匈奴南将军与汉、匈丝路北道争夺
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摘要
匈奴南将军一职不见于匈奴官制,仅《汉书》《后汉书》有载。学界对此虽有少许探讨,但皆论之不详。考之汉籍,匈奴南将军,全称匈奴南犁汙王南将军,设置时间大致在宣帝神爵四年(前58年)至平帝元始元年(公元1年)间,活动于车师后王国、蒲类海一带,经略西域,职责重大,直属匈奴单于;匈奴南将军非匈奴右日逐王(西边日逐王),较右日逐王,匈奴南将军辖地更偏西,紧邻西域,并与匈奴介和王、东蒲类王存在领地交割。匈奴南将军的出现填补了西边日逐王降汉后匈奴在丝路北道一带的权力空缺,意在与汉争夺以车师前、后王国为中心的丝路北道;莽新时,活动区域进一步向南延至焉耆、鄯善一带。东汉以后,消失于史籍中,代之以匈奴左南将军,但匈奴左南将军非匈奴南将军,职责差异较大。
The position of the Xiongnu's Southern General is not found in the Xiongnu's official system; it is only recorded in History of the Former Han and History of the Later Han. There has been some discussion about it in the academic field, but it is not elaborated in detail. little discussion about it, yet it was also unknown. Examined through books of the Han Dynasty, the Xiongnu's Southern General, with its full title the Xiongnu's Southern Liwu King Southern General, was set roughly between the 4~(th) year of Shenjue Period in the reign of Emperor Xuan and the 1 st year of Yuanshi Period in the reign of Emperor Ping, moving in the vicinity of Rear Cheshi Kingdom and Pulei Sea. They supervised the whole Western Regions, shouldering important responsibility and subject to the direct leadership of Chanyu. The Xiongnu's Southern General was not the Xiongnu's Rizhu King west to the Xiongnu's Right Rizhu King; compared with Right Rizhu King, the territory dominated by the Xiongnu's Southern General was even more westward and close to the Western Regions and intersected with the land of the Xiongnu's Jiehe King and Eastern Pulei King. The emergence of the Xiongnu's Southern General filled the power vacancy of the Xiongnu along the northern silk road after Western Rizhu King surrendered to the Han Dynasty, intended to compete with the Han for the northern silk road centered on the Cheshi Kingdom and Rear Cheshi Kingdom. In the reign of Wang Mang, his territory of activity was extended southwards to Yanqi and Shanshan. After the Eastern Han Dynasty, the title disappeared from the historical books and was replaced by the Xiongnu's Left Southern General with a great difference in responsibility.
The position of the Xiongnu's Southern General is not found in the Xiongnu's official system; it is only recorded in History of the Former Han and History of the Later Han. There has been some discussion about it in the academic field, but it is not elaborated in detail. little discussion about it, yet it was also unknown. Examined through books of the Han Dynasty, the Xiongnu's Southern General, with its full title the Xiongnu's Southern Liwu King Southern General, was set roughly between the 4~(th) year of Shenjue Period in the reign of Emperor Xuan and the 1 st year of Yuanshi Period in the reign of Emperor Ping, moving in the vicinity of Rear Cheshi Kingdom and Pulei Sea. They supervised the whole Western Regions, shouldering important responsibility and subject to the direct leadership of Chanyu. The Xiongnu's Southern General was not the Xiongnu's Rizhu King west to the Xiongnu's Right Rizhu King; compared with Right Rizhu King, the territory dominated by the Xiongnu's Southern General was even more westward and close to the Western Regions and intersected with the land of the Xiongnu's Jiehe King and Eastern Pulei King. The emergence of the Xiongnu's Southern General filled the power vacancy of the Xiongnu along the northern silk road after Western Rizhu King surrendered to the Han Dynasty, intended to compete with the Han for the northern silk road centered on the Cheshi Kingdom and Rear Cheshi Kingdom. In the reign of Wang Mang, his territory of activity was extended southwards to Yanqi and Shanshan. After the Eastern Han Dynasty, the title disappeared from the historical books and was replaced by the Xiongnu's Left Southern General with a great difference in responsibility.
引文
[1]王先谦.汉书补注[M].北京:中华书局影印本,1983.
[2]徐松.汉书西域传补注[M].北京:中华书局,1985.
[3]林幹.匈奴史[M].北京:人民出版社,2010.
[4]陈世良.浑邪考[J].新疆大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1989(2).
[5]王宗维.匈奴诸王考述[J].内蒙古大学学报(人文社会科学版),1985(2).
[6]孙占宇.马圈湾汉简所见一次发生在车师的战争[J].敦煌学辑刊,2006(3).
[7]班固.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1962.
[8]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1956.
[9]陈世良.月氏音义诠索[J].新疆社会科学,1988(5).
[10]李春梅.匈奴政权右贤王制度探析[J].内蒙古社会科学,2011(2).
[11]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[12][日]长泽和俊.汉之西域经营与东西交通[A].长泽和俊.丝绸之路史研究[C].钟美珠译.天津:天津古籍出版社,1990.
[13]李春梅.论匈奴政权的分封制[J].内蒙古社会科学,2014(1).
[14]钱伯泉.呼揭——阿尔泰历史和草原丝路的早期主人[J].西域研究,2000(4).
[15]范晔.后汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1965.
[16]王子今.匈奴“僮仆都尉”考[J].南都学坛,2012(4).
[17]吴礽骧,李永良,马建华释校.敦煌汉简释文[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,1991.
[18]吴方浪.汉、匈关系再探讨——以丝织品“给遗”为考察中心[J].中国社会经济研究,2017(1).
[19]薛海波.南匈奴内迁与东汉北边边防新论[J].内蒙古社会科学,2012(3).
①《汉书·匈奴传》曰:“(绥和元年)时帝舅大司马票骑将军王根领尚书事,或说根曰:‘匈奴有斗入汉地,直张掖郡……如得之,于边甚饶,国家有广地之实,将军显功,垂于无穷。’根为上言其利,上直欲从单于求之……令从藩所说而求之……单于曰:‘孝宣、孝元皇帝哀怜父呼韩邪单于,从长城以北匈奴有之。此温偶駼王所居地也……已问温偶駼王,匈奴西边诸侯作穹庐及车,皆仰此山材木,且先父地,不敢失也。’”可见,成帝绥和元年(前8年),张掖以北已为温偶駼王世代所有。
②匈奴左贤王处匈奴左地,叛逃匈奴这么大的事不可能越过单于王庭及匈奴右方诸王(特别是右贤王),跨越数千里来到右方与右谷蠡王商讨“谋击匈奴”;且左贤王一般为单于储副,法定的下一代单于继承人,何来“不得立怨望”,单于死后,他就是匈奴单于,更无须“谋击匈奴”,自挖墙脚。故,此中所言“左贤王”当为“右贤王”,依匈奴习俗,单于死,左贤王代为单于,所以才会产生右贤王与右谷蠡王“不得立”的怨望。
③《汉书·西域传》记载日逐王降汉为宣帝神爵三年(前59年),同事,《汉书·宣帝纪》则述之为神爵二年(前60年)。考此事,《汉书·匈奴传》云:“(神爵二年)握衍朐鞮单于立……日逐王先贤掸,其父左贤王当为单于,让狐鹿姑单于,狐鹿姑单于许立之。国人以故颇言日逐王当为单于。日逐王素与握衍朐鞮单于有隙,即率其众数万骑归汉。汉封日逐王为归德侯。”为宣帝神爵二年(前60年),与《资治通鉴》吻合。故,日逐王先贤掸归汉被封为归德侯的时间应在宣帝神爵二年(前60年),《汉书·西域传》之“神爵三年”记载有误。
④《汉书·苏武传》载,武帝天汉元年(前100年)苏武因副中郎将张胜等谋杀卫律失败牵连,单于欲杀之,左伊秩訾曰:“即谋单于,何以复加?宜皆降之。”据此,如左伊秩訾不处单于左右,何以知晓此事,又何来劝谏单于。又《汉书·匈奴传》云宣帝时,左伊秩訾王对簿单于诸臣,为呼韩邪“画计归汉”同样可以佐证左伊秩訾居匈奴王庭之中。
⑤《汉书·西域传》云:“时戊己校尉刁护病,遣史陈良屯桓且谷备匈奴寇,史终带取粮食,司马丞韩玄领诸壁,右曲候任商领诸垒……遂杀校尉刁护及子男四人、诸昆弟子男……遣人与匈奴南将军相闻,南将军以二千骑迎良等。”可见,南将军部众至少有两千骑的规模。
⑥陈世良先生认为,匈奴南将军(南犁汙王)之“南”在匈奴语中与“右”通用,南将军(南犁汙王)又可称右犁汙王或单于南廷日逐王(右日逐王)。(参见陈世良《月氏音义诠索》,《新疆社会科学》1988年第5期)
⑦上文已说到,右贤王是匈奴右地“最大国”,从地域上讲,南犁汙王南将军处右地,应隶属于右贤王,但由于宣、元以后右贤王权力急剧衰落,时常被作为“质子”,成为取信汉廷的工具,此时右贤王仅存“王”之头衔,权力再难涉足西域,故匈奴南将军此时当为单于直接隶属。
[2]徐松.汉书西域传补注[M].北京:中华书局,1985.
[3]林幹.匈奴史[M].北京:人民出版社,2010.
[4]陈世良.浑邪考[J].新疆大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1989(2).
[5]王宗维.匈奴诸王考述[J].内蒙古大学学报(人文社会科学版),1985(2).
[6]孙占宇.马圈湾汉简所见一次发生在车师的战争[J].敦煌学辑刊,2006(3).
[7]班固.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1962.
[8]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1956.
[9]陈世良.月氏音义诠索[J].新疆社会科学,1988(5).
[10]李春梅.匈奴政权右贤王制度探析[J].内蒙古社会科学,2011(2).
[11]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,1959.
[12][日]长泽和俊.汉之西域经营与东西交通[A].长泽和俊.丝绸之路史研究[C].钟美珠译.天津:天津古籍出版社,1990.
[13]李春梅.论匈奴政权的分封制[J].内蒙古社会科学,2014(1).
[14]钱伯泉.呼揭——阿尔泰历史和草原丝路的早期主人[J].西域研究,2000(4).
[15]范晔.后汉书[M].北京:中华书局,1965.
[16]王子今.匈奴“僮仆都尉”考[J].南都学坛,2012(4).
[17]吴礽骧,李永良,马建华释校.敦煌汉简释文[M].兰州:甘肃人民出版社,1991.
[18]吴方浪.汉、匈关系再探讨——以丝织品“给遗”为考察中心[J].中国社会经济研究,2017(1).
[19]薛海波.南匈奴内迁与东汉北边边防新论[J].内蒙古社会科学,2012(3).
①《汉书·匈奴传》曰:“(绥和元年)时帝舅大司马票骑将军王根领尚书事,或说根曰:‘匈奴有斗入汉地,直张掖郡……如得之,于边甚饶,国家有广地之实,将军显功,垂于无穷。’根为上言其利,上直欲从单于求之……令从藩所说而求之……单于曰:‘孝宣、孝元皇帝哀怜父呼韩邪单于,从长城以北匈奴有之。此温偶駼王所居地也……已问温偶駼王,匈奴西边诸侯作穹庐及车,皆仰此山材木,且先父地,不敢失也。’”可见,成帝绥和元年(前8年),张掖以北已为温偶駼王世代所有。
②匈奴左贤王处匈奴左地,叛逃匈奴这么大的事不可能越过单于王庭及匈奴右方诸王(特别是右贤王),跨越数千里来到右方与右谷蠡王商讨“谋击匈奴”;且左贤王一般为单于储副,法定的下一代单于继承人,何来“不得立怨望”,单于死后,他就是匈奴单于,更无须“谋击匈奴”,自挖墙脚。故,此中所言“左贤王”当为“右贤王”,依匈奴习俗,单于死,左贤王代为单于,所以才会产生右贤王与右谷蠡王“不得立”的怨望。
③《汉书·西域传》记载日逐王降汉为宣帝神爵三年(前59年),同事,《汉书·宣帝纪》则述之为神爵二年(前60年)。考此事,《汉书·匈奴传》云:“(神爵二年)握衍朐鞮单于立……日逐王先贤掸,其父左贤王当为单于,让狐鹿姑单于,狐鹿姑单于许立之。国人以故颇言日逐王当为单于。日逐王素与握衍朐鞮单于有隙,即率其众数万骑归汉。汉封日逐王为归德侯。”为宣帝神爵二年(前60年),与《资治通鉴》吻合。故,日逐王先贤掸归汉被封为归德侯的时间应在宣帝神爵二年(前60年),《汉书·西域传》之“神爵三年”记载有误。
④《汉书·苏武传》载,武帝天汉元年(前100年)苏武因副中郎将张胜等谋杀卫律失败牵连,单于欲杀之,左伊秩訾曰:“即谋单于,何以复加?宜皆降之。”据此,如左伊秩訾不处单于左右,何以知晓此事,又何来劝谏单于。又《汉书·匈奴传》云宣帝时,左伊秩訾王对簿单于诸臣,为呼韩邪“画计归汉”同样可以佐证左伊秩訾居匈奴王庭之中。
⑤《汉书·西域传》云:“时戊己校尉刁护病,遣史陈良屯桓且谷备匈奴寇,史终带取粮食,司马丞韩玄领诸壁,右曲候任商领诸垒……遂杀校尉刁护及子男四人、诸昆弟子男……遣人与匈奴南将军相闻,南将军以二千骑迎良等。”可见,南将军部众至少有两千骑的规模。
⑥陈世良先生认为,匈奴南将军(南犁汙王)之“南”在匈奴语中与“右”通用,南将军(南犁汙王)又可称右犁汙王或单于南廷日逐王(右日逐王)。(参见陈世良《月氏音义诠索》,《新疆社会科学》1988年第5期)
⑦上文已说到,右贤王是匈奴右地“最大国”,从地域上讲,南犁汙王南将军处右地,应隶属于右贤王,但由于宣、元以后右贤王权力急剧衰落,时常被作为“质子”,成为取信汉廷的工具,此时右贤王仅存“王”之头衔,权力再难涉足西域,故匈奴南将军此时当为单于直接隶属。