.2-3.
[11]Alhudhaif A.A Speech Act Approach to Persuasion in American and Arabie Edictorial[D].Purdue:Purdue U-niversity Graduate School,2005.5.
[12]Ferrara A.An extended theory of speech acts[J].Journal of Pragmatics,1980,(4):233-252.
[13]Leighton S.Aristotle and the Emotions[C].In:A.Oksenberg Rorty(Ed.),Essays on Aristotle’s Rhetoric(206-237).Berkeley:University of California Press,1996.7.
[14]Solmsen F.Aristotle and Cicero on the Orator’s playing upon the feelings[J].Classical Philology,1938,(33):390-404.
[15]Solmsen F.The Aristotelian tradition in ancient rhetoric[J].American Journal of Philology,1941,(62):35-50.
[16]Reddy M.Against constructionist:The historical ethnography of emotions[J].Current Anthropology,1997,(38):327-340.
[17]Kitchens J.and L.Powell.The Four Pillars of Politics:Why Some Candidates Don’t Win and Others Can't Lead[M].New York:Lexington Books,2015.
[18]Gagnon M.,Jacob J.and Holmes D.Governing through(in)security:A critical analysis of a fear-based public health campaign[J].Critical Public Health,2010,(20):245-256.
[19]Jerit J.Survival of the fittest:rhetoric during the dourse of an Election Campaign[J].Political Psychology,2004,(25):563-575.
[20]Neustadt R.Presidential Power:The Politics of Leadership[M].New York:Wiley,1960.152.
[21]Hovland C.and Sherif M.Social Judgment:Assimilation and Contrast Effects in Communication and Attitude Change[M].Westport:Greenwood,1980.
[22]Sherif C.and Sherif M.&Nebergall R.Attitude and Attitude Change[M].Philadelphia:W.B.Saunders,1965.2.
[23]Crowley S.Toward a civil discourse:Rhetoric and fundamentalism[M].Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,2006.87.
[24]Ahmed S.The cultural politics of emotion[M].New York:Routledge,2004.12.
[25]Zembylas M.Discursive practices,genealogies,and emotional rules:A poststructuralist view on emotion and identity in teaching[J].Teaching and Teacher Education,2005,(21):935-948.
[26]Abu-Lughod L.and C.Lutz.Language and the politics of emotion[M].Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1990.14.
[27]Worsham L.Going postal:Pedagogic violence and the schooling of emotion[J].JAC:Journal of Advanced Composition,1998,(2):213-245.
[28]Gorzelsky G.The language of experience:Literate practices and social change[M].Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,2005.29.
[29]何刚.话语、社交、文化---文化驱动的社会语用视角[J].外语教学理论与实践,2011,(3):35-41.
[30]何刚.文化指示方式的解释---以当代美国英语话语为例[J].浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2014,(6):174-183.
[31]Hitler A.Mein Kampf[M].London:Hurst&Blackett Publishers,1939.7.
[32]Luciana C.and Cartelli L.The implicit and explicit effects of negative political campaigns:Is the source really blamed[J].Political Psychology,2010,(4):617-645.
(1)英文的原文是:We have nothing to fear, but fear itself.1941年,在美国国会做国情咨文演讲时,罗斯福提出了著名的“四大自由”观念。四大自由包括:言论自由、信仰自由、免于匮乏的自由和免于恐惧的自由。其中前两项仍然属于传统的权利法案的内容,属于政治权利的范畴,而后两项则为后来第二权利法案的提出奠定了基础。