试析汉语的旁格成分作宾语现象与施用结构——兼议零形素施用标记的设立标准
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  • 英文篇名:An Analysis of the Differences between Oblique Object Constructions and Applicative Constructions: On the Criterion of Setting Zero Applicative Markers in Chinese
  • 作者:孙天琦
  • 英文作者:SUN Tianqi;Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Renmin University;
  • 关键词:旁格宾语结构 ; 施用结构 ; 零形素 ; 施用标记 ; 施用理论
  • 英文关键词:oblique object constructions;;applicative constructions;;zero morphemes;;applicative markers;;applicative theories
  • 中文刊名:DDYX
  • 英文刊名:Contemporary Linguistics
  • 机构:中国人民大学文学院;
  • 出版日期:2019-01-15
  • 出版单位:当代语言学
  • 年:2019
  • 期:v.21
  • 基金:中国人民大学科学研究基金(中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金资助)项目“当代句法理论视野下的分析型语言论元实现模式及允准规律研究”(编号:18XNB016)成果
  • 语种:中文;
  • 页:DDYX201901004
  • 页数:15
  • CN:01
  • ISSN:11-3879/H
  • 分类号:72-86
摘要
随着班图、南岛等语言中的"施用结构"及其相关理论被引入汉语研究,关于汉语的"非核心论元"是否可以归入施用范畴、汉语中是否存在零形素施用标记的问题引起了争鸣。针对相关的分歧,本文选取了汉语的"旁格宾语结构"(如"吃食堂、写毛笔")同典型的施用结构进行对比分析,论证了汉语的旁格宾语结构与施用结构只是表面相似,两者在论元结构、宾语句法属性及篇章功能等方面都存在重要差异,旁格宾语结构需要不同于典型施用结构的理论解释。文章还在此基础上探讨了跨语言比较中零形素施用标记的设立标准问题。
        After the applicative construction used in Bantu and Austronesian families and related theories being introduced into China, Chinese linguists have had heated discussions on whether the non-core arguments in Chinese can be subsumed under applicative categories or whether zero applicative markers exist. This paper offers a comparative study on the contrast between the oblique object construction(OOC) in Chinese and the typical applicative construction in Bantu and Austronesian families, arguing that these two constructions only superficially look alike but differ in argument numbers, object properties and discourse functions. The OOC in Chinese needs a theoretical explanation that is different from any of those in the literature for the typical applicative constructions. On the basis of these above discussions, the article explores the criterion of setting zero morphemes as the applicative markers in the comparative cross-linguistic studies.
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    (1)applicative construction 目前在汉语学界较为普遍和流行的译名是“施用结构”, 本文为了保持更顺畅的学术对话沿用此译名。但如果从揭示applicative construction的本质来说, “施用”的译法并不是十分理想。胡建华(2010)曾使用“涉用”的译法, 这个译名更能体现提升各类“涉用格/旁格”的结构原貌。
    (2)本文施用结构用例采用莱比锡规则, 涉及到的缩略表达如下: ASP=aspect(体), APP=applicative(施用标记), CL=classifier(单位词), FV=final vowel(尾元音), INST=instrument(工具), PASS=passive morpheme(被动语缀), PST / PAST=past tense(过去时), PRES / PR=present tense(现在时), REL=relativizer(关系化标记), SP=subject agreement prefix(主语一致前缀)。
    (3)张敏(2010)使用的术语是“宾语过度”。文章的讨论对象与本文大致相同, 也涉及到各种非核心语义成分占据宾语位置的现象。
    (4)我们对50位在校本科生进行了测试, 其中只有接近7%的人可以准确理解“吃床板儿”的语义。
    (5)姜兆梓(2015)举了一条语料说明有一些施用结构中的固有宾语“可以出现, 也可以不出现”。对我们来说重要的是, 即使这种情况属实, 这个结论与本文也没有冲突。因为我们强调的是施用结构中固有宾语可以与非核心宾语共现, 而旁格宾语结构中两者“不能”在宾语位置共现。这个差异是客观存在的, 不受个别施用结构中固有宾语可以省略的影响。
    (6)根据Peterson(2007: 202)对实际语篇中出现的施用结构的统计, “伴随者”施用宾语的出现频率排名第二, 仅次于“受益者/受损者”类型。
    (7)此处进行关系化测试时不能单纯依靠“V的是……”这一标准。因为在汉语中“V的是……”这一结构所提取的范围远远大于动宾结构所限定的宾语范围, 比如可以说“(恐怖片)看的就是刺激”“现在的年轻人穿的是感觉”, 但事实上并没有“*看刺激”“*穿感觉”的说法。因此, 汉语“V的是……”结构所提取的并不一定是相关动词的宾语, 用这个结构测试旁格宾语的关系化也是欠妥当的。

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