论副词“一定”的三种用法——兼谈其对强必然性情态的强化机制
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摘要
副词"一定"在以往的研究中一直被看作是情态词,表达认知情态和道义情态。本文驳斥了这一观点,论证了"一定"有三种用法:"一定_1"表达认知情态;"一定_2"确认命题真值;"一定_3"强化情态意义。从与情态的搭配来看,"一定_3"作为强化词只能搭配强必然性情态,而不能搭配情态力度较弱的情态;后一种情形下的"一定"只能看作"一定_1"或"一定_2"的用法。我们进一步指出,"一定_3"对强必然性情态的强化作用是通过精确化效应,即扩大情态的量化域而实现的。
In the literature, the adverb "yiding" in Chinese has always been viewed as a modal item expressing both epistemic and deontic modality.In the present paper, we argue that this is not the case.We demonstrate that there are three uses of "yiding", viz."yiding_1" as an epistemic modal, "yiding_2" as a truth confirmer, and "yiding_3" as a modal intensifier.According to our observation, "yiding_3" can just co-occur with the strong necessity modals, but not with the weaker ones; and the occurrences of "yiding" in the latter circumstances have to be treated as "yiding_1" or "yiding_2".Moreover, we point out that the intensification of "yiding_3" would be induced by the precisification effects, which leads to the expansion of modal domains.
In the literature, the adverb "yiding" in Chinese has always been viewed as a modal item expressing both epistemic and deontic modality.In the present paper, we argue that this is not the case.We demonstrate that there are three uses of "yiding", viz."yiding_1" as an epistemic modal, "yiding_2" as a truth confirmer, and "yiding_3" as a modal intensifier.According to our observation, "yiding_3" can just co-occur with the strong necessity modals, but not with the weaker ones; and the occurrences of "yiding" in the latter circumstances have to be treated as "yiding_1" or "yiding_2".Moreover, we point out that the intensification of "yiding_3" would be induced by the precisification effects, which leads to the expansion of modal domains.
引文
[1] Anand,P.& A.Brasoveanu.Modal concord as modal modification [C]// Prinzhorn,M.,Schmitt,V.& S.Zobel.Proceedings of Sinn and Bedeutung 14.Vienna:University of Vienna,2010.19-36.
[2] Beltrama,A.& M.R.Bochnak.Intensification without degrees crosslinguistically [J].Nat Lang Linguist Theory,2015,33(3):843-897.
[3] von Fintel,K.& S.Iatridou.How to say ought in foreign:the composition of weak necessity modals [C]// Guéron,J.& J.Lecarme.Time and Modality.Dordrecht:Springer,2008.115-141.
[4] Grice,H.P.The causal theory perception [C]// Grice,H.P.Studies in the Way of Words.Cambridge,MA.:Harvard University Press,1989.224-227.
[5] Halliday,M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar (3rd Edition) [M].London:Arnold,2004.
[6] Horn,L.R.On the semantic properties of logical operators in English [D].Los Angeles:Univ.of California,Los Angeles,1972.
[7] Huitink,J.Modal concord:a case study of Dutch[J].Journal of Semantics,2012,29(3):403–437.
[8] Kennedy,C.Vagueness and grammar:the semantics of relative and absolute gradable adjectives [J].Linguistics and Philosophy,2007,30(1):1-45.
[9] Klecha,P.Bridging the divide:Scalarity and modality [D].Chicago:University of Chicago,2014.
[10] Kratzer,A.The notional category of modality [C]// Eikmeyer,H.J.& H.Rieser.Words,Worlds,and Contexts.New Approaches to Word Semantics.Berlin:Walter de Gruyter,1981.38-74.
[11] Kratzer,A.Modality [C]// von Stechow,A.& D.Wunderlich.Semantics:An International Handbook of Contemporary Research.Berlin:de Gruyter,1991.639-650.
[12] Lasersohn,P.Pragmatic halos [J].Language,1999,75 (3):522–551.
[13] McNabb,Y.Cross-categorial modification of properties in Hebrew and English [C]// Chereches,A.Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 22.Ithaca:CLC Publications,2012.365-382.
[14] Morzycki,M.Adjective extremeness:degree modification and contextually restricted scales [J].Natural Language and Linguistic Theory,2012,30(2):567-609.
[15] Portner,P.The semantics of imperatives within a theory of clause types [C]// Watanabe,K.& R.B.Young.Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 14.Cornell University Linguistics Department:CLC Publications,2004.
[16] Portner,P.Imperatives and modals [J].Natural Language Semantics,2007,15(4):351-383.
[17] Potts,C.The Logic of Conventional Implicature [M].Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005.
[18] Potts,C.The expressive dimension [J].Theoretical Linguistics,2007,33(2):165-198.
[19] Rubinstein,A.Roots of modality [D].Massachusetts:University of Massachusetts Amherst,2012.
[20] Wu,Jiun-Shiung.Dynamic semantics for intensification and epistemic necessity:the case of ‘yiding' and ‘shibi' in Mandarin Chinese [C]// PACLIC,2015.241-248.http://bcmi.sjtu.edu.cn/～paclic29/proceedings/PACLIC29-2028.72.pdf.
[21] 陈勇.“一定”的虚化及两种语义的分化[J].武汉科技大学学报(社会科学版),2011,13(5):605-609.
[22] 丁萍.也说副词“一定” [J].西北民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2008,(5):108-112.
[23] 郭昭军,尹美子.现代汉语必要类动词比较研究[J].汉语学报,2008a,(1):62-69.
[24] 郭昭军,尹美子.助动词“要”的模态多义性及其制约因素[J].汉语学习,2008b,(2):35-40.
[25] 李成军.副词“一定”说略[J].理论月刊,2005,(5):126-127.
[26] 吕叔湘.现代汉语八百词[M].北京:商务印书馆.1980.
[27] 潘海峰.副词“一定”与“必定”的情态对比及相关问题研究[J].同济大学学报(社会科学版),2017,28(4):106-116.
[28] 彭利贞.现代汉语情态研究[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2007.
[29] 张谊生.揣测与确信评注的兼容模式及其功用与成因[J].世界汉语教学,2016,30(3):331-341.
[30] 张则顺,肖君.副词“一定”的情态意义和相关功能研究[J].汉语学习,2015,(1):85-92.
[31] 中国社会科学院语言研究所词典室.现代汉语词典.第6版[Z].北京:商务印书馆,2012.
(1)除了用作副词,“一定”还可用作形容词,表示“固定的;规定的;确定的”(参见《现代汉语八百词》)。本文只考虑其副词用法。若无特殊说明,以下所讨论的“一定”都是副词词性。
(2)此外,情态和谐现象还要求两个情态词的情态力是一致的,否则句子不可接受。比如:(i)*We must/have to legitimately deny your request.
(3)注意:表达道义情态的“必须”和“要”的情态力是一致的,都是必然性算子(参见彭利贞2007;郭昭军、尹美子2008a,b)。
(4)李成军(2005)还指出,义项1解读的“一定”还可能是“一定是”的省略。比如,“昨天他一定熬夜了”这个句子中就不能加“会”。我们认为这是由于“会”表推测只能用于现在或将来,而不能用于过去。
(5)注意:尽管表义务的情态词表达必然性情态,但有强弱之分。目前学界普遍认同“have to/must(要/必须)”表达强必然性,而“ought to/should(应该/该)”表达弱必然性(参见von Fintel & Iatridou 2008;Rubinstein 2012等)。
(6)Bestg(w)(∩f(w))=df{u∈f(w):对于任意一个v∈f(w),若v≤g(w)u,则u≤g(w)v}。其中,∩f(w)表示情态的初步量化域,即为使得f(w)中的命题均为真的可能世界的集合。再根据g(w)对其中的可能世界排序,我们就得到最接近理想状态的可能世界构成的最佳世界集。
[2] Beltrama,A.& M.R.Bochnak.Intensification without degrees crosslinguistically [J].Nat Lang Linguist Theory,2015,33(3):843-897.
[3] von Fintel,K.& S.Iatridou.How to say ought in foreign:the composition of weak necessity modals [C]// Guéron,J.& J.Lecarme.Time and Modality.Dordrecht:Springer,2008.115-141.
[4] Grice,H.P.The causal theory perception [C]// Grice,H.P.Studies in the Way of Words.Cambridge,MA.:Harvard University Press,1989.224-227.
[5] Halliday,M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar (3rd Edition) [M].London:Arnold,2004.
[6] Horn,L.R.On the semantic properties of logical operators in English [D].Los Angeles:Univ.of California,Los Angeles,1972.
[7] Huitink,J.Modal concord:a case study of Dutch[J].Journal of Semantics,2012,29(3):403–437.
[8] Kennedy,C.Vagueness and grammar:the semantics of relative and absolute gradable adjectives [J].Linguistics and Philosophy,2007,30(1):1-45.
[9] Klecha,P.Bridging the divide:Scalarity and modality [D].Chicago:University of Chicago,2014.
[10] Kratzer,A.The notional category of modality [C]// Eikmeyer,H.J.& H.Rieser.Words,Worlds,and Contexts.New Approaches to Word Semantics.Berlin:Walter de Gruyter,1981.38-74.
[11] Kratzer,A.Modality [C]// von Stechow,A.& D.Wunderlich.Semantics:An International Handbook of Contemporary Research.Berlin:de Gruyter,1991.639-650.
[12] Lasersohn,P.Pragmatic halos [J].Language,1999,75 (3):522–551.
[13] McNabb,Y.Cross-categorial modification of properties in Hebrew and English [C]// Chereches,A.Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 22.Ithaca:CLC Publications,2012.365-382.
[14] Morzycki,M.Adjective extremeness:degree modification and contextually restricted scales [J].Natural Language and Linguistic Theory,2012,30(2):567-609.
[15] Portner,P.The semantics of imperatives within a theory of clause types [C]// Watanabe,K.& R.B.Young.Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 14.Cornell University Linguistics Department:CLC Publications,2004.
[16] Portner,P.Imperatives and modals [J].Natural Language Semantics,2007,15(4):351-383.
[17] Potts,C.The Logic of Conventional Implicature [M].Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005.
[18] Potts,C.The expressive dimension [J].Theoretical Linguistics,2007,33(2):165-198.
[19] Rubinstein,A.Roots of modality [D].Massachusetts:University of Massachusetts Amherst,2012.
[20] Wu,Jiun-Shiung.Dynamic semantics for intensification and epistemic necessity:the case of ‘yiding' and ‘shibi' in Mandarin Chinese [C]// PACLIC,2015.241-248.http://bcmi.sjtu.edu.cn/～paclic29/proceedings/PACLIC29-2028.72.pdf.
[21] 陈勇.“一定”的虚化及两种语义的分化[J].武汉科技大学学报(社会科学版),2011,13(5):605-609.
[22] 丁萍.也说副词“一定” [J].西北民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2008,(5):108-112.
[23] 郭昭军,尹美子.现代汉语必要类动词比较研究[J].汉语学报,2008a,(1):62-69.
[24] 郭昭军,尹美子.助动词“要”的模态多义性及其制约因素[J].汉语学习,2008b,(2):35-40.
[25] 李成军.副词“一定”说略[J].理论月刊,2005,(5):126-127.
[26] 吕叔湘.现代汉语八百词[M].北京:商务印书馆.1980.
[27] 潘海峰.副词“一定”与“必定”的情态对比及相关问题研究[J].同济大学学报(社会科学版),2017,28(4):106-116.
[28] 彭利贞.现代汉语情态研究[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2007.
[29] 张谊生.揣测与确信评注的兼容模式及其功用与成因[J].世界汉语教学,2016,30(3):331-341.
[30] 张则顺,肖君.副词“一定”的情态意义和相关功能研究[J].汉语学习,2015,(1):85-92.
[31] 中国社会科学院语言研究所词典室.现代汉语词典.第6版[Z].北京:商务印书馆,2012.
(1)除了用作副词,“一定”还可用作形容词,表示“固定的;规定的;确定的”(参见《现代汉语八百词》)。本文只考虑其副词用法。若无特殊说明,以下所讨论的“一定”都是副词词性。
(2)此外,情态和谐现象还要求两个情态词的情态力是一致的,否则句子不可接受。比如:(i)*We must/have to legitimately deny your request.
(3)注意:表达道义情态的“必须”和“要”的情态力是一致的,都是必然性算子(参见彭利贞2007;郭昭军、尹美子2008a,b)。
(4)李成军(2005)还指出,义项1解读的“一定”还可能是“一定是”的省略。比如,“昨天他一定熬夜了”这个句子中就不能加“会”。我们认为这是由于“会”表推测只能用于现在或将来,而不能用于过去。
(5)注意:尽管表义务的情态词表达必然性情态,但有强弱之分。目前学界普遍认同“have to/must(要/必须)”表达强必然性,而“ought to/should(应该/该)”表达弱必然性(参见von Fintel & Iatridou 2008;Rubinstein 2012等)。
(6)Bestg(w)(∩f(w))=df{u∈f(w):对于任意一个v∈f(w),若v≤g(w)u,则u≤g(w)v}。其中,∩f(w)表示情态的初步量化域,即为使得f(w)中的命题均为真的可能世界的集合。再根据g(w)对其中的可能世界排序,我们就得到最接近理想状态的可能世界构成的最佳世界集。