全球化、区域分化与民粹主义——选举地理视角下法国国民阵线的兴起
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摘要
要素禀赋的相对变化使法国劳动力要素所有者内部发生分化,非熟练/半熟练劳动力和人力资本要素所有者形成了不同的政策偏好。由于生产要素在法国不同区域中的集聚性,两者的分化反映为法国各大区之间、城市中心区与郊区之间以及不同规模的城市之间的分化。由于传统制造业在发展中国家同类产品的竞争下走向衰落,法国非熟练/半熟练劳动力越来越难以找到合适的工作,同时他们还面临着来自南欧和北非的劳工移民以及近年来涌入的难民在就业机会和福利资源上的竞争。这种双重冲击使法国非熟练/半熟练劳动力产生了反全球化、反欧洲一体化、反移民的诉求,国民阵线因积极回应非熟练/半熟练劳动力的诉求而得到他们的政治支持,使其在多次总统选举中表现突出。受全球化和欧洲一体化冲击最为严重的是法国东北部"铁锈带"和地中海沿岸地区,法国北部、东部和地中海沿岸的很多大区因此成为国民阵线的主要票仓。此外,远离城市中心的远郊区和规模较小的城市集中了更多的非熟练/半熟练劳动力,因此这些区域的选民更多地把选票投给了国民阵线。法国国民阵线的兴起不仅重塑了法国的政党体系,也推动了民粹主义在欧洲政治乃至世界政治中的蔓延。
The relative change in factor endowment leads to division among labors in France: the unskilled/semi-skilled labors have policy preferences different from those of skilled labors. Because of the agglomeration of factors of production in different regions of France, the differentiation of these factors is reflected in the differentiation between regions,between the urban areas and suburbs,and between metropolises and small towns. The unskilled/semi-skilled labors in France are increasingly difficult to find suitable jobs due to the decline of traditional manufacturing in the face of competition of similar products from developing countries. At the same time,the labor migrants from southern Europe and North Africa and refugees in recent years compete with them for jobs and welfare. Both shocks force unskilled/semi-skilled labors in France to call for anti-globalization,anti-European integration and anti-immigration policies. The National Front which responds positively to them has won their political support,and thereupon performed well in several presidential elections. The "Rust Belt"in northeastern France and the Mediterranean coast has been hit most,and thus these regions have become the main supporter of the National Front. In addition,the outer suburbs far from urban centres,and smaller cities,have concentrated more unskilled/semi-skilled labor,so more voters in those regions have voted for the National Front.The rise of the National Front has not only reshaped the political party system in France,but also has facilitated the spread of populism in European and even world politics.
The relative change in factor endowment leads to division among labors in France: the unskilled/semi-skilled labors have policy preferences different from those of skilled labors. Because of the agglomeration of factors of production in different regions of France, the differentiation of these factors is reflected in the differentiation between regions,between the urban areas and suburbs,and between metropolises and small towns. The unskilled/semi-skilled labors in France are increasingly difficult to find suitable jobs due to the decline of traditional manufacturing in the face of competition of similar products from developing countries. At the same time,the labor migrants from southern Europe and North Africa and refugees in recent years compete with them for jobs and welfare. Both shocks force unskilled/semi-skilled labors in France to call for anti-globalization,anti-European integration and anti-immigration policies. The National Front which responds positively to them has won their political support,and thereupon performed well in several presidential elections. The "Rust Belt"in northeastern France and the Mediterranean coast has been hit most,and thus these regions have become the main supporter of the National Front. In addition,the outer suburbs far from urban centres,and smaller cities,have concentrated more unskilled/semi-skilled labor,so more voters in those regions have voted for the National Front.The rise of the National Front has not only reshaped the political party system in France,but also has facilitated the spread of populism in European and even world politics.
引文
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(1)参见SCoRE Project Survey,,https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/,访问时间:2018年12月21日。
(2)Vincenzo Emanuele,The Hidden Cleverage of the French Election:Macron,Le Pen and the Urban-Rural Conflict,p.3.
(1)张宇燕:《中国对外开放的理念、进程与逻辑》,载《中国社会科学》,2018年第11期,第37—38页。
(2)Dani Rodrik,“Populism and the Economics of Globalization,” Journal of International Business Policy,Vol.1,No.1,2018,p.23.
(1)科林·弗林特、皮特·泰勒:《政治地理学:世界—经济、民族—国家与地方》,第256页。
(2)王缉思:《世界政治潮流与美国的历史作用》,载《世界政治研究》,2018年第2辑,第11页。
(1)Sophie Meunier,“Globalization and Europeanization:A Challenge to French Politics,” French Politics,Vol.2,No.2,2004,p.134.
(2)Gabriel Goodliffe,“From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream:The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France,” French Politics,Culture&Society,Vol.34,No.3,2016,pp.140-141.
(3)项佐涛、黄震:《法国国民阵线的兴起探究》,载《党政研究》,2017年第6期,第54—55页。
(4)邢骅、范郑杰:《从2017年大选看法国政治的新变化》,载《国际问题研究》,2017年第4期,第85—86页。
(1)Pascal Perrineau,“The Crisis in Political Representation,” in Pascal Perrineau and Luc Rouban,eds.,Politics in France and Europe,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2009,pp.3-14.
(2)宋全成:《欧洲难民危机政治影响的双重分析》,载《欧洲研究》,2016年第1期,第133页。
(3)Michelle Hale Williams,“A New Era for French Far-Right Politics? Comparing the FN Under Two Le Pens,” Analise Social,Vol.46,No.201,2011,pp.683-685.
(4)Gilles Ivald,i “Towards the Median Economic Crisis Voter? The New Leftist Economic Agenda of the Front National in France,” French Politics,Vol.13,No.4,2015,pp.359-361.
(5)Daniel Stockemer and Mauro Barisione,“The ‘New’ Discourse of the Front National Under Marine Le Pen:A Slight Change with a Big Impact,”European Journal of Communication,Vol.32,No.2,2017,pp.100-115.
(6)Jasper Muis and Tim Immerzee,l“Causes and Consequences of the Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties and Movements in Europe,”Current Sociology Review,Vol.65,No.6,2017,p.915; Gilles Ivaldi and Maria Elisabetta Lanzone,“The French Front National:Organizational Change and Adaptation from Jean-Marie to Marine Le Pen,” in Reinhard Heinisch and Oscar Mazzoleni,eds.,Understanding Populist Party Organization:The Radical Right in Western Europe,London:Palgrave Macmillan,2016,p.136.
(7)Daniel Stockemer and Mauro Barisione,“The ‘New’ Discourse of The Front National Under Marine Le Pen:A Slight Change with a Big Impact,” p.103.
(8)田小惠、杨羽茜:《法国国民阵线的转型及原因探析》,载《当代世界与社会主义》,2018年第3期,第152页。
(1)Gilles Ivaldi and Maria Elisabetta Lanzone,“The French Front National:Organizational Change and Adaptation from Jean-Marie to Marine Le Pen,” p.146.
(2)Gabriel Goodliffe,“From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream:The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France,” pp.132-134.
(3)Marcel Lubbers and Peer Scheepers,“French Front National Voting:A Micro and Macro Perspective,”Ethnic and Racial Studies,Vol.25,No.1,2002,p.126.
(4)Paul Hainsworth,The Extreme Right in Western Europe,New York:Routledge,2008,p.27.
(5)Dominique Reynie,“‘Heritage Populism and France’s Front National,” Journal of Democracy,Vol.27,No.4,2016,p.51; Andrew Knapp and Vincent Wright,The Government and Politics of France,New York:Routledge,2006,p.244.
(6)张莉:《西欧民主制度的幽灵——右翼民粹主义政党研究》,北京:中央编译出版社2011年版,第127页。
(7)Aurelien Mondon,“Nicolas Sarkozy’s Legitimization of the Front National:Background and Perspectives,” Patterns of Prejudice,Vol.47,No.1,2013,pp.23-24.
(1)R. P. Woolstencrof,t“Electoral Geography:Retrospect and Prospect,” International Political Science Review,Vol.1,No.4,1980,p.543.
(2)John R.V. Prescott,Political Geography,London:Methuen,1972,p.87.
(3)科林·弗林特、皮特·泰勒著,刘云刚译:《政治地理学:世界—经济、民族—国家与地方》,北京:商务印书馆2016年版,第232页。
(4)Barney Wart and Jonathan Leib,eds.,Revitalizing Electoral Geography,Burlington:Ashgate,2011.
(1)Marc L. Busch and Eric Reinhard,t“Industrial Location and Protection:The Political and Economic Geography of U.S. Nontariff Barriers,” American Journal of Political Science,Vol.43,No.4,1999,pp.1028-1050;Marc L. Busch and Eric Reinhard,t “Geography, International Trade, and Political Mobilization in U. S. Industries,” American Journal of Political Science,Vol.44,No.4,2000,pp.703-719; Marc L. Busch and Eric Reinhardt,“Industrial Location and Voter Participation in Europe,”British Journal of Political Science,Vol.35,No.4,2005,pp.713-730; Matilde Bombardini and Francesco Trebb,i“Competition and Political Organization:Together or Alone in Lobbying for Trade Policy?” Journal of International Economics,Vol.87,No.1,2012,pp.18-26.
(2)王正毅:《国际政治经济学通论》,北京:北京大学出版社2010年版,第276—277页。
(3)Michael Hiscox,International Trade and Political Conflict:Commerce,Coalitions,and Mobility,Princeton:Princeton University Press,2001.
(4)Ronald Rogowski,Commerce and Coalitions:How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1989,p.8.
(5)Peter Grourevitch,Politics in Hard Times:Comparative Responses to International Economic Crises,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1986,p.20.
(6)Sharyn O’Halloran,Politics,Process and American Trade Policy,Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1994; David Lake and Scott James,“The Second Face of Hegemony:Britain’s Repeal of the Corn Laws and the American Walker Tariff of 1846,” International Organization,Vol. 43,No. 1,1989, pp. 1-29; Barry Eichengreen,“The Political Economy of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff,”NBER Working Paper,No.2001,1986,https://www.nber.org/papers/w2001,访问时间:2019年3月22日; Michael Hiscox,“The Magic Bullet? The RTAA, Institutional Reform,and Trade Liberalization,” International Organization,Vol.53,No.4,1999,pp.669-698。
(1)只有很少文献从区域分化的角度对19世纪末20世纪初的国际贸易与英国、德国政党政治的演变进行研究,参见Douglas A. Irwin,“The Political Economy of Free Trade:Voting in the British General Election of1906,” Journal of Law and Economics,Vol.37,No.1,1994,pp.75-108; Cheryl Schonhardt-Bailey,“Parties and Interests in the ‘Marriage of Iron and Rye’,” British Journal of Political Science,Vol.28,No.2,1998,pp.291-332。
(2)威廉·安德森著,安虎森等译:《经济地理学》,北京:中国人民大学出版社2017年版,第87页。
(3)藤田昌久、保罗·克鲁格曼、安东尼·维纳布尔斯著,梁琦主译:《空间经济学:城市、区域与国际贸易》,北京:中国人民大学出版社2013年版,第1页。
(4)保罗·克鲁格曼著,刘国晖译:《地理与贸易》,北京:中国人民大学出版社2017年版,第14—17、79—82页。
(5)保罗·克鲁格曼:《地理与贸易》,第79—82页。
(1)Tamim Bayoumi,David T. Coe and Elhanan Helpman,“R&D Spillovers and Global Growth,”Journal of International Economics,Vol.47,No.2,1999,pp.399-428.
(2)厉以宁:《工业化和制度调整——西欧经济史研究》,北京:商务印书馆2015年版,第357页。
(3)雷金纳德·戈列奇、罗伯特·斯廷森著,柴彦威等译:《空间行为的地理学》,北京:商务印书馆2013年版,第97—102页。
(4)Allen Scott and Agostino Mantegna,“Human Capital Assets and Structures of Work in the US Metropolitan Hierarchy,” International Regional Science Review,Vol.32,No.2,2009,pp.173-194.
(1)Paul Midford,“International Trade and Domestic Politics:Improving on Rogowski’s Model of Political Alignments,” International Organization,Vol.47,No.4,1993,p.557.
(2)Anna Maria Mayda and Dani Rodrik,“Why Are Some People(and Countries)More Protectionist than Others?” European Economic Review,Vol.49,No.6,2005,pp.1393-1430.
(3)Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan,Party Systems and Voter Alignments:Cross-National Perspectives,New York:Free Press,1967.
(1)Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser,“Studying Populism in Comparative Perspective:Reflections on the Contemporary and Future Research Agenda,”Comparative Political Studies,Vol.51,No.13,2018,p.1669;林红:《西方民粹主义的话语政治及其面临的批判》,载《政治学研究》,2018年第4期,第70—71页。
(2)张宇燕等:《全球化与中国发展》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2007年版,第17页。
(3)作为稀缺要素,法国的土地要素在全球化中并不具有比较优势,但得到了欧盟共同农业政策的保护。因此,本文不分析法国的农业问题。关于法国农业发展情况,参见李先德等:《法国农业》,北京:中国农业出版社2014年版。
(1)Stéphane Becuwe and Bertrand Blancheton,“French Textile Specialization in Long Run Perspective(1836-1938):Trade Policy as Industrial Policy,”Business History,November 7,2018,p.2,pp.4-5; M. Battiau,“The Evolution of the French Textile and Clothing Industry in Recent Years,”Journal of the Textile Institute,Vol.82,No.2,1991,p.137.
(2)陈会颖:《法国政治经济与外交》,北京:知识产权出版社2014年版,第131页。
(3)Ministry of Economics and Finance, France,“Globalization Has Forced French Industry to Play to Its Strengths,” Economic Studies,No.7,2017,pp.2-3.
(1)Vanessa Strauss-Kahn,“The Role of Globalization in the Within-Industry Shift Away from Unskilled Workers in France,” in Robert E. Baldwin and L. Alan Winters,eds.,Challenges to Globalization:Analyzing the Economics,Chicago:The University of Chicago Press,2004,pp.210-211.
(2)Susan Milner,“Globalization and Employment in France:Between Flexibility and Protection,” Modern and Contemporary France,Vol.9,No.3,2001,pp.329-330.
(3)Susan Milner,“Globalization and Employment in France:Between Flexibility and Protection,” p.332.
(4)Ministry of Economics and Finance, France, Globalization Has Forced French Industry to Play to Its Strengths,pp.2-3.
(5)Gregory Verdugo,Henri Fraisse and Guillaume Horny,“Changes in Wage Inequality in France:The Impact of Composition Effects,” Revueconomique,Vol.63,No.6,2012,p.1089.
(6)Vanessa Strauss-Kahn,“The Role of Globalization in the Within-Industry Shift Away from Unskilled Workers in France,” p.220.
(1)费尔南·布罗德尔、欧内斯特·拉布罗斯编,谢荣康等译:《法国经济与社会史(50年代至今)》,上海:复旦大学出版社1990年版,第358—361页。
(2)Norman J. G. Pounds,“Historical Geography of the Iron and Steel Industry of France,” Annuals of the Association of American Geographers,Vol.47,No.1,1957,pp.3-14.
(3)I.B.汤普森著,储绍唐、段绍伯译,胡焕庸、王今校:《法国区域经济地理》,上海:上海译文出版社1983年版,第39页。
(4)Serge Dormard,“Economic Development and Regional Disparities in France,” in Helmut Karl and Philippe Rollet,eds.,Employment and Regional Development Policy:Market Efficiency Versus Policy Intervention,Hannover:Akademie für Raumforschung und Landesplanung(ARL)-Leibniz-Forum für Raumwissenschaften, 2004,pp.51-52.
(1)陈会颖:《法国政治经济与外交》,第131—136页。
(2)I.B.汤普森:《法国区域经济地理》,第11—12页。
(3)Natacha Aveline,“Effects of Globalization on the Spatial Structure and Property Markets of the Paris Region,” Comprehensive Urban Studies,No.62,1999,p.245.
(4)Rachel Guilliain,Julie Le Gallo and Celine Boiteux-Orain,“Changes in Spatial and Sectoral Patterns of Employment in Ile-de-France,1978-1997,” Urban Studies,Vol.43,No.11,2006,p.2078.
(5)参见法国国家人口研究所(Institut National D’études Démographiques)统计数据,https://www.ined.fr/en/everything_about_population/data/france/immigrants-foreigners/countries-birth-immigrants/,访问时间:2018年12月7日。
(1)Dominique M. Gross, Three Million Foreigners, Three Million Unemployed? Immigration and the French Labor Market,Washington,D.C.:International Monetary Fund,1999,p.18.
(2)Denis Fougère,Francis Kramarz,Roland Rathelot and Mirna Saf,i“Social Housing and Location Choices of Immigrants in France,” International Journal of Manpower,Vol.34,No.1,2013,pp.56-69.
(3)Xavier Chojnick,i“The Fiscal Impact of Immigration in France:A Generational Accounting Approach,”The World Economy,Vol.36,No.8,2013,pp.1065-1090.
(4)赵晨、赵纪周、黄萌萌:《叙利亚内战与欧洲》,北京:中国社会科学出版社2018年版,第54页。
(5)Sandrine Gineste,Labour Market Integration of Asylum Seekers and Refugees:France,Luxembourg:Publications Office of the European Union,2016,pp.1-2,p.4.
(1)伊夫·勒坎:《大革命以来法国经济中的劳动力状况》,载彼得·马赛厄斯、波斯坦主编,徐强等译:《剑桥欧洲经济史》(第七卷上册),北京:经济科学出版社2004年版,第404页。
(2)INSEE,“Recensement de la Population,2008,”https://www.insee.fr/fr/information/2891452,访问时间:2019年3月10日。
(3)参见刘力达:《高认同与高冲突反思共和模式下法国的移民问题及其政策》,载《民族研究》,2013年第5期,第16页;彭姝祎:《当代穆斯林移民与法国社会:融入还是分离》,载《西亚非洲》,2016年第1期,第45页;刘冬:《法国穆斯林移民问题的原因剖析》,载《阿拉伯世界研究》,2016年第1期,第70—71页。
(4)Chantal Brutel,“La Localisation Géographique des Immigrés,” INSEE Premiere, No. 1591, 2016,pp.2-3.
(1)项佐涛、黄震:《法国国民阵线的兴起探究》,载《党政研究》,2017年第6期,第50—52页。
(1)Paul Hainsworth,The Extreme Right in Western Europe,p.102; Andrew Knapp and Vincent Wright,The Government and Politics of France,p.243; Gilles Ivald,i“The FN Split:Party System Change and Electoral Prospects,” in Jocelyn Evans, eds., The French Party System, Manchester:Manchester University Press, 2003,pp.139-140.
(2)“1er Tour Presidentielle 2017:Sociologie des L’électorats,”Ipsos France,April 2017,pp.4-8.
(3)参见https://stats.oecd.org/,访问时间:2018年12月5日。
(4)失业率最高的19个城市分别为佩泽纳斯(17.9%)、加莱(17.7%)、朗斯(17.7%)、蒂拉什(17.5%)、阿莱斯(17.3%)、塞特(17%)、瓦朗谢讷(16.7%)、莫伯日(16.4%)、纳博讷(16.3%)、塞雷(16.1%)、特雷吉耶(16%)、圣康坦(15.9%)、冈日(15.8%)、杜埃(15.5%)、鲁贝—图尔昆(15.5%)、阿尔勒(15.4%)、滨海布洛涅(15.3%)、洛代夫(15.1%)和孚日圣迪埃(15%)。参见https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/infographie/2013/12/26/le-chomage-frappe-surtout-le-languedoc-roussillon-et-le-nord-pas-de-calais_4340205_823448.html,访问时间:2018年12月5日。
(1)I.B.汤普森:《法国区域经济地理》,第12—13页。
(2)Michel Bussi,Jéro^me Fourquet and Céline Colange,“Understanding and Analyzing the Vote in the 2012Presidential Elections:The Contribution of Electoral Geography,” Revue Fran9aise de Science Politique, Vol. 62,No.5,2012,p.168.
(3)Gabriel Goodliffe,“From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream:The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France,” p.136.
(4)Vincenzo Emanuele,“The Hidden Cleverage of the French Election:Macron,Le Pen and the Urban-Rural Conflict,” in Lorenzo De Sio and Aldo Paparo,eds.,The Year of Challengers:Issues,Public Opinion,and Elections in Western Europe in 2017,Rome:CISE,2017,p.93.
(1)典型如法国北部的鲁昂、东部的蒙贝利亚尔以及西南部图卢兹的城市发展模式,参见I.B.汤普森:《法国区域经济地理》。
(2)Laurent Davezies, Christophe Guilluy, Jacques Donzelot and Alice Béja,“La France Périphérique et Marginalisée:Les Raisons du Ressentiment,” Esprit,No.3,2013,pp.23-33.
(3)Christopher Caldwel,l“The French,Coming Apart:A Social Thinker Illuminates His Country’s Populist Divide,” The City Journal,Spring 2017,https://www. city-journal. org/html/french-coming-apart-15125. html,访问时间:2019年3月22日。
(1)Lo6c Ravenel,Pascal Buleon and Jéro^me Fourque,t“Le Grand Péri Urbain,Nouvelles Terres de Progression du Vote Le Pen,” Association Fran9aise de Science Politique,September 2004,p.12.
(2)Paul Hainsworth,“The Extreme Right in France:The Rise and Rise of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Front National,” Representation,Vol.40,No.2,2004,pp.102-103.
(3)Nonna Mayer,“Les Hauts et Les Bas du Vote Le Pen 2002,” Revue Fran9aise de Science Politique,Vol.56,No.5,2002,p.508; Nonna Mayer,“Le Pen’s Comeback:The 2002 French Presidential Election,”International Journal of Urban and Regional Research,Vol.27,No.2,2003,p.457.
(4)Gilles Ivaldi,Inequality,Identity and the People:New Patterns of Right-Wing Competition and Sarkozy’s‘Winning Formula’in the 2007 French Presidential Election,Working Paper on American Political Science Association(APSA)Annual Meeting,2008,pp.2-3,https://halshs. archives-ouvertes. fr/halshs-00320692/fr/,访问时间:2019年3月22日; Aurelien Mondon,“Nicolas Sarkozy’s Legitimization of the Front National:Background and Perspectives,” p.24。
(1)Maarit Felicitas Str9bele,“How Do People Vote in Suburbia? Political Preference and Suburbanization in Europe,” Urban Research&Practice,Vol.5,No.1,2012,p.93,p.111.
(2)参见European Election Database,https://nsd. no/european_election_database,访问时间:2019年3月22日。
(3)Adam Tooze,Crashed:How a Decade of Financial Crises Change the World,London:Penguin Random House,2018,p.429.
(1)Gabriel Goodliffe,“From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream:The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France,” pp.129-131.
(1)Michel Bussi,Jéro^me Fourquet and Céline Colange,“Understanding and Analyzing the Vote in the 2012Presidential Elections:The Contribution of Electoral Geography,” Revue Fran9aise de Science Politique, Vol. 62,No.5,2012,p.169; Gabriel Goodliffe,“From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream:The Front National and the2014 Municipal Elections in France,” p.128.
(2)Daniel Stockemer,The Front Nation in France:Continuity and Change Under Jean-Marie Le Pen and Marine Le Pen,Basel:Springer International Publishing AG,2017,p.88.
(3)James Shields,“Marine Le Pen and the ‘New’FN:A Change of Style or of Substance,”Parliamentary Affairs,Vol.66,No.1,2013,p.186.
(1)参见European Election Database,https://nsd.no/european_election_database,访问时间:2019年3月22日。
(1)参见SCoRE Project Survey,,https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/,访问时间:2018年12月21日。
(2)Vincenzo Emanuele,The Hidden Cleverage of the French Election:Macron,Le Pen and the Urban-Rural Conflict,p.3.
(1)张宇燕:《中国对外开放的理念、进程与逻辑》,载《中国社会科学》,2018年第11期,第37—38页。
(2)Dani Rodrik,“Populism and the Economics of Globalization,” Journal of International Business Policy,Vol.1,No.1,2018,p.23.
(1)科林·弗林特、皮特·泰勒:《政治地理学:世界—经济、民族—国家与地方》,第256页。
(2)王缉思:《世界政治潮流与美国的历史作用》,载《世界政治研究》,2018年第2辑,第11页。