不再是华丽的歌舞制造者:印度电影业及其国际化探求
摘要
<正>本文讨论了新自由主义语境下,印度大众传媒业令人惊奇的发展轨迹。文章聚焦于印地语电影业(或更准确地称为"宝莱坞"),讨论了渐兴于国家政策中的新自由主义经济理念如何在电影业内造成了如下现象,即对声誉、象征资本、全球特性的关注胜于与新自由主义联系更为紧密的相对优势和品牌推广意识。本文阐述了印度电影制作者
引文
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本文译自美国《影视人类学》(Visual Anthropology)2012年第25卷第4期。作者是纽约大学副教授,从事人类学及文化媒介研究。——编者
(1)See http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=111129218899178andv=wallan dref=ts(accessed August 26,2010).
(2)近期这类电影还包括《青春无敌》(2006)、《低糖》(2007)、《天堂》(2008)、《纽约》(2009)、《把希德叫醒》(2009)、《亲密有罪》(2009)、《爸爸》(2009)、《风筝》(2010)、《土地》(2010)、《我的名字叫可汗》(2010)、《爱莎》(2010)、《孟买往事》(2010)、《人生不再重来》(2011)、《德里囧事》(2011)、《污点艳情史》(2011)。
(3)戈帕尔和穆尔蒂在《全球性的宝莱坞》一书的引言中指出:“正如业内人士经常谈论和大众所熟知的那样,无论圈内人还是圈外人都众所周知:歌舞段落在宝莱坞电影中具有结构性意义。歌舞段落正是界定宝莱坞电影的本质因素。”
(4)例如,1996年,阿莫·帕拉卡把电影《四方广场》剃作成无配唱歌曲的版本,在伦敦电影节试映。1998年,普拉卡什·杰哈的无配唱歌曲版本《火凤凰》在纽约人权电影节上放映。当影片《一生与一瞬间》要在英国发行英语配音版本时,制片人兼导演雅什·乔普拉将片中大部分歌曲都移除了。也许,最具讽刺意味的例子是,拉姆·戈帕尔·维马的无配唱歌曲版本《真理》(1998)于1999年在纽约大学“雨中曲”研讨会上放映——而这个研讨会讨论的焦点正是印度和古埃及的音乐剧。
(1)不同于美国政府自20世纪初期就把电影制作视为商业,并助推好莱坞电影的全球发行,印度政府并未赋予电影制作足够的经济意义——尽管在独立后不久印度便成为了世界上第二大电影生产国。
(1)“假想观众”这个概念是我用来定义电影导演对于影片未来观众的预想的,它不同于针对特定社会与历史条件的目标观众。目标观众远比导演想象的“假想观众”复杂。学者们对此有着长期的争论,即制片人通过预设“假想观众”来实现对观众变幻莫测的观影反应的掌控,这种预设正是电影生产过程不可缺少的一部分(A1lor,1996;Anderson,1996;Ang,1991;Bennett,1996;Blumler,1996;Ohmann,1996b;Traube,1996)。有关电影生产的学术研究充分证明,电影制作者在影片生产过程中一直揣测观众心理(Ang,1991;Cantor,1988;Crawford and Hafsteinsson,1993;Davila,2001;Dornfeld,1998;Espinosa,1982;Gans,1957;Kapsis,1986;Mazzarella,2003;Ohmann,1996a;Zafirau,2009a,2009b)。其中一项大众传播研究聚焦于“观众建构”,研究表明电影公司是通过已有机制(调查、分级、管理)建构他们的观众群。因而现实中的观众便被纳入这样一类群体,即在特定媒介体系内拥有相似的经济和社会价值(Ettema and Whitney,1994)。我的一项调研关注了印度电影产业的“观众建构”实践,这项调研是基于对电影商业效果的研究开展的,而研究的基础正是电影中呈现的时空逻辑(2000,2012)。我的另一项报告讨论了电影制作者是如何在特定的电影内容生产实践(如翻拍好莱坞电影)过程中去揣测他们的观众的。还有一些学者也讨论了印度电影制作者的观众想象,如Grimaud(2006)、Thomas(1995)和L.Srinivas(2005)。
(1)例如《幽灵》(2003)、《加油,印度》(2007)、《傻瓜大评级》(2007)、《星期三》(2008)、《爱、性和欺骗》(2009)。
(2)印度次大陆最流行的民间曲艺表演形式之一,在北印度尤其风靡。——译者
(3)诺坦科是一种传统音乐剧,起源、风靡于北印度,即现在的比哈尔邦和北方邦。
(4)当印度电影制作者称一部电影是“音乐剧”时,那么在某种程度上,这部影片便应具有明确的关于“音乐/音乐家/演奏者”的主题。在类型分明的印度商业电影中,仅仅是片中存在歌曲并不能使之成为“音乐剧”。
(1)一种19世纪的表演风格。——译者
(1)如今,HMV公司不再是跨国公司的子公司了,而是Goenka集团(一个印度家族企业)的一部分。但大家仍旧称之为HMV,公司生产的盒式磁带和CD在印有Goenka集团RPG标志的同时,依然保留着HMV的标志。
(2)相比之下,印度流行歌星爱丽莎·齐奈的音乐专辑是印度本土最为成功的非电影流行音乐专辑,如今已出售220万张(Chaya,1996:39)。而对于电影音乐专辑而言,销售额至少要达到100万张才能够赢利。
(1)编剧分享了他的经验,但他要求我对影片的详情保密,因为他不想让导演知道他的真实想法。所以,这部电影的名称、导演及编剧我都用的笔名。
(1)外国政府想要获得“宝莱坞效应”——某些印度电影在特定区域取景之后,那里的印度游客数量急剧增长。因此,吸引印度电影制作者来国内取景被英国、澳大利亚等国家列入官方旅游宣传政策的文件中。
(2)业内成员按照职业分布对“底层民众”进行了含混的界定——如家政工人、体力劳动者、电机车司机、出租车司机、工厂工人,且暗指其性别为男性,他们即使不是文盲,所受教育程度也极低。多年来,在媒体、国家和学术话语中,“底层民众”被认为是阻碍印度电影在叙事、主题、美学上取得突破的根源,同时我发现,我接触的大部分电影制作者对此持相同的观点。这是甘地(作者)(2000,2009,2012)了解的关于印度电影制作者及他们对“底层民众”的理解情况。
(1)印度电影史上第一部获得奥斯卡奖提名的影片是1957年的《印度之母》,同《印度往事》一样,这部电影亦是印度主流电影工业的产物。另一部被提名的印度电影是米拉·奈尔的《早安孟买》(1988),这部影片则不是印度电影工业的作品。
(2)《印度往事》包含6首歌曲,时长222分钟,英雄与恶棍角色鲜明,由阿米尔·汗(印度电影业最受欢迎的演员之一)主演。
(1)然而这些非配唱歌曲绝不像比曼(1988)分析的美国电影中的音乐那样,仅是“背景”或叙事辅助。非配唱歌曲在当代印度电影中仍是重要的声音景观,常常用来表达角色的心理活动或者某种特定的情绪状态。
(1)甘地(作者)认为,这是印度电影制作者对其观众群更为深入的认识,即“底层民众”包含两个阶层(2000,2012)。
(1)《季风婚宴》和《贫民窟的百万富翁》并未包含真正意义上的作为主流印度电影标识的配唱歌曲段落。在《季风婚宴》中,歌舞段落出现在婚礼前的某一庆典上,包括了一对年轻夫妇的舞蹈和源自印度电影《爱情保卫战》的配唱歌曲片段。这段歌曲并非为《季风婚宴》所创作,同时,歌舞出现在本该载歌载舞的旁遮普婚礼上(通常唱流行歌曲),因而片中歌曲段落的出现并不代表影片从整体上背离了现实主义原则。在《贫民窟的百万富翁》中,歌曲《Jai-Ho》出现在了影片末尾故事落幕之前,而这段歌舞仅作为宝莱坞类型电影的套路出现,在片中呈现为大批人突然出现在火车站然后开始跳舞。
(1)信实大影视公司(该片的联合制片人和全球发行商)在与拉特纳的先期合作中就将大量的资金注入好莱坞。
(2)这种动机可能源于赫里尼克·罗斯汉拥有卓越的舞蹈技能,他被认为是印度电影业中最优秀的舞者之一。
(1)电影在2010年5月21-23日,从207块银幕收获的票房是959329美元。Box Office Mojo网站显示《风筝》进入了其排行榜前十强,因为排名前四的电影几乎占据了那周票房的主导,而《我的名字叫可汗》尽管在首周的票房排名中占第13位,却挣得了更多票房。http://boxofficemojo.com/weekend/chart/?yr=2010andwknd=21andp.htm(2011年,5月31日存档)。
(2)这部电影在首映当周(2010-5-28至2010-5-31)以平均每块银幕仅780美元的极低票房,从40块银幕中共获31 191美元,在周末票房榜中排名第53。http://boxofficemojo.com/weekend/chart/?yr=2010and wknd=22aandp=.htm(2011年,5月31日存档).
(3)Film Information(Mumbai):May 22,2010:7;May 29,2010:13.
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本文译自美国《影视人类学》(Visual Anthropology)2012年第25卷第4期。作者是纽约大学副教授,从事人类学及文化媒介研究。——编者
(1)See http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=111129218899178andv=wallan dref=ts(accessed August 26,2010).
(2)近期这类电影还包括《青春无敌》(2006)、《低糖》(2007)、《天堂》(2008)、《纽约》(2009)、《把希德叫醒》(2009)、《亲密有罪》(2009)、《爸爸》(2009)、《风筝》(2010)、《土地》(2010)、《我的名字叫可汗》(2010)、《爱莎》(2010)、《孟买往事》(2010)、《人生不再重来》(2011)、《德里囧事》(2011)、《污点艳情史》(2011)。
(3)戈帕尔和穆尔蒂在《全球性的宝莱坞》一书的引言中指出:“正如业内人士经常谈论和大众所熟知的那样,无论圈内人还是圈外人都众所周知:歌舞段落在宝莱坞电影中具有结构性意义。歌舞段落正是界定宝莱坞电影的本质因素。”
(4)例如,1996年,阿莫·帕拉卡把电影《四方广场》剃作成无配唱歌曲的版本,在伦敦电影节试映。1998年,普拉卡什·杰哈的无配唱歌曲版本《火凤凰》在纽约人权电影节上放映。当影片《一生与一瞬间》要在英国发行英语配音版本时,制片人兼导演雅什·乔普拉将片中大部分歌曲都移除了。也许,最具讽刺意味的例子是,拉姆·戈帕尔·维马的无配唱歌曲版本《真理》(1998)于1999年在纽约大学“雨中曲”研讨会上放映——而这个研讨会讨论的焦点正是印度和古埃及的音乐剧。
(1)不同于美国政府自20世纪初期就把电影制作视为商业,并助推好莱坞电影的全球发行,印度政府并未赋予电影制作足够的经济意义——尽管在独立后不久印度便成为了世界上第二大电影生产国。
(1)“假想观众”这个概念是我用来定义电影导演对于影片未来观众的预想的,它不同于针对特定社会与历史条件的目标观众。目标观众远比导演想象的“假想观众”复杂。学者们对此有着长期的争论,即制片人通过预设“假想观众”来实现对观众变幻莫测的观影反应的掌控,这种预设正是电影生产过程不可缺少的一部分(A1lor,1996;Anderson,1996;Ang,1991;Bennett,1996;Blumler,1996;Ohmann,1996b;Traube,1996)。有关电影生产的学术研究充分证明,电影制作者在影片生产过程中一直揣测观众心理(Ang,1991;Cantor,1988;Crawford and Hafsteinsson,1993;Davila,2001;Dornfeld,1998;Espinosa,1982;Gans,1957;Kapsis,1986;Mazzarella,2003;Ohmann,1996a;Zafirau,2009a,2009b)。其中一项大众传播研究聚焦于“观众建构”,研究表明电影公司是通过已有机制(调查、分级、管理)建构他们的观众群。因而现实中的观众便被纳入这样一类群体,即在特定媒介体系内拥有相似的经济和社会价值(Ettema and Whitney,1994)。我的一项调研关注了印度电影产业的“观众建构”实践,这项调研是基于对电影商业效果的研究开展的,而研究的基础正是电影中呈现的时空逻辑(2000,2012)。我的另一项报告讨论了电影制作者是如何在特定的电影内容生产实践(如翻拍好莱坞电影)过程中去揣测他们的观众的。还有一些学者也讨论了印度电影制作者的观众想象,如Grimaud(2006)、Thomas(1995)和L.Srinivas(2005)。
(1)例如《幽灵》(2003)、《加油,印度》(2007)、《傻瓜大评级》(2007)、《星期三》(2008)、《爱、性和欺骗》(2009)。
(2)印度次大陆最流行的民间曲艺表演形式之一,在北印度尤其风靡。——译者
(3)诺坦科是一种传统音乐剧,起源、风靡于北印度,即现在的比哈尔邦和北方邦。
(4)当印度电影制作者称一部电影是“音乐剧”时,那么在某种程度上,这部影片便应具有明确的关于“音乐/音乐家/演奏者”的主题。在类型分明的印度商业电影中,仅仅是片中存在歌曲并不能使之成为“音乐剧”。
(1)一种19世纪的表演风格。——译者
(1)如今,HMV公司不再是跨国公司的子公司了,而是Goenka集团(一个印度家族企业)的一部分。但大家仍旧称之为HMV,公司生产的盒式磁带和CD在印有Goenka集团RPG标志的同时,依然保留着HMV的标志。
(2)相比之下,印度流行歌星爱丽莎·齐奈的音乐专辑是印度本土最为成功的非电影流行音乐专辑,如今已出售220万张(Chaya,1996:39)。而对于电影音乐专辑而言,销售额至少要达到100万张才能够赢利。
(1)编剧分享了他的经验,但他要求我对影片的详情保密,因为他不想让导演知道他的真实想法。所以,这部电影的名称、导演及编剧我都用的笔名。
(1)外国政府想要获得“宝莱坞效应”——某些印度电影在特定区域取景之后,那里的印度游客数量急剧增长。因此,吸引印度电影制作者来国内取景被英国、澳大利亚等国家列入官方旅游宣传政策的文件中。
(2)业内成员按照职业分布对“底层民众”进行了含混的界定——如家政工人、体力劳动者、电机车司机、出租车司机、工厂工人,且暗指其性别为男性,他们即使不是文盲,所受教育程度也极低。多年来,在媒体、国家和学术话语中,“底层民众”被认为是阻碍印度电影在叙事、主题、美学上取得突破的根源,同时我发现,我接触的大部分电影制作者对此持相同的观点。这是甘地(作者)(2000,2009,2012)了解的关于印度电影制作者及他们对“底层民众”的理解情况。
(1)印度电影史上第一部获得奥斯卡奖提名的影片是1957年的《印度之母》,同《印度往事》一样,这部电影亦是印度主流电影工业的产物。另一部被提名的印度电影是米拉·奈尔的《早安孟买》(1988),这部影片则不是印度电影工业的作品。
(2)《印度往事》包含6首歌曲,时长222分钟,英雄与恶棍角色鲜明,由阿米尔·汗(印度电影业最受欢迎的演员之一)主演。
(1)然而这些非配唱歌曲绝不像比曼(1988)分析的美国电影中的音乐那样,仅是“背景”或叙事辅助。非配唱歌曲在当代印度电影中仍是重要的声音景观,常常用来表达角色的心理活动或者某种特定的情绪状态。
(1)甘地(作者)认为,这是印度电影制作者对其观众群更为深入的认识,即“底层民众”包含两个阶层(2000,2012)。
(1)《季风婚宴》和《贫民窟的百万富翁》并未包含真正意义上的作为主流印度电影标识的配唱歌曲段落。在《季风婚宴》中,歌舞段落出现在婚礼前的某一庆典上,包括了一对年轻夫妇的舞蹈和源自印度电影《爱情保卫战》的配唱歌曲片段。这段歌曲并非为《季风婚宴》所创作,同时,歌舞出现在本该载歌载舞的旁遮普婚礼上(通常唱流行歌曲),因而片中歌曲段落的出现并不代表影片从整体上背离了现实主义原则。在《贫民窟的百万富翁》中,歌曲《Jai-Ho》出现在了影片末尾故事落幕之前,而这段歌舞仅作为宝莱坞类型电影的套路出现,在片中呈现为大批人突然出现在火车站然后开始跳舞。
(1)信实大影视公司(该片的联合制片人和全球发行商)在与拉特纳的先期合作中就将大量的资金注入好莱坞。
(2)这种动机可能源于赫里尼克·罗斯汉拥有卓越的舞蹈技能,他被认为是印度电影业中最优秀的舞者之一。
(1)电影在2010年5月21-23日,从207块银幕收获的票房是959329美元。Box Office Mojo网站显示《风筝》进入了其排行榜前十强,因为排名前四的电影几乎占据了那周票房的主导,而《我的名字叫可汗》尽管在首周的票房排名中占第13位,却挣得了更多票房。http://boxofficemojo.com/weekend/chart/?yr=2010andwknd=21andp.htm(2011年,5月31日存档)。
(2)这部电影在首映当周(2010-5-28至2010-5-31)以平均每块银幕仅780美元的极低票房,从40块银幕中共获31 191美元,在周末票房榜中排名第53。http://boxofficemojo.com/weekend/chart/?yr=2010and wknd=22aandp=.htm(2011年,5月31日存档).
(3)Film Information(Mumbai):May 22,2010:7;May 29,2010:13.