以“藏银”之名:民族旅游语境下的物质、消费与认同
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摘要
在今天中国的民族工艺品和旅游纪念品市场中,"藏银"已成为一个颇为流行的物质标签。以"藏银"之名制造、消费的商品占有显著的市场份额。在旅游人类学视域下,"藏银"同时作为"物"与"物的观念表达",折射了中国多民族国家想象与认同实践中物质性与族群性的复杂关联,其社会性建构过程也因而关涉到:(1)藏族古老的合金制造技艺如何表达了特定的族群文化传统;(2)"藏银"之物与名如何在汉藏互动的历史进程中生成与变迁;(3)借助旅游消费时代的"社会炼金术","藏银"之名如何经由重构、挪用与泛化而成为牟利的商业策略;(4)围绕"藏银"展开的记忆、叙事、制造和消费,如何隐喻了当代民族旅游的深层社会政治结构及其实践逻辑。
Zangyin(藏银), known as"Tibetan Silver", has become a very popular material label in the current ethnic crafts and souvenirs market of China. Different items have been made, traded and consumed in the name of Zangyin, and gained a remarkable commercial success. However, what Zangyin actually refer to still waits to be explored. From a synchronic point of view, this paper aims to examine how Zangyin, both as"material"and"representation of material"in tourist industry, reflects the complicated interweaves between materiality and ethnicity in the imagination and identification practice of the multi-ethnic China. From a diachronic perspective, this paper explores the manifold social construction process of Zangyin. In details,(a) how the traditional skill of silver alloy making was created by ancient Tibetan artisans to express their culture;(b) how the name and material of Zangyin developed and changed in the long-term interaction process between Tibetan and the Dynasties of China's Inner Plains, and then took on its historical character of"impurity";(c) how Zangyin was reconstructed, appropriated and generalized as a general material category and a successful commercial strategy to pursue profits through the"social alchemy"of material in the mass tourism age; and(d) how those memories, narratives, material making and consumption about Zangyin were integrated into, and in turn reflected the imagination and construction of the multi-ethnic relationship in the contemporary China.In the name of Zangyin, materials could reflect some core ideas of value, beauty and tradition that represent the distinctive characteristics of an ethnic culture. Meanwhile, by producing and consuming those similar ethnic souvenirs of different minority peoples such as Zangyin(Tibetan silver), Miaoyin(silver of Miao people), Qiangyin(silver of Qiang people) and Daiyin(silver of Dai people), etc., the hidden hierarchy of different"Inner Otherness"and the pattern of"Diversity in Unity of the Chinese Nation"could be continually perceived and confirmed by individuals, then embodied in their experiences of daily life. The"social alchemy"of Zangyin thus reveals two facts here: firstly, historical changes,dislocations and reconnections between the name and the flexible entities of Zangyin have built up basis for the balance between its cultural and commodity values in the souvenir market; secondly, the transformation from imagining to consuming "the Other" partly depends on if there is room for cross-cultural interpretation between China's different kinds of minority"Otherness"and the majority"Self"—Han people. I would further argue that the interaction between materiality and ethnicity has always interwoven in the comprehensive social-political framework of nation state. It is neither direct nor transparent, but needs to be interrogated deeper under the dynamical view of anthropological tourism studies.
Zangyin(藏银), known as"Tibetan Silver", has become a very popular material label in the current ethnic crafts and souvenirs market of China. Different items have been made, traded and consumed in the name of Zangyin, and gained a remarkable commercial success. However, what Zangyin actually refer to still waits to be explored. From a synchronic point of view, this paper aims to examine how Zangyin, both as"material"and"representation of material"in tourist industry, reflects the complicated interweaves between materiality and ethnicity in the imagination and identification practice of the multi-ethnic China. From a diachronic perspective, this paper explores the manifold social construction process of Zangyin. In details,(a) how the traditional skill of silver alloy making was created by ancient Tibetan artisans to express their culture;(b) how the name and material of Zangyin developed and changed in the long-term interaction process between Tibetan and the Dynasties of China's Inner Plains, and then took on its historical character of"impurity";(c) how Zangyin was reconstructed, appropriated and generalized as a general material category and a successful commercial strategy to pursue profits through the"social alchemy"of material in the mass tourism age; and(d) how those memories, narratives, material making and consumption about Zangyin were integrated into, and in turn reflected the imagination and construction of the multi-ethnic relationship in the contemporary China.In the name of Zangyin, materials could reflect some core ideas of value, beauty and tradition that represent the distinctive characteristics of an ethnic culture. Meanwhile, by producing and consuming those similar ethnic souvenirs of different minority peoples such as Zangyin(Tibetan silver), Miaoyin(silver of Miao people), Qiangyin(silver of Qiang people) and Daiyin(silver of Dai people), etc., the hidden hierarchy of different"Inner Otherness"and the pattern of"Diversity in Unity of the Chinese Nation"could be continually perceived and confirmed by individuals, then embodied in their experiences of daily life. The"social alchemy"of Zangyin thus reveals two facts here: firstly, historical changes,dislocations and reconnections between the name and the flexible entities of Zangyin have built up basis for the balance between its cultural and commodity values in the souvenir market; secondly, the transformation from imagining to consuming "the Other" partly depends on if there is room for cross-cultural interpretation between China's different kinds of minority"Otherness"and the majority"Self"—Han people. I would further argue that the interaction between materiality and ethnicity has always interwoven in the comprehensive social-political framework of nation state. It is neither direct nor transparent, but needs to be interrogated deeper under the dynamical view of anthropological tourism studies.
引文
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[2]Wen Hong,Li Jun,Li Yang.Review and inspiration on oversea tourism souvenir studies[J].Tourism Research,2016,8(3):28.[闻虹,李俊,李阳.国外旅游纪念品研究综述与启示[J].旅游研究,2016,8(3):28.]
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[4]Carter M L.Three silver vessels from Tibet’s earliest historical era:A preliminary study[J].Cleveland Studies in the History of Art,1998,(3):22-47.
[5]Boulnois L.Gold and Silver Coins in Tibet:History,Tale and Evolution[M].Geng Sheng,trans.Beijing:China Tibetology Publishing House,1999:29,217-260;265-271.[布尔努瓦.西藏的黄金和银币--历史、传说与演变[M].耿昇译.北京:中国藏学出版社,1999:29,217-260;265-271.]
[6]Zhaga.The history,gild institution and social status of traditional metal ware craft artisan in Tibet[J].China Tibetology.1992,(S1):89.[扎嘎.西藏传统手工业五金工匠的历史、行会组织及其社会地位[J].中国藏学,1992,(S1):89.]
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[9]Jiang Xuesong.Qing Dynasty’s governing over Tibet on the case of Baozang Silver Coins:And on the influence of foreign coins in China[J].Sichuan Cultural Relics,2002,(2):63-64,65.[蒋学松.从宝藏银币看清朝对西藏的统治--兼议外币流入及其影响[J].四川文物,2002,(2):63-64,65.]
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[11]Zhang Wuyi,Wang Jiafeng.Historical rendezvous of the oriental and occidental monetary cultures and a milestone symbolizing unification of monetary system in Tibet with That in China’s inland:On the trade of exchanging silver coins for silver ingots and the coming into being of the Baozang Coins[A]//Alfaro C,Marcos C,Otero P.XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática(Madrid,2003).Actas-Proceedings-Actes.Vol.Ⅱ[C].Madrid,2005:1688-1689.
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[17]Wacquant L.Symbolic power and group-making:On Pierre Bourdieu’s reframing of class[J].Journal of Classical Sociology,2013:1-2.
[18]Salazar N B,Graburn N H.Introduction:Toward an anthropology of tourism imaginaries[A]//Salazar N B,Graburn N H.Tourism Imaginaries:Anthropological Approaches[C].New York&Oxford:Berghahn,2014:3;16.
[19]Graburn N H,Jin Lu.The rise of Chinese tourism anthropology[J].Nationalities Research in Qinghai,2011,(2):2.[纳尔逊·格雷本,金露.中国旅游人类学的兴起[J].青海民族研究,2011,(2):2.]
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(1)Graburn N H.“I like things to look more different than that stuff did”:An experiment in cross-cultural art appreciation[A]//Greenhalgh M,Megaw JVS.Art in Society:Studies in Style,Culture and Aesthetics[C].London:Duckworth,1978:51-70;Graburn N H.White evaluation of the quality of Inuit sculpture[J].Inuit Art Quarterly,2001,16(3):30-39.
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(1)Clifford J.Museums as contact zones[A]//Clifford J.Routes,Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century[M].Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1997:188-219;Phillips R B.Trading Identities:The Souvenir in Native North American Art from the Northeast,1700-1900[M].Montreal and Kingston/Seattle and London:Mc Gill-Queen's University Press/University of Washington Press,1998;Bruner E M.Culture on Tour:Ethnographies of Travel[M].Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2005:192.
(2)Nason J D.Tourism,handicrafts and ethnic identity in Micronesia[J].Annals of Tourism Research,1984,11(3):421-449;Lanfant M F,Allcock J B,Bruner E M.International Tourism:Identity and Change[C].London:SAGE Publications Ltd.,1995;Franklin A.Aboriginalia:Souvenir wares and the‘aboriginalization’of Australian identity[J].Tourist Studies,2010,10(3):195-208.
(3)互动百科.“藏银”[EB/OL].http://www.baike.com/wiki/%E8%97%8F%E9%93%B6,2016-10-10。
(1)“宝藏”二字在此并非“财宝、珍宝”之义。根据清代货币铸造和流通体制,“宝”字取自历代铸币传统中常用的“通宝”二字,意为“流通宝币”;而“藏”字,则指西藏,为银币铸造的具体地区,如同一时期的“宝陕局”“宝浙局”等。“宝藏银币”即西藏“宝藏局”所铸之银币[5]246-247。参见布尔努瓦.西藏的黄金和银币——历史、传说与演变[M]耿昇译.北京:中国藏学出版社,1999:246-247。
(1)清末诸多文献对西藏番银的低劣成色有所载录,如驻藏大臣有泰在1904年(光绪三十年)写到“番银四两合内地银二两四钱。”参见(清)有泰著;吴丰培整理.有泰驻藏日记(十六册线装,第五册)[M].中国藏学出版社,1988.30;又如驻藏大臣联豫1910年(宣统二年)在《封禁藏番造枪造币厂并拟自铸银圆片》中写到“其造币厂在扎什城之北,安有水机器,所有铸出银钱,并不照从前字样,形薄体轻,多掺铜质,商民皆不乐用,而勒令行销。于四川所铸藏圆,则反任意贬价,奴才屡饬停铸,番官置若罔闻”,又在1910《进呈试铸银铜圆式样并拟扩充办法折》中写到“商上所造银钱,形质脆薄,搀铜几半。”(笔者按:“商上”指清代西藏地方政府的财政管理机构,又称“大昭库”)参见(清)联豫著;中央民族学院图书馆编;吴丰培主编.联豫驻藏奏稿[M].拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1972:111,135.
(2)“藏银”概念的出现,是相关学者在研究清末西藏地方所铸银币时所采用的现代称呼,代表性著述如曹刚.中国西藏地方货币[M].四川民族出版社,1999.王海燕.西藏地方货币[M].西宁:青海人民出版社,2007.
(1)资料来源于笔者2016年国庆前在武侯祠横街对泽旺(化名)的藏饰店所做的调查。
[2]Wen Hong,Li Jun,Li Yang.Review and inspiration on oversea tourism souvenir studies[J].Tourism Research,2016,8(3):28.[闻虹,李俊,李阳.国外旅游纪念品研究综述与启示[J].旅游研究,2016,8(3):28.]
[3]Heller A.The silver jug of the Lhasa Jokhang:Some observations on silver objects and costumes from the Tibetan empire(7th-9thCentury)[J].Silk Road Art and Archaeology,2003,(9):213-237.
[4]Carter M L.Three silver vessels from Tibet’s earliest historical era:A preliminary study[J].Cleveland Studies in the History of Art,1998,(3):22-47.
[5]Boulnois L.Gold and Silver Coins in Tibet:History,Tale and Evolution[M].Geng Sheng,trans.Beijing:China Tibetology Publishing House,1999:29,217-260;265-271.[布尔努瓦.西藏的黄金和银币--历史、传说与演变[M].耿昇译.北京:中国藏学出版社,1999:29,217-260;265-271.]
[6]Zhaga.The history,gild institution and social status of traditional metal ware craft artisan in Tibet[J].China Tibetology.1992,(S1):89.[扎嘎.西藏传统手工业五金工匠的历史、行会组织及其社会地位[J].中国藏学,1992,(S1):89.]
[7]Zhang Huying.An research on currency of paper money in Tibet in the Yuan Dynasty[J].China Numismatics,1984,(4):19;28-30.[张虎婴.元代纸币在西藏地方流通考[J].中国钱币,1984,(4):19;28-30.]
[8]Chen Xiaoyou.Foreign Fangyins warmed into China after“Open-door”in Late Qing[J].East Collections,2010,(5):114-116.[陈晓友.“门户开放”后蜂拥入华的西洋番银[J].东方收藏,2010,(5):114-116.]
[9]Jiang Xuesong.Qing Dynasty’s governing over Tibet on the case of Baozang Silver Coins:And on the influence of foreign coins in China[J].Sichuan Cultural Relics,2002,(2):63-64,65.[蒋学松.从宝藏银币看清朝对西藏的统治--兼议外币流入及其影响[J].四川文物,2002,(2):63-64,65.]
[10]Zhou Yonghong.The dissension of Tibetan coinage between China and United Kingdome in Late Qing Dynasty[J].Journal of Nanjing Normal University:Social Science Edition,2002,(5):155-160.[周永红.清末中英在西藏的货币之争[J].南京师大学报:人文社科版,2002,(5):155-160.]
[11]Zhang Wuyi,Wang Jiafeng.Historical rendezvous of the oriental and occidental monetary cultures and a milestone symbolizing unification of monetary system in Tibet with That in China’s inland:On the trade of exchanging silver coins for silver ingots and the coming into being of the Baozang Coins[A]//Alfaro C,Marcos C,Otero P.XIII Congreso Internacional de Numismática(Madrid,2003).Actas-Proceedings-Actes.Vol.Ⅱ[C].Madrid,2005:1688-1689.
[12]Yu Fenghui,Zhou Tiezheng.Query on the weights and measures and fineness of Tibetan Zangyinminting in Qing Dynasty[J].China Numismatics,2007,(4):41-42.[余丰辉,周铁铮.对西藏清代藏银铸币衡制与成色的疑问[J].中国钱币,2007,(4):41-42.]
[13]Lou Zhong.Tibetan silver[J].Tibet Geographic,2008,(6):3-5.[蝼冢.西藏白银[J].西藏人文地理,2008,(6):3-5.]
[14]Dagyab Loden Sherap.Tibetan Religious Art[M].Xie Jisheng,trans.Lhasa:Tibet Peoples Publishing House,1989.133-134.[扎雅·诺丹西绕.西藏宗教艺术[M].谢继胜译.拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1989.133-134.]
[15]Douglas M.Purity and Danger:An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo[M].London:Routledge and Kegan Paul,1966:introduction;1-5.
[16]Bourdieu P.The forms of capital[A].//Richardson J.Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education[C].New York:Greenwood,1986:241-258.
[17]Wacquant L.Symbolic power and group-making:On Pierre Bourdieu’s reframing of class[J].Journal of Classical Sociology,2013:1-2.
[18]Salazar N B,Graburn N H.Introduction:Toward an anthropology of tourism imaginaries[A]//Salazar N B,Graburn N H.Tourism Imaginaries:Anthropological Approaches[C].New York&Oxford:Berghahn,2014:3;16.
[19]Graburn N H,Jin Lu.The rise of Chinese tourism anthropology[J].Nationalities Research in Qinghai,2011,(2):2.[纳尔逊·格雷本,金露.中国旅游人类学的兴起[J].青海民族研究,2011,(2):2.]
[20]Morris M.Panorama:The live,the dead and the living[A]//Foss P.Island in the Stream:Myths of Place in Australian Culture[C].Sydney:Pluto Press,1988:160-187.
[21]Harrell S.Ways of Being Ethnic in Southwest China[M].Seattle and London:University of Washington Press,2002:28.
[22]Picard D,Giovine M D.Introduction:Through other worlds[A]//Picard D,Giovine M D.Tourism and the Power of Otherness:Seductions of Difference[C].Clevedon:Channel View Publications,2014:1;4.
[23]Qin Yi.Opium planting and social changes of Liangshan Yis society(1908-1949)[J].Journal of South-Central University for Nationalities,2014,34(3):31-35.[秦熠.鸦片种植与凉山彝区社会变迁(1908-1949)[J].中南民族大学学报,2014,34(3):31-35.]
[24]Gibson C.Souvenirs,materialities and animal encounters:Following Texas cowboy boots[J].Tourist Studies,2014,14(3):287.
[25]Gordon B.The souvenir:Messenger of the extraordinary[J].Journal of Popular Culture,1986,20(3):135-151.
[26]Aspelin P.The anthropological analysis of tourism:Indirect tourism and political economy in the case of the Mamainde of Mato Grosso,Brazil[J].Annals of Tourism Research,1977,4(3):135-160.
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(3)互动百科.“藏银”[EB/OL].http://www.baike.com/wiki/%E8%97%8F%E9%93%B6,2016-10-10。
(1)“宝藏”二字在此并非“财宝、珍宝”之义。根据清代货币铸造和流通体制,“宝”字取自历代铸币传统中常用的“通宝”二字,意为“流通宝币”;而“藏”字,则指西藏,为银币铸造的具体地区,如同一时期的“宝陕局”“宝浙局”等。“宝藏银币”即西藏“宝藏局”所铸之银币[5]246-247。参见布尔努瓦.西藏的黄金和银币——历史、传说与演变[M]耿昇译.北京:中国藏学出版社,1999:246-247。
(1)清末诸多文献对西藏番银的低劣成色有所载录,如驻藏大臣有泰在1904年(光绪三十年)写到“番银四两合内地银二两四钱。”参见(清)有泰著;吴丰培整理.有泰驻藏日记(十六册线装,第五册)[M].中国藏学出版社,1988.30;又如驻藏大臣联豫1910年(宣统二年)在《封禁藏番造枪造币厂并拟自铸银圆片》中写到“其造币厂在扎什城之北,安有水机器,所有铸出银钱,并不照从前字样,形薄体轻,多掺铜质,商民皆不乐用,而勒令行销。于四川所铸藏圆,则反任意贬价,奴才屡饬停铸,番官置若罔闻”,又在1910《进呈试铸银铜圆式样并拟扩充办法折》中写到“商上所造银钱,形质脆薄,搀铜几半。”(笔者按:“商上”指清代西藏地方政府的财政管理机构,又称“大昭库”)参见(清)联豫著;中央民族学院图书馆编;吴丰培主编.联豫驻藏奏稿[M].拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1972:111,135.
(2)“藏银”概念的出现,是相关学者在研究清末西藏地方所铸银币时所采用的现代称呼,代表性著述如曹刚.中国西藏地方货币[M].四川民族出版社,1999.王海燕.西藏地方货币[M].西宁:青海人民出版社,2007.
(1)资料来源于笔者2016年国庆前在武侯祠横街对泽旺(化名)的藏饰店所做的调查。