论花儿的治疗功能
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摘要
任何一种文化都具有疗治的功能。多民族民歌花儿也同样如此。在花儿中,尤其是花儿中的仪式歌和求子歌、荤歌等在疗治当地民众内心的创伤方面具有突出的功效。从心理上来看,花儿经过几百年的发展演变、流传,它已经深深植入当地人的血液和骨髓,完全符合当地民众的审美和心理诉求,成为传唱地域人们抒发内心苦闷的一种方式。从生理功能上来讲,花儿与花儿会为当地婚姻不幸和处于性苦闷的青年男女提供了一个排解释放压抑的媒介和场所。通过对它的疗治功能的分析,对于我们更深入地研究和阐释花儿的文化内涵具有重要意义。
Any culture has the function of healing.The same is true of the multi-ethnic folk song Huaer,among which,especially the ritual songs,the song of begging for children and the pornographic songs,have outstanding effects in healing the inner wounds of the local people.In this paper,the author mainly focuses on the song of begging for children and the pornographic songs to analyze their cultural functions from both physical and psychological aspects to interpret its therapeutic function.From the psychological point of view,after hundreds of years of development,evolution and spread,Huaer has been deeply embedded in the blood and bone marrow of the local people,fully in line with the aesthetic and psychological demands of the local people,and has become a narrative way of expressing their inner distress in the singing area.In terms of physiological function,Huaer and Huaer parties will provide a medium and a place to release depression for young men and women who are unhappy in marriage and in sexual distress.Through the analysis of its therapeutic function,it is of great significance for us to further study and explain the cultural connotation of Huaer.
Any culture has the function of healing.The same is true of the multi-ethnic folk song Huaer,among which,especially the ritual songs,the song of begging for children and the pornographic songs,have outstanding effects in healing the inner wounds of the local people.In this paper,the author mainly focuses on the song of begging for children and the pornographic songs to analyze their cultural functions from both physical and psychological aspects to interpret its therapeutic function.From the psychological point of view,after hundreds of years of development,evolution and spread,Huaer has been deeply embedded in the blood and bone marrow of the local people,fully in line with the aesthetic and psychological demands of the local people,and has become a narrative way of expressing their inner distress in the singing area.In terms of physiological function,Huaer and Huaer parties will provide a medium and a place to release depression for young men and women who are unhappy in marriage and in sexual distress.Through the analysis of its therapeutic function,it is of great significance for us to further study and explain the cultural connotation of Huaer.
引文
[1][美]鲁·阿恩海姆.艺术心理学新论[M].郭小平,译.北京:商务印书馆,1996:345.
[2]叶舒宪.文学治疗的原理及实践[J].文艺研究,1998,(6):80-87.
[3]张佩成.青海回族花儿的爱情观赏析[J].青海民族研究:社会科学版,2002,(4):36-39.
[4]马成俊等著.青海民间文化新探[M].北京:民族出版社.2008:120.
[5]李雄飞.河州花儿与陕北信天游文化内涵的比较研究[M].北京:民族出版社,2003:106.
[6]中国民间文学集成全国编辑委员会,中国民间文学集成甘肃卷编辑委员会.中国歌谣集成(甘肃卷)[M].北京:中国ISBN中心,2000:38.
[7]莫林虎.中国诗歌源流史[M].北京:中国社会科学文献出版社,2001:27.
[8]马成俊.青海民间文化新探[M].北京:民族出版社,2008:128.
[9]汪鸿明,丁作枢.莲花山与莲花山“花儿”[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,2002:544.
[10]柯杨.诗与歌的狂欢节——“花儿”与“花儿会”之民俗学研究[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,2002:14.
[11][美]鲁·阿恩海姆著.作为治疗手段的艺术[M].郭小平,译.北京:商务印书馆,1996:361.
[12]杜亚雄.洮岷花儿与生殖崇拜[J].民间文化,1997,(4):37-43.
[13]黄金钰.花儿与民俗文化[J]民间文学论坛,1995,(4):69-73.
[14]周礼注疏[A].十三经注疏[M].北京:中华书局,1980:733.
[15][德]恩斯特·卡西尔.人伦[M].甘阳,译.上海:上海译文出版社,2013:7-8.
[16]高扬.福柯的生存美学[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2005:476-484.
[17]张亚雄.花儿集[M].北京:中国文联出版社公司,1986.
[18]朱炳祥.中国诗歌发生史[M].武汉:武汉出版社,2000:155-156.
[19]叶舒宪.文学与治疗——关于文学功能的人类学研究[J].中国比较文学,1998,(2):88-100.
[20][英]马林诺夫斯基.野蛮人的性生活[M].高鹏,金爽,译.北京:团结出版社,1989:223-224.
[21]闫国芳.“花儿”的性禁忌(演唱空间的限制)与性话语的表达——二元对立的阐释[J].西北民族研究,2006,(3):128-132.
[22]郗慧民.西北花儿学[M].兰州:兰州大学出版社,1989:361.
[23]屈文焜.花儿美论(增订本)[M].银川:宁夏人民出版社,2009:81.
(1)圆埂:也写作芫根,是一种产于藏区的块茎类蔬菜。
(2)《河州花儿研究》,兰州大学出版社,1992年第5-6页。王沛说:根据河州“花儿”衬句的演变和唱词、习俗的考察来看,“阿哥的肉”是河州“花儿”最原始的叫法。对异性的追求,是人类的本能,也是情歌的核心。男女双关的“阿哥的肉”的歌咏,将男女青年对异性的爱欲一泻无余。如果探寻河州“花儿”最早的唱词,则非“阿哥的肉”莫属了。对肉的呼唤和对“肉”的比喻,使世界上最美好的事物——花与“肉”结下了不解之缘,人们用花赞美“肉”,用花象征“肉”,“肉”和花在很多时候是同一意思的变化而已。为避“肉”字的粗俗和赤裸裸,人们用“憨肉(的)肉”“尕肉(呀)肉”“阿哥的憨敦敦(呀)敦”等“淡化”;也用“阿哥的花”“白牡丹听”“好花(呀)儿”“阿哥的白牡丹”等“美化”。
[2]叶舒宪.文学治疗的原理及实践[J].文艺研究,1998,(6):80-87.
[3]张佩成.青海回族花儿的爱情观赏析[J].青海民族研究:社会科学版,2002,(4):36-39.
[4]马成俊等著.青海民间文化新探[M].北京:民族出版社.2008:120.
[5]李雄飞.河州花儿与陕北信天游文化内涵的比较研究[M].北京:民族出版社,2003:106.
[6]中国民间文学集成全国编辑委员会,中国民间文学集成甘肃卷编辑委员会.中国歌谣集成(甘肃卷)[M].北京:中国ISBN中心,2000:38.
[7]莫林虎.中国诗歌源流史[M].北京:中国社会科学文献出版社,2001:27.
[8]马成俊.青海民间文化新探[M].北京:民族出版社,2008:128.
[9]汪鸿明,丁作枢.莲花山与莲花山“花儿”[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,2002:544.
[10]柯杨.诗与歌的狂欢节——“花儿”与“花儿会”之民俗学研究[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,2002:14.
[11][美]鲁·阿恩海姆著.作为治疗手段的艺术[M].郭小平,译.北京:商务印书馆,1996:361.
[12]杜亚雄.洮岷花儿与生殖崇拜[J].民间文化,1997,(4):37-43.
[13]黄金钰.花儿与民俗文化[J]民间文学论坛,1995,(4):69-73.
[14]周礼注疏[A].十三经注疏[M].北京:中华书局,1980:733.
[15][德]恩斯特·卡西尔.人伦[M].甘阳,译.上海:上海译文出版社,2013:7-8.
[16]高扬.福柯的生存美学[M].北京:中国人民大学出版社,2005:476-484.
[17]张亚雄.花儿集[M].北京:中国文联出版社公司,1986.
[18]朱炳祥.中国诗歌发生史[M].武汉:武汉出版社,2000:155-156.
[19]叶舒宪.文学与治疗——关于文学功能的人类学研究[J].中国比较文学,1998,(2):88-100.
[20][英]马林诺夫斯基.野蛮人的性生活[M].高鹏,金爽,译.北京:团结出版社,1989:223-224.
[21]闫国芳.“花儿”的性禁忌(演唱空间的限制)与性话语的表达——二元对立的阐释[J].西北民族研究,2006,(3):128-132.
[22]郗慧民.西北花儿学[M].兰州:兰州大学出版社,1989:361.
[23]屈文焜.花儿美论(增订本)[M].银川:宁夏人民出版社,2009:81.
(1)圆埂:也写作芫根,是一种产于藏区的块茎类蔬菜。
(2)《河州花儿研究》,兰州大学出版社,1992年第5-6页。王沛说:根据河州“花儿”衬句的演变和唱词、习俗的考察来看,“阿哥的肉”是河州“花儿”最原始的叫法。对异性的追求,是人类的本能,也是情歌的核心。男女双关的“阿哥的肉”的歌咏,将男女青年对异性的爱欲一泻无余。如果探寻河州“花儿”最早的唱词,则非“阿哥的肉”莫属了。对肉的呼唤和对“肉”的比喻,使世界上最美好的事物——花与“肉”结下了不解之缘,人们用花赞美“肉”,用花象征“肉”,“肉”和花在很多时候是同一意思的变化而已。为避“肉”字的粗俗和赤裸裸,人们用“憨肉(的)肉”“尕肉(呀)肉”“阿哥的憨敦敦(呀)敦”等“淡化”;也用“阿哥的花”“白牡丹听”“好花(呀)儿”“阿哥的白牡丹”等“美化”。