19世纪末伊朗阿明·阿尔道莱的改革及其历史意义
|
摘要
19世纪末期,在英、俄两国的侵略和蚕食下,伊朗社会陷入严重的危机,加之新即位的穆扎法尔·阿尔丁沙阿腐败无能且奢靡无度,导致伊朗国内危机频发。为了拯救岌岌可危的恺加王朝政府,阿明·阿尔道莱在其短暂的14个月首相任期内开展了经济、政治、外交领域的一系列旨在救亡图存的改革,在一定程度上减缓了王朝衰落的趋势。此后的恺加王朝虽然得以苟延残喘,但诸多政治和社会问题并未得到根本解决,随时都有崩溃坍塌的危险。
At the end of 19 th century, under the economic encroachment and political invasion from UK and Russia, Qajar Dynasty fell into serious political and social crisis, which was further deepened by the corrupt and extravagant ruling of the newly acceded Muzaffar al-Din Shah. To save the dynasty from collapsing, the Shah assigned Amin al-Dawla as the new prime minister, who conducted a series of reforms in the field of politics, economy and foreign relations in his 14-month-long term of office. These reforms did in some way slow down the collapse of Qajar dynasty. Though the reform proves to be a disappointment in saving Qajar dynasty from collapsing, it also fully demonstrated the impossibility of saving the corrupt feudal Qajar system by mere reforms from above when most of the political and social problems were still left fundamentally unsettled.
At the end of 19 th century, under the economic encroachment and political invasion from UK and Russia, Qajar Dynasty fell into serious political and social crisis, which was further deepened by the corrupt and extravagant ruling of the newly acceded Muzaffar al-Din Shah. To save the dynasty from collapsing, the Shah assigned Amin al-Dawla as the new prime minister, who conducted a series of reforms in the field of politics, economy and foreign relations in his 14-month-long term of office. These reforms did in some way slow down the collapse of Qajar dynasty. Though the reform proves to be a disappointment in saving Qajar dynasty from collapsing, it also fully demonstrated the impossibility of saving the corrupt feudal Qajar system by mere reforms from above when most of the political and social problems were still left fundamentally unsettled.
引文
[1]BARZEGAR A.Mehdi Qoli Hedayat:a conservative of the Late Qajar Era[J].Iranian Studies,1987(1):55-76.
[2]埃尔顿·丹尼尔.伊朗史[M].李铁匠,译.上海:东方出版中心,2010.
[3]Durand to Kimberley:FO 539/69, 26(3)[A].(1895-01-13).Tehran.
[4]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/75,47(64)[A].(1896-11-24).Tehran.
[5]W G Abbot to the Foreign Minister:F.O.60/351[A].London:Public Record Office.
[6]KAZEMZADEH F.Russia and Britain in Persia:imperial ambitions in Qajar Iran[M].New York:I.B.Tauris,2013.
[7]AMIRAHMADI H.The political economy of Iran under the Qajars:society,politics,economics and foreign relations,1796—1926[M].London:I. B. Tauris,2012.
[8]GILBAR G.Trends in the development of prices in Late Qajar Iran,1870—1906[J].Iranian Studies,1983(3-4):177-198.
[9]ISSAWI C.The economic history of Iran,1800—1914[M].Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1971.
[10]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/78,63[A].(1898-04-29).Tehran.
[11]Hardinge to Salisbury:FO 539/78, 53(29)[A].(1898-02-12). Tehran.
[12]阿布杜尔礼萨·胡尚阁·马赫德维.伊朗外交四百五十年[M].元文琪,译.北京:商务出版社,1982.
[13]赵伟明.近代伊朗[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社,2000.
[14]王宇洁.伊朗伊斯兰教史[M].银川:宁夏人民出版社,2006.
[15]KEDDIE N. Qajar Iran and the Rise of Reza Khan,1796—1925[M].Costa Mesa:Mazda Publishers,1999.
[16]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/78, 102(65)[A].(1898-06-05). Gulhek.
[17]冀开运.伊朗现代化历程[M].北京:人民出版社,2015.
(1)伊斯兰教教法和教义的权威学者,有权利根据经、训对教法和教义问题行使独立判断。什叶派的十二伊玛目派规定信徒必须追随和仿效一位活着的穆智台希德,使他享有巨大的社会影响。
(2)英国波斯帝国银行的创始人保罗·朱利叶斯·路透是犹太人,早在1873年,他就曾因路透专营权协议而成为伊朗社会一致反对的外来侵略势力。而乌勒玛正是凭借挑唆穆斯林对“异教徒”的仇恨来排斥欧洲现代化世俗文明和打击本国现代化改革,从而确保自己的既得利益。
[2]埃尔顿·丹尼尔.伊朗史[M].李铁匠,译.上海:东方出版中心,2010.
[3]Durand to Kimberley:FO 539/69, 26(3)[A].(1895-01-13).Tehran.
[4]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/75,47(64)[A].(1896-11-24).Tehran.
[5]W G Abbot to the Foreign Minister:F.O.60/351[A].London:Public Record Office.
[6]KAZEMZADEH F.Russia and Britain in Persia:imperial ambitions in Qajar Iran[M].New York:I.B.Tauris,2013.
[7]AMIRAHMADI H.The political economy of Iran under the Qajars:society,politics,economics and foreign relations,1796—1926[M].London:I. B. Tauris,2012.
[8]GILBAR G.Trends in the development of prices in Late Qajar Iran,1870—1906[J].Iranian Studies,1983(3-4):177-198.
[9]ISSAWI C.The economic history of Iran,1800—1914[M].Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1971.
[10]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/78,63[A].(1898-04-29).Tehran.
[11]Hardinge to Salisbury:FO 539/78, 53(29)[A].(1898-02-12). Tehran.
[12]阿布杜尔礼萨·胡尚阁·马赫德维.伊朗外交四百五十年[M].元文琪,译.北京:商务出版社,1982.
[13]赵伟明.近代伊朗[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社,2000.
[14]王宇洁.伊朗伊斯兰教史[M].银川:宁夏人民出版社,2006.
[15]KEDDIE N. Qajar Iran and the Rise of Reza Khan,1796—1925[M].Costa Mesa:Mazda Publishers,1999.
[16]Durand to Salisbury:FO 539/78, 102(65)[A].(1898-06-05). Gulhek.
[17]冀开运.伊朗现代化历程[M].北京:人民出版社,2015.
(1)伊斯兰教教法和教义的权威学者,有权利根据经、训对教法和教义问题行使独立判断。什叶派的十二伊玛目派规定信徒必须追随和仿效一位活着的穆智台希德,使他享有巨大的社会影响。
(2)英国波斯帝国银行的创始人保罗·朱利叶斯·路透是犹太人,早在1873年,他就曾因路透专营权协议而成为伊朗社会一致反对的外来侵略势力。而乌勒玛正是凭借挑唆穆斯林对“异教徒”的仇恨来排斥欧洲现代化世俗文明和打击本国现代化改革,从而确保自己的既得利益。