“多”在数量结构中的分布与语义解释——兼谈测量的机制
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摘要
"多"在数量结构中的分布和语义解释受到量词、数词、名词的性质以及"多"字结构所在的句法环境的影响。文章引入测量的视角,对这一系列看似错综复杂的现象做出统一的解释。文章提出,"多"的使用条件具有双重性:1)只有具有内部结构性,即能够被"部分-整体"关系所定义的属性,才能成为"多"的语义作用对象;2)"多"不但要求其语义作用对象满足"部分-整体"关系的定义,并且测量所得到的结果也必须维持相应的"部分-整体"关系。这一单调性限制不但为深刻说明"多"的分布和语义解释规律提供了新的视角,还为汉语中可数与不可数名词、类别量词与其他量词等的分立提供了语义理据。
This paper explores the semantic structure of measurement by investigating the distribution and interpretation of"duo"(多)in quantity expressions in Chinese.The distribution of"duo"is sensitive to a cluster of factors,such as:whether the classifier is an individual one or not;whether the numeral is a round number or not;whether the root noun denotes a divisible entity or not,etc.This paper establishes a generalization about the interpretation of"duo":(i)when the classifier is an individual one,and the relevant noun denotes an atomic entity,the interpretation can only be about the cardinality of a set;(ii)when the classifier is a measure word,or the noun denotes a divisible entity,the interpretation can be about volume,weight,depth,etc.as long as they are monotonic on the relevant part-whole structures.These facts demonstrate that the quantity expressions involving"duo"is governed by a monotonicity restriction,that is,what is measured must conform to"part-whole"relations,and correspondingly,what measures must preserve the relevant"part-whole"relations.Besides providing a more motivated account of the seemingly complicated duo in quantity expressions,the proposed analysis also sheds new light on the semantic nature of the count/mass distinction in Chinese.
This paper explores the semantic structure of measurement by investigating the distribution and interpretation of"duo"(多)in quantity expressions in Chinese.The distribution of"duo"is sensitive to a cluster of factors,such as:whether the classifier is an individual one or not;whether the numeral is a round number or not;whether the root noun denotes a divisible entity or not,etc.This paper establishes a generalization about the interpretation of"duo":(i)when the classifier is an individual one,and the relevant noun denotes an atomic entity,the interpretation can only be about the cardinality of a set;(ii)when the classifier is a measure word,or the noun denotes a divisible entity,the interpretation can be about volume,weight,depth,etc.as long as they are monotonic on the relevant part-whole structures.These facts demonstrate that the quantity expressions involving"duo"is governed by a monotonicity restriction,that is,what is measured must conform to"part-whole"relations,and correspondingly,what measures must preserve the relevant"part-whole"relations.Besides providing a more motivated account of the seemingly complicated duo in quantity expressions,the proposed analysis also sheds new light on the semantic nature of the count/mass distinction in Chinese.
引文
Bale,Alan,&David Barner.2009.The interpretation of functional heads:Using comparatives to explore the mass/count distinction.Journal of Semantics 26:217-252.
Champollion,Lucas,&Manfred Krifka.2016.Mereology.The Cambridge Handbook of Formal Semantics,eds.by Maria Aloni&Paul Dekker,369-388.Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Chao,Yuen-ren(赵元任).1979.Xiandai Hanyu Kouyu Yufa现代汉语口语语法[A Gram mar of Spoken Chinese],trans.by Shuxiang Lü(吕叔湘).Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Cheng,Lisa,&Rint Sybesma.1999.Bare and not-so-bare nouns and the structure of NP.Linguistic Inquiry30:509-542.
Cheng,Lisa,&Rint Sybesma.2012.Classifiers and DP.LinguisticInquiry43:634-650.
Ding,Shengshu(丁声树),Shuxiang Lü(吕叔湘),Rong Li(李荣),Dexuan Sun(孙德宣),Xiechu Guan(管燮初),Jing Fu(傅婧),Shengzhang Huang(黄盛璋),&Zhiwen Chen(陈治文).1961.Xiandai Hanyu Yufa Jianghua现代汉语语法讲话[Lectures on Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Dragunov,Alexander(龙果夫).1958.Xiandai Hanyu Yufa Yanjiu现代汉语语法研究[Studies on Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Kexue Chubanshe北京:科学出版社[Beijing:Science Press].
Hackl,Martin.2001.Comparative quantifiers and plural predication.Proceedings of West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 20,eds.by Karine Megerdoomian&Leora Anne Bar-el,234-247.Somerville,M.A.:Cascadilla Press.
He,Chuansheng.2015.Complex numerals in Mandarin Chinese are constituents.Lingua 164:189-214.
He,Jie(何杰).2001.Xiandai Hanyu Liangci Yanjiu(xiuding ban)现代汉语量词研究(修订版)[Classifiers in Mandarin Chinese(revised version)].Beijing:Mingzu Chubanshe北京:民族出版社[Beijing:National Publishing House].
Heim,Irene,&Angelika Kratzer.1998.Semantics in Generative Grammar.New York:Blackwell.
Kennedy,Christopher,&Beth Levin.2008.Measure of change:The adjectival core of degree achievements.Adjectives and Adverbs:Syntax,Semantics and Discourse,eds.by Louise McNally&Christopher Kennedy,156-182.Oxford:Oxford University Press.
Krifka,Manfred.1998.The origins of telicity.Events and Grammar,ed.by Susan Rothstein,197-235.Dordrecht:Kluwer.
Krifka,Manfred.2007.Approximate interpretation of number words:A case for strategic communication.Cognitive Foundations of Interpretation,eds.by Gerlof Bouma,Irene Krmer,&Joost Zwarts,111-126.Amsterdam:Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschapen.
Liu,Yuehua(刘月华).1983.Shiyong Xiandai Hanyu Yufa实用现代汉语语法[Practical Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe北京:外语教学与研究出版社[Beijing:Foreign Languages Teaching and Research Press].
Luo,Qiongpeng(罗琼鹏),Miao-Ling Hsieh(谢妙玲),&Dingxu Shi(石定栩).2017.Pre-classifier adjectival modification in Mandarin Chinese:A measurement-based analysis.Journal of East Asian Linguistics 26.1:1-36.
Lü,Shuxiang(吕叔湘).1984.Zaishuo“lai”yiji“duo”he“ban”再说“来”以及“多”和“半”[On“lai”,“duo”and“ban”].Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji汉语语法论文集[Selected Papers on Chinese Grammar],206-215.Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Lü,Shuxiang(吕叔湘).(ed.)1999.Xiandai Hanyu Babai Ci(zengding ben)现代汉语八百词(增订本)[Eight Hundred Words in Modern Chinese(revised edition)].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Rett,Jessica.2014.The polysemy of measurement.Lingua 143:242-266.
Sapir,Edward.1944.Grading,a study in semantics.Philosophy of Science 11:93-116.
Schwarzschild,Roger.2006.The role of dimensions in the syntax of noun phrases.Syntax9:67-110.
Wang,Li(王力).1954.Zhongguo Yufa Lilun(xia)中国语法理论(下)[Theories of Chinese Grammar(vol.2)].Beijing:Zhonghua Shuju北京:中华书局[Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company].
Wang,Yuan(王媛).2012.Weicixing jiegou de shijianxing he xiandai hanyu jinxingti biaoji de yuyi fenxi谓词性结构的事件性和现代汉语进行体标记的语义分析[Eventuality and the semantics of progressive markers in Mandarin Chinese].Dangdai Yuyanxue当代语言学[Contemporary Linguistics]2012.3:234-245.
Wang,Yuan(王媛),&Qiongpeng Luo(罗琼鹏).2017.Xiandai hanyu mingliang jiegou de liangzhong celiang yi现代汉语名量结构的两种测量义[Two types of measurement of the nominal measure phrases in Chinese].Yuyan Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu语言教学与研究[Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies]2017.6:82-91.
Wellwood,Alexis.2015.On the semantics of comparison across categories.Linguistics and Philosophy38:67-101.
Yang,Defeng(杨德峰).1993.Biaoshi gaishu de“duo”he“lai”de quanfangwei kaocha表示概数的“多”和“来”的全方位考察[A comprehensive analysis of the approximate numbers“duo”and“lai”].Hanyu Xuexi汉语学习[Chinese Language Learning]1993.3:10-16.
Ying,Xuefeng(应学凤),&Xiaohui Wang(王晓辉).2014.Shuliang jiegou zhong de gaishuci“lai”he“duo”de fenbu数量结构中概数词“来”和“多”的分布[The distribution of the approximate numbers“duo”and“lai”in numeral-classifier structures].Hanyu Xuexi汉语学习[Chinese Language Learning]2014.4:38-45.
Zhang,Bin(张斌).(ed.)2010.Xiandai Hanyu Miaoxie Yufa现代汉语描写语法[A Descriptive Grammar of Modern Chinese].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Zhang,Ninna.2013.Classifier Structures in Mandarin Chinese.Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter.
Zhang,Yisheng(张谊生).2001.Gaishu zhuci“lai”he“duo”概数助词“来”和“多”[On the approximate numbers“lai”and“duo”].Xuzhou Shifan Daxue Xuebao(shehui kexue ban)]徐州师范大学学报(社会科学版)[Journal of Xuzhou Normal University(social science edition)]2001.3:80-84.
Zhu,Dexi(朱德熙).1982.Yufa Jiangyi语法讲义[Lectures on Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Zong,Shihai(宗世海),&Luchang Zhang(张鲁昌).2008.Hanyu liangdaici“duo”de yongfa jiqi jieshi汉语量代词“多”的用法及其解释[The usage and explanation of the Chinese quantity-representing pronoun“duo”].Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu外语教学与研究[Foreign Language Teaching and Research]2008.4:262-269.
[1]在文献中,“多”一般与“来”一起讨论。“多”和“来”的分布有重合的地方,也有不一样的地方(杨德峰1993)。限于篇幅,本文暂不讨论“来”。
[2]容器量词虽然不是严格意义上的度量衡量词,但也可以视为计量的单位(吕叔湘1999:15;张斌2010:143)。为方便说明,本文用度量量词统一表示这些提供计量方式的量词。有关量词的分类问题,请见何杰(2001)。
[3]“圆整数”(round numbers)和“非圆整数”这一术语系笔者所加,与吕叔湘(1984)原文的表述略有不同。
[4]应学凤和王晓辉(2014)提出音节的长短会影响“多”在数量结构中的分布:“数+量”组合的音节越长,“多”越不能出现。例如: (i)十多海里路十海里多路*十一海里多路(ii)*十立方分米多土*十一立方分米多土但在“七百五十四块多钱”(吕叔湘1984)这一例中,“数+量”组合有6个音节,但是并不影响“多”的出现。很明显,数量短语音节的长短并不是制约“多”的分布条件的决定性因素。
[5]自反性、传递性和反对称性等概念请参看《离散数学》(左孝凌等编著,上海:上海科学技术文献出版社,1982年版)。请注意,本文讨论的“部分-整体”关系是代数中的偏序关系,和日常语言中个体名词所指的非同质的“部分-整体”关系有所不同。脚趾头是脚掌的一部分,脚掌是小腿的一部分,但是人们一般不会说“小腿上的脚趾头”。有关“部分-整体”关系更多形式化的定义,请参见Champollion &Krifka(2016)。
[6]相对应的,非单调性的定义为:x,y[x≤y→μDIM(x)=μDIM(y)](Schwarzschild 2006)。
[7]在代数中,μ可以视为一个同态映射(homomorphism)。关于同态映射和自然语言中测量语法的相关性,见Luo et al.(2017)。
[8]Cheng &Sybesma(1999,2012)提出了一个更为激进的想法:汉语中可数/不可数的对立不反映在名词系统上,而是反映在量词系统上,汉语量词可以分为可数量词(主要是个体量词)和不可数量词(度量量词和临时借用量词)。
[9]关于均质性、可分性、累积性等概念和汉语可数/不可数区分之间的相关性,请参见王媛(2012)。限于篇幅,此处不再重复。
[10]不同的精细度也可以通过“部分-整体”关系来进行表述,见Sauerland &Stateva(2007)。
[11]这里还有一些问题有待进一步的探讨,比如“二十一多吨水泥”里的“二十一多”为什么只能以“二十一”和“二十二”之间作为划分精细度的空间,而不能以“二十一”以上的所有整数作为划分精细度的空间?另一个可能的思路是“数+多”组合是一个复合数词,其中“多”占据了个位数的位置,因而,“数+多”结构天然排斥非零尾的数。这一分析和本文所提到的“单调性限制”并不矛盾,可以互为补充。我们把这一问题留待另文处理。
[12]为了保证本文的可读性,我们对部分技术细节做了简化处理。对形式语义学技术细节不感兴趣的读者可以略过这一小节(不影响对文章思想的理解)。
[13]倍数区间也可以是[0,…,0.5],比如“十多个人”表示人的数量在10和15之间(见吕叔湘1999:184)。
[14]ClP(七十多个)和NP(人)的语义组合可以籍由Predicate Modification(PM)(Heim &Kratzer 1998:65)来完成,最后得到的表达式为:[[七十多个人]]=λX.person(x)∧μCARD(X)10×(7+r)(r∈[0,……,1])。这一表达式意为对人组成的集合的基数的测量得到的值位于70-80之间。PM规则还可以用于“十亩多地”这类结构的语义组合。限于篇幅,下文不再赘述。
[15]“十亩多”可以单用,表明它是一个成分(constituent),如“张三有多少地?——有十亩多。”借鉴Zhang(2013:103 )的分析,我们认为“十亩多”修饰NP。
Champollion,Lucas,&Manfred Krifka.2016.Mereology.The Cambridge Handbook of Formal Semantics,eds.by Maria Aloni&Paul Dekker,369-388.Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Chao,Yuen-ren(赵元任).1979.Xiandai Hanyu Kouyu Yufa现代汉语口语语法[A Gram mar of Spoken Chinese],trans.by Shuxiang Lü(吕叔湘).Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Cheng,Lisa,&Rint Sybesma.1999.Bare and not-so-bare nouns and the structure of NP.Linguistic Inquiry30:509-542.
Cheng,Lisa,&Rint Sybesma.2012.Classifiers and DP.LinguisticInquiry43:634-650.
Ding,Shengshu(丁声树),Shuxiang Lü(吕叔湘),Rong Li(李荣),Dexuan Sun(孙德宣),Xiechu Guan(管燮初),Jing Fu(傅婧),Shengzhang Huang(黄盛璋),&Zhiwen Chen(陈治文).1961.Xiandai Hanyu Yufa Jianghua现代汉语语法讲话[Lectures on Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Dragunov,Alexander(龙果夫).1958.Xiandai Hanyu Yufa Yanjiu现代汉语语法研究[Studies on Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Kexue Chubanshe北京:科学出版社[Beijing:Science Press].
Hackl,Martin.2001.Comparative quantifiers and plural predication.Proceedings of West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 20,eds.by Karine Megerdoomian&Leora Anne Bar-el,234-247.Somerville,M.A.:Cascadilla Press.
He,Chuansheng.2015.Complex numerals in Mandarin Chinese are constituents.Lingua 164:189-214.
He,Jie(何杰).2001.Xiandai Hanyu Liangci Yanjiu(xiuding ban)现代汉语量词研究(修订版)[Classifiers in Mandarin Chinese(revised version)].Beijing:Mingzu Chubanshe北京:民族出版社[Beijing:National Publishing House].
Heim,Irene,&Angelika Kratzer.1998.Semantics in Generative Grammar.New York:Blackwell.
Kennedy,Christopher,&Beth Levin.2008.Measure of change:The adjectival core of degree achievements.Adjectives and Adverbs:Syntax,Semantics and Discourse,eds.by Louise McNally&Christopher Kennedy,156-182.Oxford:Oxford University Press.
Krifka,Manfred.1998.The origins of telicity.Events and Grammar,ed.by Susan Rothstein,197-235.Dordrecht:Kluwer.
Krifka,Manfred.2007.Approximate interpretation of number words:A case for strategic communication.Cognitive Foundations of Interpretation,eds.by Gerlof Bouma,Irene Krmer,&Joost Zwarts,111-126.Amsterdam:Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschapen.
Liu,Yuehua(刘月华).1983.Shiyong Xiandai Hanyu Yufa实用现代汉语语法[Practical Modern Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe北京:外语教学与研究出版社[Beijing:Foreign Languages Teaching and Research Press].
Luo,Qiongpeng(罗琼鹏),Miao-Ling Hsieh(谢妙玲),&Dingxu Shi(石定栩).2017.Pre-classifier adjectival modification in Mandarin Chinese:A measurement-based analysis.Journal of East Asian Linguistics 26.1:1-36.
Lü,Shuxiang(吕叔湘).1984.Zaishuo“lai”yiji“duo”he“ban”再说“来”以及“多”和“半”[On“lai”,“duo”and“ban”].Hanyu Yufa Lunwenji汉语语法论文集[Selected Papers on Chinese Grammar],206-215.Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Lü,Shuxiang(吕叔湘).(ed.)1999.Xiandai Hanyu Babai Ci(zengding ben)现代汉语八百词(增订本)[Eight Hundred Words in Modern Chinese(revised edition)].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Rett,Jessica.2014.The polysemy of measurement.Lingua 143:242-266.
Sapir,Edward.1944.Grading,a study in semantics.Philosophy of Science 11:93-116.
Schwarzschild,Roger.2006.The role of dimensions in the syntax of noun phrases.Syntax9:67-110.
Wang,Li(王力).1954.Zhongguo Yufa Lilun(xia)中国语法理论(下)[Theories of Chinese Grammar(vol.2)].Beijing:Zhonghua Shuju北京:中华书局[Beijing:Zhonghua Book Company].
Wang,Yuan(王媛).2012.Weicixing jiegou de shijianxing he xiandai hanyu jinxingti biaoji de yuyi fenxi谓词性结构的事件性和现代汉语进行体标记的语义分析[Eventuality and the semantics of progressive markers in Mandarin Chinese].Dangdai Yuyanxue当代语言学[Contemporary Linguistics]2012.3:234-245.
Wang,Yuan(王媛),&Qiongpeng Luo(罗琼鹏).2017.Xiandai hanyu mingliang jiegou de liangzhong celiang yi现代汉语名量结构的两种测量义[Two types of measurement of the nominal measure phrases in Chinese].Yuyan Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu语言教学与研究[Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies]2017.6:82-91.
Wellwood,Alexis.2015.On the semantics of comparison across categories.Linguistics and Philosophy38:67-101.
Yang,Defeng(杨德峰).1993.Biaoshi gaishu de“duo”he“lai”de quanfangwei kaocha表示概数的“多”和“来”的全方位考察[A comprehensive analysis of the approximate numbers“duo”and“lai”].Hanyu Xuexi汉语学习[Chinese Language Learning]1993.3:10-16.
Ying,Xuefeng(应学凤),&Xiaohui Wang(王晓辉).2014.Shuliang jiegou zhong de gaishuci“lai”he“duo”de fenbu数量结构中概数词“来”和“多”的分布[The distribution of the approximate numbers“duo”and“lai”in numeral-classifier structures].Hanyu Xuexi汉语学习[Chinese Language Learning]2014.4:38-45.
Zhang,Bin(张斌).(ed.)2010.Xiandai Hanyu Miaoxie Yufa现代汉语描写语法[A Descriptive Grammar of Modern Chinese].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Zhang,Ninna.2013.Classifier Structures in Mandarin Chinese.Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter.
Zhang,Yisheng(张谊生).2001.Gaishu zhuci“lai”he“duo”概数助词“来”和“多”[On the approximate numbers“lai”and“duo”].Xuzhou Shifan Daxue Xuebao(shehui kexue ban)]徐州师范大学学报(社会科学版)[Journal of Xuzhou Normal University(social science edition)]2001.3:80-84.
Zhu,Dexi(朱德熙).1982.Yufa Jiangyi语法讲义[Lectures on Chinese Grammar].Beijing:Shangwu Yinshuguan北京:商务印书馆[Beijing:The Commercial Press].
Zong,Shihai(宗世海),&Luchang Zhang(张鲁昌).2008.Hanyu liangdaici“duo”de yongfa jiqi jieshi汉语量代词“多”的用法及其解释[The usage and explanation of the Chinese quantity-representing pronoun“duo”].Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu外语教学与研究[Foreign Language Teaching and Research]2008.4:262-269.
[1]在文献中,“多”一般与“来”一起讨论。“多”和“来”的分布有重合的地方,也有不一样的地方(杨德峰1993)。限于篇幅,本文暂不讨论“来”。
[2]容器量词虽然不是严格意义上的度量衡量词,但也可以视为计量的单位(吕叔湘1999:15;张斌2010:143)。为方便说明,本文用度量量词统一表示这些提供计量方式的量词。有关量词的分类问题,请见何杰(2001)。
[3]“圆整数”(round numbers)和“非圆整数”这一术语系笔者所加,与吕叔湘(1984)原文的表述略有不同。
[4]应学凤和王晓辉(2014)提出音节的长短会影响“多”在数量结构中的分布:“数+量”组合的音节越长,“多”越不能出现。例如: (i)十多海里路十海里多路*十一海里多路(ii)*十立方分米多土*十一立方分米多土但在“七百五十四块多钱”(吕叔湘1984)这一例中,“数+量”组合有6个音节,但是并不影响“多”的出现。很明显,数量短语音节的长短并不是制约“多”的分布条件的决定性因素。
[5]自反性、传递性和反对称性等概念请参看《离散数学》(左孝凌等编著,上海:上海科学技术文献出版社,1982年版)。请注意,本文讨论的“部分-整体”关系是代数中的偏序关系,和日常语言中个体名词所指的非同质的“部分-整体”关系有所不同。脚趾头是脚掌的一部分,脚掌是小腿的一部分,但是人们一般不会说“小腿上的脚趾头”。有关“部分-整体”关系更多形式化的定义,请参见Champollion &Krifka(2016)。
[6]相对应的,非单调性的定义为:x,y[x≤y→μDIM(x)=μDIM(y)](Schwarzschild 2006)。
[7]在代数中,μ可以视为一个同态映射(homomorphism)。关于同态映射和自然语言中测量语法的相关性,见Luo et al.(2017)。
[8]Cheng &Sybesma(1999,2012)提出了一个更为激进的想法:汉语中可数/不可数的对立不反映在名词系统上,而是反映在量词系统上,汉语量词可以分为可数量词(主要是个体量词)和不可数量词(度量量词和临时借用量词)。
[9]关于均质性、可分性、累积性等概念和汉语可数/不可数区分之间的相关性,请参见王媛(2012)。限于篇幅,此处不再重复。
[10]不同的精细度也可以通过“部分-整体”关系来进行表述,见Sauerland &Stateva(2007)。
[11]这里还有一些问题有待进一步的探讨,比如“二十一多吨水泥”里的“二十一多”为什么只能以“二十一”和“二十二”之间作为划分精细度的空间,而不能以“二十一”以上的所有整数作为划分精细度的空间?另一个可能的思路是“数+多”组合是一个复合数词,其中“多”占据了个位数的位置,因而,“数+多”结构天然排斥非零尾的数。这一分析和本文所提到的“单调性限制”并不矛盾,可以互为补充。我们把这一问题留待另文处理。
[12]为了保证本文的可读性,我们对部分技术细节做了简化处理。对形式语义学技术细节不感兴趣的读者可以略过这一小节(不影响对文章思想的理解)。
[13]倍数区间也可以是[0,…,0.5],比如“十多个人”表示人的数量在10和15之间(见吕叔湘1999:184)。
[14]ClP(七十多个)和NP(人)的语义组合可以籍由Predicate Modification(PM)(Heim &Kratzer 1998:65)来完成,最后得到的表达式为:[[七十多个人]]=λX.person(x)∧μCARD(X)10×(7+r)(r∈[0,……,1])。这一表达式意为对人组成的集合的基数的测量得到的值位于70-80之间。PM规则还可以用于“十亩多地”这类结构的语义组合。限于篇幅,下文不再赘述。
[15]“十亩多”可以单用,表明它是一个成分(constituent),如“张三有多少地?——有十亩多。”借鉴Zhang(2013:103 )的分析,我们认为“十亩多”修饰NP。