唐代士族家训探析——以柳玭家训为重点的考察
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摘要
唐代是士族的转型期,传统士族逐渐走向衰落,其政治优越性日渐消衰,而文化传统和文化优越感则仍绵延不绝。以家训为标志的柳氏家风家教,是河东柳氏在政治地位衰落后继续保持文化高门的保障。其家训内容凝聚着唐代士族的家训理念,与六朝士族家训和其后的宋代士大夫家训既有承传,也体现出时代和家族性质的差异性。
Tang Dynasty was a transitional period of the gentry. The traditional gentry were gradually declining day by day. Their political superiority was disappearing,while their cultural sense of entitlement still continued. The family tradition and education of Liu Pin's family,based on its family instructions,is a guarantee for them to maintain its high cultural status in Hedong District after the loss of the political status. His family instructions mainly reflected the essences and traits of the gentry family instructions in the Tang Dynasty. It is not only the inheritance and continuity of the Six Dynasties and the Song Dynasty,but also shows the differences between the times and the family.
Tang Dynasty was a transitional period of the gentry. The traditional gentry were gradually declining day by day. Their political superiority was disappearing,while their cultural sense of entitlement still continued. The family tradition and education of Liu Pin's family,based on its family instructions,is a guarantee for them to maintain its high cultural status in Hedong District after the loss of the political status. His family instructions mainly reflected the essences and traits of the gentry family instructions in the Tang Dynasty. It is not only the inheritance and continuity of the Six Dynasties and the Song Dynasty,but also shows the differences between the times and the family.
引文
[1]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[2]王钦若,等.册府元龟[M].北京:中华书局,1960.
[3]董诰,等.全唐文[M].北京:中华书局,1983.
[4]陈寅恪.唐代政治史述论稿[M].北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2004:259-260.
[5]杨荫楼,王洪军.齐鲁文化通史·隋唐五代卷[M].北京:中华书局,2004:49.
[6]柳宗元.故大理评事柳君墓志[M]//柳宗元.柳宗元集校注.尹占华,韩文奇,校注.北京:中华书局,2013:710.
[7]刘昫,等.旧唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[8]韩愈.韩昌黎诗系年集释[M].钱仲联,集释.上海:上海古籍出版社,1984:1011.
[9]刘清之.戒子通录[M].影印文渊阁四库全书本.上海:上海古籍出版社,1987.
[10]杜牧.樊川诗集注[M].冯集梧,注.上海:上海古籍出版社,2007:58.
[11]王水照.日本宋学研究六人集·前言[M]//高津孝.科举与诗艺——宋代文学与士人社会.上海:上海古籍出版社,2005:10.
[12]张兴武.两宋望族与文学[M].北京:人民文学出版社,2010.
(1)关于家训产生于何时,学界有不同观点。马玉山认为家训一类起源于东汉,盛行于南北朝。参阅其《“家训”“家诫”的盛行与儒学的普及传播》,孔子研究,1993年第4期,第62-69页;刘剑康认为起源于上古时期普通百姓父子相传、口耳相授的生产生活实践,是伴随着家庭的形成而产生的。参阅其《论中国家训的起源——兼论儒学与传统家训的关系》,求索,2000年第2期,第107-112页;欧阳祯人认为家训起源于原始歌舞。参阅其《中国古代家训的起源、思想及现代价值》,理论月刊,2012年第4期,第36-40页。
(2)陈振孙《直斋书录解题》曰:“古今家训,以此为祖。”
(1)《新唐书》卷163中无“以交结为末事,以弃义为凶人”两句,此据《全唐文》。《旧唐书》与此文字略有不同,“弃义”作“气义”。
(1)《旧唐书》此处文字作“所以承世冑者,修己不得不恳,为学不得不坚。”更明确了“承世冑者”的士族子弟的身份自觉。
(2)陈振孙《直斋书录解题》云:“其书崇尚释氏,故不列于儒家。”
[2]王钦若,等.册府元龟[M].北京:中华书局,1960.
[3]董诰,等.全唐文[M].北京:中华书局,1983.
[4]陈寅恪.唐代政治史述论稿[M].北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2004:259-260.
[5]杨荫楼,王洪军.齐鲁文化通史·隋唐五代卷[M].北京:中华书局,2004:49.
[6]柳宗元.故大理评事柳君墓志[M]//柳宗元.柳宗元集校注.尹占华,韩文奇,校注.北京:中华书局,2013:710.
[7]刘昫,等.旧唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[8]韩愈.韩昌黎诗系年集释[M].钱仲联,集释.上海:上海古籍出版社,1984:1011.
[9]刘清之.戒子通录[M].影印文渊阁四库全书本.上海:上海古籍出版社,1987.
[10]杜牧.樊川诗集注[M].冯集梧,注.上海:上海古籍出版社,2007:58.
[11]王水照.日本宋学研究六人集·前言[M]//高津孝.科举与诗艺——宋代文学与士人社会.上海:上海古籍出版社,2005:10.
[12]张兴武.两宋望族与文学[M].北京:人民文学出版社,2010.
(1)关于家训产生于何时,学界有不同观点。马玉山认为家训一类起源于东汉,盛行于南北朝。参阅其《“家训”“家诫”的盛行与儒学的普及传播》,孔子研究,1993年第4期,第62-69页;刘剑康认为起源于上古时期普通百姓父子相传、口耳相授的生产生活实践,是伴随着家庭的形成而产生的。参阅其《论中国家训的起源——兼论儒学与传统家训的关系》,求索,2000年第2期,第107-112页;欧阳祯人认为家训起源于原始歌舞。参阅其《中国古代家训的起源、思想及现代价值》,理论月刊,2012年第4期,第36-40页。
(2)陈振孙《直斋书录解题》曰:“古今家训,以此为祖。”
(1)《新唐书》卷163中无“以交结为末事,以弃义为凶人”两句,此据《全唐文》。《旧唐书》与此文字略有不同,“弃义”作“气义”。
(1)《旧唐书》此处文字作“所以承世冑者,修己不得不恳,为学不得不坚。”更明确了“承世冑者”的士族子弟的身份自觉。
(2)陈振孙《直斋书录解题》云:“其书崇尚释氏,故不列于儒家。”