“萨霍尔”及其对西藏医学的贡献(第一部分):一些人名、地名和文献
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摘要
本文通过对众多最近才出版的非常重要的西藏医学文献的简要调查,探讨了西藏医学几个方面的问题。传统的西藏医学是本土的、印度的、汉地的和近东的有关身体和疾病、诊断学、治疗学理论的结合,但为什么印语的医学传统明显影响最大?萨霍尔之地,今天的孟加拉国,在它的构成中也发挥了作用,尽管作用小一些。本文作为明显是由一位萨霍尔国王所写的几个相对简要的医学教法的前言,同时也希冀能够为几位重要的西藏医生如宇妥·云丹衮布(12世纪早期)、拉杰·金巴·才旺(16世纪)和西藏医学章替派的一些成员提供更为充足的断代依据。最后,非常初步地、表面地调查了(一位)萨霍尔王直接或间接发挥作用的教法的论述,即《拳头十万》(Khu tshur'bum)和《十万拳头》('Bum khu tshur),并厘定传记的细节,这些包括哈若恰(拉)杜,他的家族与异源教法文集有着密切的联系。
This essay explores several aspects of Tibetan medicine by briefly examining a number of critically important Tibetan medical texts that were only published in recent years.Traditional Tibetan medicine is a combination of indigenous and Indie,Chinese,and Near Eastern theories of the body and disease,diagnostics and therapeutics,whereby the Indic ayurveda has obviously been the most influential.The land of Za hor,in present day Bangladesh,has also played a role,albeit a minor one,in its formation,and this paper serves as a prolegomenon to several relatively brief medical instructions that were apparently written by a king of Za hor.It also seeks to provide a more adequate dating of several important Tibetan physicians such as G.yu thog Yon tan mgon po(early 12~(th) c),Lha rje Skyem pa Tshe dbang(16~(th) c.),and a few members of the Brang ti school of Tibetan medicine.Finally,in a very preliminary and superficial way it also examines the treatises in which the instructions of a/the king of Za hor plays a direct or indirect role,namely,the Khu tshur 'bum and the 'Bum khu tshur,and addresses the biographical details these contain about Bha ro Phyag/Lag rdum,whose family is closely associated with these heterogenous collections of instructions.
引文
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    ……Ibid.,Siegfried Lienhard.Kleine Schriften,ed.O.von Hinuber,GlasenappStiftung,Band 44(Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz,2007),310-3.
    Martin,D.,"Greek and Islamic Medicines'Historical Contact with Tibet.A Reassessment in View of Recently Available and Relatively Early Sources on Tibetan Medical Eclecticism,"[as yet]unpublished mansucript.
    Meulenbeld,G.J.,The Madhavanidana and Its Chief Commentary,Chapters 1-10(Leiden:E.J.Brill,1974).
    ……A History of Indian Medical Literature,vol.IA(Groningen:E.Forsten,1999).
    Ray,R.A.,"Ndgarjuna's Longevity,"Sacred Biography in the Buddhist Traditions of South and Southeast Asia,ed.J.Schober(Honolulu:University of Hawai'i Press,1997),129-59.
    Rechung Rinpoche,Tibetan Medicine(Berkeley:University of California Press,1973).
    Schaeffer,K.R.,"Textual Scholarship,Medical Tradition,and Mahdydna Buddhist Ideals in Tibet,"Journal of Indian Philosophy 31(2003),621-41.
    Sims-Williams,N.,"Indian Elements in Parthian and Sogdian,"Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien,ed.K.Rohrborn and W.Veenker(Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz,1983),132-41.
    Taube,M.,Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibet s,Monumenta Tibetica Historia,Abt.Scriptores,Band 1(Sankt Augustin:VGH Wissenschaftsverlag,1981).
    Toussaint,G.Ch.,tr.,Le dict de Padma.Padma Thang yig(Paris:Librairie Ernest Leroux,1933).
    Vitali,R.,The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge Mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa(Dharamsala:Tho ling gtsug lag khang lo gcig stong'khor ba'i rjes dran mdzad sgo'i go sgrig tshogs chung,1996).
    Yang Ga,The Sources for the Writing of the Rgyud bzhi,Tibetan Medical Classic,unpublished Harvard University doctoral dissertation(Cambridge,2010).
    Yuewang yaozhen月王药诊,tr.Ma Shilin马世林,Wang Zhenhua王振华,and Mao Jizhu毛继祖(Lanzhou:Gansu minzu chubanshe,1993).
    (1)参见拙文《神话与史实的边缘:关于萨霍尔之地的几点注解,它在早期佛教密宗史中的地位,五世达赖喇嘛及其王室谱系》,提交“跨文化的佛教神话学研究国际学术研讨会”,2010年7月30日至31日,北京大学。将刊于会议组织者王邦维教授和陈明教授编辑的论文集中。
    (1)《五部箴言》(Bka'thang sde lnga)(基于德格木刻版),多吉杰波(Rdo rje rgyal po)编,北京:民族出版社,1986年,第499页。根据A.M.Blondeau,《鬼神箴言》(Le lha'dre bka'thang)一文,见《纪念米歇尔·拉露藏学研究文集》(etudes tibetaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle Lalou),巴黎:Adrien Maisonneuve,1980年,第42页,这个箴言篇可能部分于1368年至1393年间写于某个地方。
    (2)我根本不确定我是否已经理解了这个题名的含义。srin po这个词可能没有问题,尽管它可能是srin po'i nad的缩写,即一种由微生物引起的疾病所引发的疼痛;但是gsos和byer确实让我觉得不适,赞拉·阿旺楚臣(Btsan lha Ngag dbang tshul khrims)的《古藏文辞典》(Brda dkrol gser gyi me long),汤·喜饶沃色(Thang Shes rab'od zer)编,北京:民族出版社,1997年,第1001、558页,分别提出两个解释,第一个是rgyu或mchog,第二个解释有两种:1)'thor ba和bros pa;2)so sor phye ba或g.yes pa。假设是后者的话,我选择2)。因为,首先他引用的gsos条目在阿拉夏·阿旺丹达(A lag sha Ngag dbang bstan dar,1759-1840年以后)的《智者语饰——西藏新旧词汇集》(Gangs can gyi brda gsar rnying las brtsams pa'i brda yig blo gsal mgrin rgyan)(塔尔寺木刻版),文集kha[2]卷,德里,1972年,第405页,提到Dandin(7世纪)的Kavvyadarsa(藏文译本),I:80b。不过,这里的gsos指的是梵文jivita,有“生命”的意思——参见D.Dimitrov,Margavibhaga.Die Unterscheidung der Stilarten,Indica et Tibetica,Band 40,Marburg:Indica et Tibetica Verlag,2002,第192-193,225页。类似的注解者如邦译师·洛追丹巴(Dpang Lo tsa ba Blo gros brtan pa,1276-1342)和康珠四世·丹增却吉尼玛(Khams sprulⅣBstan'dzin chos kyi nyi ma,1730-1779)没有将gsos解释为“引起”或“至高”的含义;首次将之注解为“生命”和“精华”之义(srog,snying,和snying po)的,请参见Snyan ngags me long gi rgya cher'grel pa gzung don gsal ba,Rig gnas phyogs bsdebs,达兰萨拉:藏文著作和档案图书馆,1981年,第324页;第二次解释为“生命”和“精华”含义的,参见Rgyan gyi bstan bcos me long pan chen bla ma'i gsung bzhin bkral ba dbyangs can ngag gi rol mtsho legs bshad nor bu'i'byung khungs,廷布,1976年,第162-163页。以rgyu来解释gsos以前也不是没有,因为康珠四世引用那塘译师·格顿贝(Snar thang Lo tsa ba Dge'dun dpal)15世纪早期的Kayadarsa注释中提到这两个词等同。
    (1)央嘎:《西藏古典医学名著<四部医典>写作材料来源》(The Sources for the Writing of the Rgyud bzhi,Tibetan Medical Classic),未出版之哈佛大学博士论文,Cambridge,2010年,第91-100页。还应该提到,一些研究《四部医典》写本材料的学者根本上既未将老宇妥也未将宇妥与写本联系起来。事实上,这些写本中的一些有“译跋”,声称该文献已经被克什米尔人达哇拉翁帕噶哇(Zla ba la mngon par dga'ba,*Candranandana)和藏人毗如遮那(Vairocana)译过(译自梵文)。一个相关的重要实例是《四部医典》写本的文本,被绛达·囊杰札巴桑波(Byang bdag Rnam rgyal grags pa bzang po,1395-1475)用过,他是西藏医学之北派创始人、《四部医典》的重要注释者之一。除了这份写本的作者告知读者该文献是译文这样一个事实之外,另外,它显然也是一个伏藏文献。绛达本人引用了它的书题(kha byang),即“入门证”(entrance certificate),这在西藏伏藏文献传统中非常重要,其中声明原始的文献传自属于赞普赤松德赞(Khri srong lde btsan,约742-约800)的副本,这个副本曾被藏在桑耶寺主殿(乌孜大殿)二楼(巴康)的柱子中,札巴·翁协(Grwa pa Mngon shes)在大约150年后进行了恢复,这些我们在他如1462年关于《四部医典》之第二部《释续》的研究,以及1474年关于第四部即最后一部《后续》第二十七章的注解中都有发现。分别参见《甘露之水流》(Bdud rtsi'i chu rgyun),青海省藏医药研究所,Arura 001,北京:民族出版社,2004年,第629-630页;《四部医典注释》(Rgyud bzhi'i rtsa ba'i'grel pa/Yongs gtad rgyud kyi'grel chen)青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 074,北京:民族出版社,2008年,第252-253页。最后,至于绛达的医学流派对西藏医学晚期发展的影响,参见Th.Hofer,"Die tibetischen Medizintraditionen aus Ngamring und deren Einfluss auf das medizinische Werk von Desi Sangye Gyatso(1653-1705),"Der Rand und die Mitte-Beitr(a|¨)ge zur Sozialanthropologie und Kulturgeschichte Tibets und des Himalaya,A.Gingrich和G.Hazod编,Wien:Verlag der(O|¨)sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,2006年,第78-101页。
    (2)央嘎:《西藏古典医学名著<四部医典>写作材料来源》第93-96页提供了令人信服的论据证明了8世纪的老宇妥是个虚构的人物。
    (3)除了本文第11页注释(1)中丹·马丁(D.Martin)的论文外,还应该提到O.Czaya所做的历史梳理,《措麦堪钦(生于16世纪)一个迄今未知的“医学史”》[A Hitherto Unknown'Medical History'by Mtsho smad Mkhan chen(b.16~(th)cent.)],《西藏杂志》(The Tibet Journal)30/31(2005),第155-174页;F.Garrett,《西藏医学史中的批判方法》(Critical Methods in Tibetan Medical Histories),《亚洲研究期刊》(Journal of Asian Studies),66(2007),第363-387页。
    (1)参见绛曲沃色(Byang chub'od zer),《赞多法嗣传承集论,玛巴噶举传记汇编》(Tsom mdo gdan rabs kun btus,Smar pa bka'brgyud kyi mam thar phyogs sgrig),白玛楚臣(Padma tshul khrims)编,成都:四川出版集团,四川民族出版社,2006年,第84页。
    (2)其中的一些,参见央嘎:《西藏古典医学名著<四部医典>写作材料来源》第97-98页。第三组年代数据是贡却仁钦(Dkon mchog rin chen)在Bod kyi gso rig chos'byung baidurya'i'phreng ba中提出,兰州:甘肃民族出版社,1992年,第62、64页,在最近的二手文献中可以发现,参见F.Garrett的最新研究Tapping the Body's Nectar:Gastronomy and Incorporation in Tibetan Literature,《宗教历史》(History of Religions)49(2010),第307页,但是这也仍然没有文本证据。至于与他相关的精神仪轨实践,参见F.K.Ehrhard,《宇妥精义简史》(A Short History of the G.yu thog snying thig),Indica et Tibetica.Festschrift f(u|¨)r Michael Hahn Zum 65.Geburtstag von Freunden und Sch(u|¨)lem(u|¨)berreicht,K.Klaus和J.U.Hartmann编,Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde,Heft 66,Wien:Arbeitskreis f(u|¨)r Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universtat Wien,2007年,第151-171页,倾向于把宇妥断代为1126年至1202年。药王山木刻本最近被用于再版《宇妥精义》(G.yu thog snying thig),俄芒研究所(Sngags mang zhib'jug khang)编,俄芒丛书(Sngags mang dpe tshogs)9,北京:民族出版社,2005年。
    (3)参见《新老宇妥之传记》(G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar),青海省藏医药研究所,Arura 007,北京:民族出版社,2005年,第328-329、334页。gnam lo rgyal po rta lo这个年份也出现在松巴(顿)·益西荣(Sum pa/ston Ye shes gzung[s])的Brgyud pa'i rnam thar med thabs med pa,见钱德拉(L.Chandra)编《宇妥西藏医学论文集》(Yuthok's Treatise on Tibetan Medicine),新德里,印度文化国际研究院(International Academy of Indian Culture),1968年,第332页[=Cha lag bco brgyad,下卷,洛桑等编]兰州:甘肃民族出版社,1998年,第692页。
    (4)分别参见Rgyud bzhi'i bka'bsgrub nges don snying po,文集,卷Ⅱ,新德里,1975年,第231页;G.yu thog gsar mying gi rnam thar,Gso rig mkhas dbang khag gi rnam thar phyogs sgrigs,若尔盖县藏医研究所编,成都:四川出版集团,四川民族出版社,2006年,第94页。
    (5)参见他未知时期的Gso dpyad rgya po'i dkor mdzod,文集,卷5[12/25],Mes po'i shul bzhag,卷14,贝则藏文古籍研究所(Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe mying zhib'jug khang)编,北京:中国藏学出版社,2008年,第372-533页。
    (1)他本人是热译师的后裔,觉囊·衮噶宁波(Jo nang Kun dga'snying po,1575-1635),别名多罗那他,在他未知时期的关于大威德(Gshin rje gshed,Yamantaka)崇拜历史的研究中写道,热·益西森格是热译师·却让(Rwa Lo tsd ba Chos rab)的长子,参见Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos'byung rgyal ba yid ches ngo mtshar,Jo nang rje btsun ta ra na tha'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma,卷11/45,Mes po'i shul bzhag,卷53,贝则藏文古籍研究所编,北京:中国藏学出版社,2008年,第106-107页。这就将他的传记断代为12世纪中期。但是,正如多罗那他本人已经指出,比如,在第95页,这部著作包括几个叙事,提出它的断代(和历史真实性)问题,我希望在未来有机会回到这个问题。关于这个传记,进一步参见H.Decleer,《遍布的悦耳鼓音,热译师圣传:早期译师传记与教法史》(Melodious Drumsound All-Pervading.Sacred Biography of Rwa Lotsawa:about early Lotsawa rnam thar and chos'byung),《西藏研究,第五届国际藏学会论文集》,卷1,Sh.Ihara和Z.Yamaguchi编,Narita:Naritasan Shinshoji,1992年,第13-28页。
    (2)《热译师传记》(Rwa lo tsa ba'i rnam thar),青海省民族宗教事务委员会少数民族古籍办公室,西宁:青海民族出版社,1998年,第184页(Mthu stobs dbang phyug rje btsun rwa lo tsd ba'i rnam par thar pa kun khyab snyan pa'i rnga sgra,1905 Yab gzhis Dge legs bde skyid rab brtan xylograph,81b-82a)。
    (3)这是黑诃或诃子,植物学上的名字是Terminalia chebula Retz。这里很少用arura来作为这种树的果实的名字,而是指的树本身!因为arura和这种植物的部分被用于制药,参见B.Dash,《印度医学和西藏医学中的药诃》(The Drug Terminalia Chebula in ayurveda and Tibetan Medicine),KailashⅣ,1976年,第5-20页。
    (4)该句的语法将非及物动词用于及物的用法,这种主动格的造句很有意思。
    (1)分别参见他的1679年Rgyud bzhi'i'grel pa mes po'i zhal lung,下卷,多吉杰波编,北京:中国藏学出版社,1989年,第762页;1690年的Bka'phreng mun sel sgron me,Legs bshad gser gyi thur ma/Bka'phreng mun sel sgron me,青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 031,北京:民族出版社,2005年,第613页,以及第悉1688年的Baidur sngon po(德格木刻版),卷Ⅳ,列城,1981年,第296页[=基于德格木刻版,洛桑次仁(Blo bzang tshe ring)和噶洛(Dkar blo)编,拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1982年,第1377页]。需要注意的是拉杰·金巴·才旺(Lha rje Skyem pa Tshe dbang,1514-1571?年之后)并未在他的《四部医典注疏》(Rgyud bzhi'i rnam bshad)中对此段进行评论,达珍杰(Rta mgrin rgyal)编,西宁:青海民族出版社,2000年。事实上,他根本未对最后两章——第二十六章和二十七章,《四部医典》四部著作的最后一部——《后续》进行评注!因而,与如绛达(Byang bdag)所用到的写本相反,在写作他的著作的时候,他所用的《四部医典》的抄本看起来并没有这些章节,因为他的注释自然无痕地从《后续》的第二十五章转入到了他的结语和书籍末页。可以肯定的是,他们在《四部医典》的札塘(Grwa thang)或雅加(Yar rgyab)木刻本(印本)中出现(再现)了,所用印版刻于1546年,在宿喀哇·洛追杰波(Zur mkhar ba Blo gros rgyal po,1509—1572年以后),别名阿波却杰二世(A bo Chos rjeⅡ)和噶玛勒歇措(Karma legs bshad'tshol)的监督下完成的,他得了天花后痊愈了,参见《札塘版四部医典》(Grwa thang rgyud bzhi),青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 020,北京:民族出版社,2005年;以及相关评论,K.Schaeffer,《文本之学:医学传统和西藏的大乘佛教思想》(Textual Scholarship,Medical Tradition,and Mahayana Buddhist Ideals in Tibet),《印度哲学杂志》(Journal of Indian Philosophy),卷31,2003年,第625页以及接下来的几页。这是《四部医典》的写本第一次付诸印刷!至于拉杰·金巴,参见恰巴赤列(Byams pa phrin las)的Gangs ljongs gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs,达珍多吉(Rta mgrin rdo rje)编,北京:民族出版社,2000年,第220-222页,我们可以对他的评注进行补充(和更正)。恰巴赤列写到他大致生活在15世纪,表明他写作《四部医典》之《释续》的注释是在第八饶迥土猪年,即1479年。有时,我们也在二手文献中读到他出生于那一年,所有这些均未考虑第悉的看法,即他是宿喀哇的同时代人,这个参见他的1704年医学史,Dpal ldan gso ba rig pa'i khog'bugs legs bshad baid urya'i me long drang srong dgyes pa'i dga'ston[Ayurveda in Tibet](德格木刻版),列城,1970年,第353页[=Gso rig sman gyi khog'bugs(基于拉萨雪木刻版),洛桑嘉措(Blo bzang rgya mtsho)编,兰州:甘肃民族出版社,1982年,第351页;《琉璃镜:西藏医学历史介绍》(Mirror of Beryl.A Historical Introduction to Tibetan Medicine),G.Kilty翻译,《西藏古典文献库》(The Library of Tibetan Classics),卷28,Thupten Jinpa编,波士顿:Wisdom Publications,2010年,第312页]。这在宿喀哇自己出版的著作中也得到进一步支持,例如,他相当有魅力的(Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/)Rdo ring mdzes byed,青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 046,北京:民族出版社,2007年,第203,228-229页。有一点意思的是,来自金地(Skyem)的某位勒歇衮囊(Legs bshad kun snang)请求宿喀哇写下宿喀哇阿波却杰一世的带有虔诚请求的传记;参见*Drang srong chen po mnyam nyid rdo rje'i rnam thar gsol'debs,收于Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed,青海省藏医药研究所编,第313-318页。勒歇衮囊或者是才旺(Tshe dbang)的另一个名字,或者可能是他的家人,或者是学生,但无论如何是一位同时代的人。出生于金(Skyem),位于上工布的一个地方,主要活跃于拉达盆德(Bla rta phan bde)和仍索康萨(Zeng so khang gsar),拉杰·金巴的主要老师是拉达·拉吉·米达札西(Bla rta Lha rje Mi Dar bkra shis),他正如我们在他的《四部医典注疏》(Rgyud bzhi'i rnam bshad)中读到的,达珍杰编,第23页,属于以下的传承系列:……宿喀哇·阿波却杰[一世]——查本(Phrag dbon/dpon)·索南札西(Bsod nams bkra shis)——拉达·拉吉·米达札西[——“我”]。宿喀哇·阿波却杰一世,知道更多的是他作为聂尼多吉(Mnyam nyid rdo rje),其生卒年代是1445年至1483年或1439年至1475年,取决于阅读的是否是拉杰·格布(Lha rje Dge'bum)关于他生平的研究,收入他的主要各种医学教法文集中(以及其他几位医生的作品,如他的弟子查本,另一位工布本地人!),即Dpal ldan zur mkhar ba'i rnam thar thar pa'i lam sgron,Man ngag bye ba'i ring srel bod chung rab'byams gsal ba'i sgron me[基于德格木刻版],佐鲁布杰(Gtsos Klu'bum rgyal)和竹札('Brug sgra)编,兰州:甘肃民族出版社,1993年,第671,676页,或者他的1539年传记,由宿喀哇撰写,参见Drang srong chen po mnyam nyid rdo rje'i rnam par thar pa'gog pa med pa'i yi ge'i gtam chen po,收入Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed,青海省藏医药研究所编,第278、302页。因此应该比较清楚地知道我们的拉杰·金巴活跃于16世纪,这意味我们可以将他对《四部医典》每部著作的注释断代如下:I,《本续》(Rtsa rgyud)——1538年;Ⅱ,《释续》(Bshad rgyud)——1538-1539年;Ⅲ,《诀窍续》(Man ngag gi rgyud)——1567年,53岁时;Ⅳ,《后续》(Phyi ma rgyud)——1571?年。一份不完整的他的教法、药方等的系列写本发表于Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed中,青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 046,北京:民族出版社,2007年,第5-118页。这些教法等等中的一些是他自己的,一些取自其他地方。
    (1)这是《月王药诊》(Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po)[基于德格木刻版],多吉杰波编,北京:民族出版社,1985年;中文译文发现于《月王药诊》,马世林、王振华和毛继祖翻译,兰州:甘肃民族出版社,1993年。这部著作系文殊菩萨在五台山开示,一位龙树(*Nagarjuna[garbha])和其他人与它的形成有关。文本据称由和尚玛哈亚那(Mahayana)和藏族译师毗如遮那(Vairocana)于赤松德赞(Khri srong lde btsan)统治时期翻译。有意思的是,著名医生宿喀哇16世纪写作时说他们与这部书没有任何关系,反而,它是由汉族医学学者所写(rgya nag gi sman pa mkhas pa),并且它的藏文翻译“有缺点,因为相当不好”(shin tu mi legs pas nongs...),参见他的Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛(Gzhon nu nyi ma)和鲁珠嘉措(Klu sgrub rgya mtsho)编,成都:四川民族出版社,2001年,第207-208页。应该说《月王药珍》是完全基于印藏医学的tridosa-three humor理论的记载,这在传统中医理论中没有发现。但是多数人的意见是,那个重要的元素在中医中有其对应部分,因此这部著作的杂糅性无可争辩。当然,我们现在知道印度的或者印语的医学传统(ayurveda)确实通过印度或印语佛教经典的翻译对中医的理论和实践发生过一些影响,其中印度医学的方面被提及或起到过或多或少的作用。最近陈明的著作对于这项研究的推进相当有用,例如,他的论文集《殊方异药:出土文书与西域医学》,北京:北京大学出版社,2005年。
    (2)也参见本文开头注1中引用的拙文的注22。
    (1)这个解释发现在Khu tshur'bum,收入哈若恰杜(Bha ro Phyag rdum)等的'Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 034,北京:民族出版社,2006年,第225页。
    (2)参见M.Taube,Beitr(a|¨)ge zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,Monumenta Tibetica Historia,Abt.Scriptores,Band 1,Sankt Augustin:VGH Wissenschaftsverlag,1981年,第62页,注释233。
    (3)参见《新老宇妥之传记》,青海省藏医药研究所编,第76-77页[=热琼仁波切(Rechung Rinpoche),《西藏医学》(Tibetan Medicine),伯克利:加州大学出版社,1973年,第190-191页]。至于章替·杰哇桑波,参见后文。
    (4)比如,参见恰巴赤列(Byams pa phrin las),Gangs ljongs gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs,达珍多吉(Rta mgrin rdo rje)编,第121-124页。
    (5)《关于尼瓦尔词bare的注解》(A Note on the Newari Term bare),Indologica Taurenensia 14,1987-1988年,第265-268页[=Sieg fried Lienhard.Kleine Schriften,O.von Hin(u|¨)ber编,Glasenapp-Stiftung,Band 44,Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz,2007年,第310-313页]。
    (6)R.M.Davidson,《西藏的文艺复兴:密宗佛教在藏文化中的再生》(Tibetan Renaissance.Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture),纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2005年,第134-136页。
    (7)比如,参见《藏文大藏经》(The Tibetan Tripitaka),卷17,A.Barber编,台北:SMC出版有限公司,1991年,no.467[#468],142/5[Ja,164a]。
    (1)比如,参见《热译师传记》(Rwa lo tsa ba'i rnam thar),第60,66,85页[=Mthu stobs dbang phyug rje btsun rwa lo tsd ba'i rnam par thar pa kun khyab snyan pa'i rnga sgra,28a,30b,37b]。还参见多罗那他,Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos'byung rgyal ba yid ches ngo mtshar,第85,89,92页。
    (2)至于这些,参见Yan lag brgyad pa'i khong nying'bum khu tshur,珠莫吉('Brug mo skyid)和多吉仁钦(Rdo rje rin chen)编,北京:民族出版社,2004年,第165-169页,第173-176页,第二个只参见,哈若恰杜等,'Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,青海省藏医药研究所编,第377-379页。宿喀哇在他的西藏医学史中只注解了Log gnon,被一位萨霍尔国王“抑制妄想”,这一点请参见Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛(Gzhon nu nyi ma)和鲁珠嘉措(Klu sgrub rgya mtsho)编,第254页,但只有这些了。
    (3)关于接下来的是什么,请参见哈若恰杜等,'Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,青海省藏医药研究所编,第224-225页,第569-571页,第625页;还参见Snyan brgyud be bum nag po,Snyan brgyud be bum nag po dang Man ngag rin chen gter mdzod,Bod kyi gso rig dpe mying phyogs sgrigs gangs ri dkar po'i phreng ba中的相关章节,错如·鲁珠嘉措(Khro ru Klu sgrub rgya mtsho)编,卷11,成都:四川民族出版社,2004年,第1-3页,第66页。
    (1)两者都分别在《布顿文集》中有注释,见Rnal'byor rgyud kyi rgya mtshor'jug pa'i gru gzings,The Collected Works of Bu ston,part 11,新德里:印度文化国际研究院,1968年,第178-179页,第135页。第二位可能等同于一位合作译师,与郭译师('Gos Lo tsa ba)[库巴拉则Khug pa Lhas btsas]索南孜摩(Bsod nams rtse mo,11世纪),一起翻译*Caturabhisekhaprakarana,是归于(一位)龙树的一本小书。
    (2)书名Gso dpyad sngo sna tshogs kyi man ngag rin po che'i'khrungs dpe bstan pa——在提到这部著作时,晚期的资料经常缩写为Rin chen'khrungs dpe——这整部文献最近在Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me中进行了再版,贝则藏文古籍研究所编,Mes po'i shul bzhag,卷2,北京:中国藏学出版社,2007年,第73-208页。据称它由一位santigarbha与七皇医(bla sman)译自梵文;至于更为常见的九皇医组合,请参见Taube,Beitr(a|¨)ge zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,第15-17页。此外,这部著作表面上是摘录自一个更大的,传说是印语的论集Gso dpyad rin chen'khrungs dpe bstan pa,有120章,但是它在印语医学界并不为人所知。更不必说,像所有的主要西藏医学(和药理学)文章一样,其文本历史迫切地需要检视,这样做的时候,本土西藏药物学文献中对它的丰富引用也相当有用,同样有用的还有其他同样出处模糊的早期同类文献的翻译,即'Jam dpal gyi sngo'bum gsal ba'i sgron me和'Khrungs dpe g.yu yi phreng ba,关于它们,参见Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me,第1-23页,第24-74页。有意思的是rin chen'khrungs dpe有几处提及hod yul,“西藏”,比如,第73页和116页。这很奇怪,因为印语文章通常不用公开读作*bhot adesa什么的短语来指代西藏,也不要完全期望梵文到藏文的翻译会对一个技术词汇有一个清楚的说明,像第81-82页条目中的那些以及第116页关于“移除眼疾的a dza na”和ga bra ba。噶贝多吉(Dga'ba'i rdo rje)的'Khrungs dpe dri med shel gyi me long,贾噶('Jam dga')编,北京:民族出版社,1995年,第270,301~302页,将a dza na(或zhim thig le)认同为Lagopsis supina(Stephan),将ga bra ba认同为Rumex crispus Linn。另一方面,Bdud rtsi sman gyi'khrungs dpe legs bshad nor bu'i phreng ba,噶玛却培(Karma chos'phel)编,拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1993年,第374-375,220-221页,将a dza na认同为Plectranthus irroratus Forrest ex Diels,将ga bra ba(或ga bra ma)认同为Rumex acetosa Linn和Oxyria digyna(Linn.)Hill。同一植物有着多个名字,印藏药物学的植物名称同实际植物、灌木等的比定以及他们的植物学名称是一件非常复杂的事情,正如在下文中对印度医学(ayurveda)的模范展示,G.J.Meulenbeld的著作The Madhavanidana and Its Chief Commentary,第1-10章,莱顿:E.J.Brill,1974年,第520-611页,以及他的论文,收入R.P.Das的Das Wissen von der Lebensspanne der Baume.Surapalas Vrks ayurveda,Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien 34,Stuttgart:Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH,1988年,第425-465页。对西藏药物学中植物认定办法的一个初步评估,也请参见A.Boesi,《植物类别与西藏药物的类型》(Plant categories and Types in Tibetan materia medica),《西藏杂志》(The Tibet Journal),30/31,2005年,第67-92页,以及那里提到的其他的参考书目,包括他即将发表的、更令人期待的《西藏药物学》(Materia Medica Tibetana)。最后,这个所谓的santigarbha的译文的两份手写的,但不完整的写本在印度出版,其中有许多重要的不同的拼读,暗示着全文的写本也不是没有问题。
    (1)参见丹·马丁(D.Martin),《希腊和伊斯兰医学同西藏的历史接触,鉴于最近可得的和相对早期的材料对西藏医学折衷主义的再评估》(Greek and Islamic Medicines'Historical Contact with Tibet.A Reassessment in View of Recently Available and Relatively Early Sources on Tibetan Medical Eclecticism),承蒙他给了我一份他首次在“伊斯兰教与西藏”会议中宣读的论文草稿,2006年11月18日,在现在被围困的伦敦沃伯格研究所,在此表示感谢,现即将发表于《伊斯兰教与西藏:沿着麝香之路的交融》(Islam and Tibet:Interactions along the Musk Routes),A.Akasov,Ch.Burnett和R.Yoeili-Tlalim编,Farnham:Ashgate,2010年。切吉(Che rje)仅在Taube的Beitrage zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,第65页注释243中有简要描绘,但在我第6页注释(1)中引用的恰巴赤列的西藏医学史传记词典中并没有他自己的条目。切吉这个名称似乎被那些将他们的医学知识追溯至译师仁钦桑布(Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang po,958-1055)的人使用。某位叫贝衮(Dpal mgon)的医生在章替·贝丹坚赞(Brang ti Dpal ldan rgyal mtshan)约1420年的Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,Dpal ldan sa skya pa'i gsung rab中被提及,卷9,医药学,堪布·贡噶桑布(Mkhan po Kun dga'bzang po)编,北京:民族出版社,西宁:青海民族出版社,2004年,第225页。他的名字在那里有前缀bi ci che rje——这里是bi ci(<摩尼教索格底亚纳语βyc<梵文vaidya<古印度语vejja),对此请参见N.Sims-Williams,《帕提亚和索格底亚纳的印度元素》(Indian Elements in Parthian and Sogdian),Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien,K.R(o|¨)hrborn和W.Veenker编,Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz,1983年,第137页。这表明他是将源头追溯至Tsan Bashilaha的医生序列中的一部分。他显然是在8世纪的某个时候从错姆(Khrom)到达西藏,错姆是印度河西边的一个地区。我试着遵循马丁的意见,将他的名字读作Tsan Bashilaha——他也提出在Bashilaha中看Basileos——但必须指出的是,或许是唯一的一次,娘若·尼玛沃色(Nyang ral Nyi ma'od zer,1124—1192年)将他看作拉勉巴·娘赞巴希拉(Bla sman pa Myang Tsan Ba shi la),因此,这或许暗示着:(a)他是赞普赤松德赞时期的一位宫廷医生(Bla sman pa);(b)他是一位来自娘(Myang)河谷的藏族!参见Chos'byung me tog snying po sbrang rtsi'i bcud,年修·堪热沃色(Nyan shul Mkhyen rab'od gsal)编,Gangs can rigs mdzod 5,拉萨:西藏人民出版社,1988年,第337页{=R O.Meisezahl编,Die groβe Geschichte des tibetischen Buddhismus nach alter Tradition.Rnying ma's chos'byung chen mo,Sankt Augustin:VGH Wissenschaftsverlag,1985年,Tafel 244/3[bla sman btsan...];写本"A"(Paro,1979),第539页[bla sman pa myang tsan…];写本"B"(Paro,1979),第394页[bla sman pa myang tsan']}.他无疑与娘若更早时候恢复的莲花生(8世纪)传记(Zangs gling ma)中相同背景下提到的拉勉·娘赞巴(Bla sman Nyang Btsan pa)是同一人,参见益西措杰?(Ye shes mtsho rgyal),Slob dpon padma'i rnam thar zangs gling ma,土登尼玛(Thub bstan nyi ma)编,成都:四川民族出版社,1989年,第111页[=《莲花中出生:莲花生的生平故事》(The Lotus-Born.The Life Story of Padmasambhava),E.Pema Kunsang翻译,波士顿:Shambhala,1993年,第120页]。他好像在邬坚领巴(1323-?)1352的《莲花遗教》(Padma bka'thang)[基于德格木刻印刷本]中被改变成了译师(lo tsa ba)·比吉(bi rje,    (1)恰巴赤列的Gangs ljongs gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs,第177-179页,没有为他提供一个大约的年代,但是最近出版的西藏医学词典Bod lugs gso rig tshig mdzod chen mo,扎杜(Dgra'dul)等编,北京:民族出版社,2006年,第566页,将他放在13世纪末期,我认为这太早了,他的年代应该推后至大约1330—1400年。章替在Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad[pa]gsang pa man ngag gis(sic)rgyud kyi spyi don shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa,26b,40a中给出了我们几条基本线索,他在那里提到几件事,其中包括邬坚巴·仁钦贝(U rgyan pa Rin chen dpal,1230-1307)和达玛坚赞(Dar ma rgyal mtshan,1227-1305),别名觉丹(日北)热只(Boom ldan[rigs pa'i]ral gri)的著作。在写他自己的以及他的老师们的传承序列时,他注解说他与他们研究过乃竹巴·洛追冲美(Gnas drug pa Blo gros mtshungs med)关于Ast angahr dayasamhita的注释。这位乃竹巴是一位重要的萨迦派学者——乃竹(gnas drug),是萨迦寺一个“小”地名——他大约活跃在14世纪中期。例如,提到他请求喇嘛达巴·索南坚赞(Bla ma dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan,1312-1375)1338—1341年间的著作并作一名抄写员,参见拙文《14世纪西藏文化史Ⅲ:喇嘛达巴·索南坚赞(1312—1375)全部作品:第一部》(Fourteenth Century Tibetan Cultural HistoryⅢ:The oeuvre of Bla ma dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan(1312-1375),Part One),Berliner Indologische Studien 7,1993年,第127-128,141,142页。该文中,我将乃竹判定为康地(Khams)的一个地名,现在需要据此修正。进一步研究参见下文。
    (1)Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad[pa]gsang pa man ngag gis(sic!)rgyud kyi spyi don shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa,32a。关于孜德,参见维大利(R.Vitali),《古格普兰王格》(The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang,According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge Mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa),达兰萨拉:Tho ling gtsug lag khang lo gcig stong'khor ba'i rjes dran mdzad sgo'i go sgrig tshogs chung,1996年,第294-346页。
    (2)形成了一个完整的医学体系,Khog dbug khyung chen lding ba,钱德拉编,《宇妥西藏医学论文集》第12页[=Cha lag bco brgyad,上卷,洛桑等编,第20页],《五经》(Mdo lnga)包含以下:[1]Reg pa rtsa'i mdo,[2]'Tsho ba zas kyi mdo,[3]Sbyor ba sman gyi mdo,[4]Gtar sreg dpyad kyi mdo和[5]Rma chas bzo'i mdo。几份声称译自梵文的西藏医学文献归于一位龙树,其中之一是Mdor bsdus gsang tig sgron ma,是Phung po lnga'i nad sel bdud rtsi'i sman rin chen gsang ba'i tik(sic)的摘要,参见Dpal mgon klu sgrub kyi mdor bsus gsang tig sgron ma,鲁珠嘉措(Klu sgrub rgya mtsho)编,Bod kyi gso rig dpe rnying phyogs sgrig gangs ri dkar po'i phreng ba卷10,成都:四川民族出版社,2004年。其他一位龙树发挥过重要作用的著作是在Klu rgyal'jog po dang dge slong chen po'i zhus lan中再印的前两个文献,绛坚拉莫(Dbyangs can lha mo)编,Bod kyi gso rig dpe rnying phyogs sgrig gangs ri dkar po'i phreng ba,卷13,成都:四川民族出版社,2005年,第1-298页。重要的还有在章替·贝丹坚赞的著作中归于他的各种教法,Sa skya sman grong pa'i man ngag dngul bre ma,钢竹(Rkang btsugs)编,拉萨:西藏人民出版社,2005年。至于归于龙树(们)的更多医学著作的相当详尽的罗列,现参见G.J.Meulenbeld,《印度医学文献史》(A History of Indian Medical Literature),卷IA,Groningen:E.Forsten,1999年,第363-368页。关于“他的”生平的最近说明,参见R.J.Corless,《龙树的中国生活》(The Chinese Life of Nagarjuna),《实践中的佛教》(Buddhism in Practice),D.S.Lopez,Jr.编,普林斯敦:普林斯敦大学出版社,1995年,第525-531页,和R.A.Ray,《龙树的长寿》(Nagarjuna's Longevity),《南亚和东南亚佛教传统中的圣传》(Sacred Biography in the Buddhist Traditions of South and Southeast Asia),J.Schober编,霍奴鲁鲁:夏威夷大学出版社,1997年,第129-159页。在中医史中也有一位龙树,参见V.Deshpande,《龙树和中医》(Nagarjuna and Chinese Medicine),《亚洲研究:亚洲研究国际学刊》(Studia Asiatica.International Journal of Asian Studies)Ⅳ-Ⅴ,2003-2004年,第243-259页,这个参考书目要感谢我的学生N.Koehle。
    (3)Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛和鲁珠嘉措编,第263-264页。
    (4)Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,第36-37,46页,等等。还称为Man ngag rin chen nor bu rin chen,贝丹坚赞在萨迦寺的尼妥门冲(Nyi thog sman grong)僧院编辑了他的作品。一份不完整的写本有着相同名称,但只有小部分文本内容相同,Tsering Paljor Emchi将之作为Gser bre chen mo出版了(列城,1975年)。
    (1)Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad[pa]gsang pa man ngag gis(sic)rgyud kyi spyi don shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa,第38b-40a,和Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛和鲁珠嘉措编,第307页。
    (2)热琼仁波且(Rechung Rinpoche),《西藏医学》(Tibetan Medicine),第317页。记载这点的段落不见于G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar,青海省藏医药研究所编,它应该在第288页开始。也不见于早期亦是基于拉萨木刻本的版本,在G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar中,旺堆编(Dbang'dus),北京:民族出版社,1982年,第298页。
    (3)Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad[pa]gsang pa man ngag gis(sic)rgyud kyi spyi don shes bya rab gsal rgyas pa,第40a,其中杰哇桑波据说是他的“哥哥”(gcen po)。
    (4)参见Gser bre[Brang ti lha rje'i man ngag gter mdzod rin po che gser bre ma]Dngul bre[Sa skya sman grong ba'i man ngag thun mong ma yin pa dngul bre chen mo],青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 006,北京:民族出版社,2005年,第1-85,86-303页。宿喀哇给出了以下未中断的贝丹坚赞以后的、章替家族中的医学知识传承:贝丹洛追(Dpal ldan blo gros)-贡噶桑波(Kun dga'bzang po)-贝觉嘉(坚)赞(Dpal'byor rgya[1]mtshan)-多吉贝桑(Rdo rje dpal bzang)-却杰扎西(Chos rgyal bkra shis)-贡噶顿珠(Kun dga'don grub),参见Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛和鲁珠嘉措编,第307-308页。另一方面,第悉在他的Dpal ldan gso ba rig pa'i khog'bugs legs bshad baid urya'i me long drang srong dgyes pa'i dga'ston[=Gso rig sman gyi khog'bugs,洛桑嘉措编(Blo bzang rgya mtsho),第295页;G.Kilty译,《琉璃镜,藏医历史导论》,第263页]第299页中引用了Gser bre chung ba关于治疗肾型水肿(dmu chu)的章节。但是他遗漏了贝丹洛追,在贡噶桑波后面是达拉贝(Stag la dpal),遗漏了贝觉坚赞,并且,他在多吉贝桑后面跟的是贝觉顿珠(Dpal'byor don grub),说贝贡多吉(Dpal mgon rdo rje)和却杰扎西是章替家族的执事僧(zhal ngo)。这在德乌玛·丹增彭措(De'u dmar Bstan'dzin phun tshogs'1673-?)的同样是衍生的著作中进行了重申,即Gso ba rig pa'i chos'byung rnam thar rgya mtsho'i rba rlabs drang srong dgyes pa'i'dzum phreng,De'u dmar gso rig gees btus,下卷,青海省藏医药研究所编,Arura 044,北京:民族出版社,2007年,第1140-1141页。至于德乌玛(De'u[或Dil]dmar),参见大卫·杰克逊(D.P.Jackson),《西藏绘画史》(A History of Tibetan Painting.The Great Tibetan Painters and Their Traditions),Wien:Verlag der(O|¨)sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,1996年,第44-45,62页。二手文献对他的出生年份在1665年,1672年或1725年之间犹豫不决,杰克逊错误地发现第一个“更有可能”。我对于他的出生年的判定是1673年,是基于他的Sangs rgyas sman bla'i zhing khams lta na sdug gi gsol'debs sangs rgyas myur'grub跋中提供的信息,那里说他在木鼠年(=1684年)的时候是12岁(=11岁),他的Pu ri skra bcing gi sngags chog dug'dzoms spyi'i rgyal po的跋中说他在第十二饶迥的火羊年进行了编纂,即1727年。这些请参见De'u dmar gso rig gees btus,上卷,青海省藏医药研究所编,第35页,498页。中国民族图书馆,民族文化宫,北京,目录号:005069(34)是一个7页的无头体医学文献目录写本,称为Gso ba rig pa'i rgyud gzhung'grel tshogs man ngag bcas kyi dkar chag,是某位德哇(De wa)[=Deva=藏文Lha]在德乌达玛(De'u dmar)的要求下收集在一起的。
    (1)Gser bre,第3页。
    (2)Gser bre,第48页,和Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,第79-80页。第一部著作的编辑者们认为我们将myang sman ston mkhris读作nyang sman stod khri。后者的写本中有myang ban ston khris lho pa,其中ban(    (3)Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,熏奴尼玛和鲁珠嘉措编,第309页。
    (4)参见F.K.Ehrhard,"Spiritual Relationships between Rulers and Preceptors:The Three Journeys of Vanaratna(1384-1468)to Tibet",The Relationship between Religion and State(chos srid zung'brel)in Traditional Tibet,C.Cuppers编,蓝毗尼:蓝毗尼国际研究所(Lumbini International Research Institute),2004年,第248页及随后几页。
    (1)Dpal ldan gso ba rig pa'i khog'bugs legs bshad bai?urya'i me long drang srong dgyes pa'i dga'ston,第299-300页[=Gso rig sman gyi khog'bugs,洛桑嘉措(Blo bzang rgya mtsho)编,第294-295页,G.Kilty译,《琉璃镜:藏医历史导论》(Mirror of Beryl.A Historical Introduction to Tibetan Medicine),第263-264页]。
    (2)Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,第135-138页,我不能界定鲁龙寺的位置。
    (3)Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,第247-248页。
    (4)Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,第103-104页。
    (1)Gser bre,第84-85页。
    (2)Gser bre,第80页。
    (3)他可以被判定为是萨桑·帕巴·熏奴洛追(Sa bzang'Phags pa Gzhon nu blo gros)(1358-1412),他是更为有名的俄钦·贡噶桑波(Ngor chen Kun dga'bzang po)(1382—1456)的老师之一,是聂顿·绛曲森格(Gnyags ston Byang chub seng ge)的一名弟子。俄钦写了他的不知年代的传记,可以参见俄钦的Bla ma dam pa sa bzang'phags pa gzhon nu blo gros kyi rnam par thar pa,Collected Writings,卷1,Dehra Dun:Sa skya Centre,199?年,第169-178页。
    (1)Brang ti lha rje'i man ngag gter mdzod rin po che gser bre ma,第183,224~226页。
    (1)See my"On the Edge of Myth and History:Notes on the Land of Za hor,its Place in the History of Early Indian Buddhist Tantra,and Dalai Lama V and the Genealogy of its Royal Family,"that was presented at the Conference on Cross—Cultural Researches on Buddhist Mythology,held on July 30—31,2010 at Peking University.It will appear in a volume that is edited by the organizers,Profs.Wang Bangwei王邦维and Chen Ming陈明.
    (1)Bka'thang sde Inga[based on the Sde dge xylograph],ed.Rdo rje rgyal po(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1986)499.According to A M.Blondeau,"Le lha'dre bka'thang,"Etudes tibetaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle Lalou(Paris:Adrien Maisonneuve,1980),42,this Bka'i thang yig may have been written in part anywhere from 1368 to 1393.
    (2)I am not at all sure whether I have understood the intent of this title.The term srin po is probably unproblematic,although it may be short for srin po'i nad,that is,a disesase caused by micro organisms that cause pain;but gsos and byer definitely give me discomfort.Btsan lha Ngag dbang tshul khrims,Brda dkrol gser gyi me long,ed.Thang Shes rab'od zer(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1997),1001,558,renders these two,respectively,by rgyu or mchog and[1]'thor ba and bros pa and[2]so sor phye ba or g.yes pa.In case of the latter,I opt for[2].For the first,he cites the entry for gsos in A lag sha Ngag dbang bstan dar(1759—after 1840),Gangs can gyi brda gsar rnying las brtsams pa'i brda yig blo gsal mgrin rgyan[Sku'bum xylograph],Collected Works,voL Kha[2](Delhi,1972),405,who refers to[the Tibetan translation of]Dandin's(7~(th)c.)Kavvyadarsa,I:80b.However,there the term gsos renders Sanskrit jivita,which has the meaning of"life"-see D.Dimitrov,Mdrgavibhdga.Die Unterscheidung der Stilarten,Indica et Tibetica,Band 40(Marburg:Indica et Tibetica Verlag,2002),192-3,225.Such commentators as Dpang Lo tsd ba Bio gros brtan pa(1276-1342)and Khams sprul IV Bstan'dzin chos kyi nyi ma(1730—79)do not explain gsos in the sense of"cause"or"supreme";the first glosses it by"life"and"essence"(srog,snying,and snying po)-see Snyan ngags me long gi rgya cher'grel pa gzung don gsal ba,Rig gnas phyogs bsdebs(Dharamsala:Library of Tibetan Works and Archives,1981),324-and the second also has srog and snying po-see Rgyan gyi bstan bcos me long pan chen bla ma'i gsung bzhin bkral ba dbyangs can ngag gi rol mtsho legs bshad nor bu'i'byung khungs(Thimphu,1976),162—3.But the interpretation of gsos by rgyu is not at all unprecedented,for Khams sprul IV cites Snar thang Lo tsa ba Dge'dun dpal's early fifteenth century Kayadarsa commentary which offers this very equivalence.
    (1)Yang Ga,The Sources for the Writing of the Rgyud bzhi,Tibetan Medical Classic,unpublished Harvard University doctoral dissertation(Cambridge,2010),91—100.It should also be mentioned that some scholars were working with manuscripts of the Rgyud bzhi that did not associate either G.yu thog the Old or G.yu thog with the text at all.In fact,some of these manuscripts had a"translator's colophon"('gyur byang)which claimed that the text had been translated[from Sanskrit]by the Kashmirian Zla ba la mngon par dga'ba[*Candranandana]and the Tibetan Vairocana.An important case in point is the text of the Rgyud bzhi manuscript that was used by Byang bdag Rnam rgyal grags pa bzang po(1395—1475),the founder of the Byang school of Tibetan medicine and one of the Rgyud bzhi's foremost commentators.Apart from the fact that the writer of this manuscript informed its reader that the text was a translation,it was in addition apparently also a gter ma—treasure text.Byang bdag himself cites its kha byang,that is,the"entrance certificate,"that is so important in the Tibetan gter ma—treasure literary tradition.It states that the original text issued from the copy that had belonged to emperor Khri srong lde btsan(ca.742—ca.800),a copy that had been hidden away in a pillar of the second floor(bar khang)of Bsam yas monastery's primary and central temple(dbu rise).Grwa pa Mngon shes then recovered it some one hundred and fifty years later.We find all this in,for example,his 1462 study of the Rgyud bzhi's second book,the Bshad rgyud,and in his 1474 commentary on the twenty—seventh chapter of the fourth and last book,the Phyi ma rgyud;see,respectively,Bdud rtsi'i chu rgyun,Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 001(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),629—30,and Rgyud bzhi'i rtsa ba'i'grel pa/Yongs gtad rgyud kyi'grel chen,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 074(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2008),252—3.Finally,for the influence of Byang bdag's medical school on later developments in Tibetan medicine,see Th.Hofer,"Die tibetischen Medizintraditionen aus Ngamring und deren Enfluss auf das medizinische Werk von Desi Sangye Gyatso(1653—705),"Der Rand und die Mitte-Beitrdge zur Sozialanthropologie und Kulturgeschichte Tibets und des Himalaya,ed.A.Gingrich and G.Hazod(Wien:Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,2006),78-101.
    (2)Yang Ga,The Sources for the Writing of the Rgyud bzhi,Tibetan Medical Classic,93—6,provides convincing arguments that the eighth century G.yu thog the Old is a fictional character.
    (1)In addition to D.Martin's paper below in a(1)page 32,mention should also be made of the historical weeding done in O.Czaya,"A Hitherto Unknown'Medical History'by Mtsho smad Mkhan chen(b.16~(th)cent),"The Tibet Journal 30/31(2005),155-74,and in F.Garrett,"Critical Methods in Tibetan Medical Histories,"Journal of Asian Studies 66(2007),363-87.
    (2)See Byang chub'od zer,Tsom mdo gdan rabs kun btus,Smar pa bka'brgyud kyi mam thar phyogs sgrig,ed.Padma tshul khrims(Chengdu;Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa and Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2006),84.
    (3)For some of these,see Yang Ga,The Sources for the Writing of the Rgyud bzhi,Tibetan Medical Classic,97—8.The third set of dates was inter alia proposed in Dkon mchog rin chen,Bod kyi gso rig chos'byung baid urya'i'phreng ba(Lanzhou:Kan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1992),62,64,and can be found in the recent secondary literature,for which see lastly F.Garrett,"Tapping the Body's Nectar:Gastronomy and Incorporation in Tibetan Literature,"History of Religions 49(2010),307.Again,there is as yet no textual evidence for this.For the spiritual—ritual practices associated with him,see now F.K.Ehrhard,"A Short History of the G.yu thog snying thig,"Indica et Tibetica.Festschrift f(u|¨)r Michael Hahn Zum 65.Geburtstag von Freunden und Schulern uberreicht,ed.K.Klaus and J.U.Hartmann,Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde,Heft 66(Wien:Arbeitskreis f(u|¨)r Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universtat Wien,2007),151-71,who is inclined to date G.yu thog from 1126 to 1202.The Lcags po ri xylograph was recently used for the reprint in the G.yu thog snying thig,ed.Sngags mang zhib'jug khang,Sngags mang dpe tshogs 9(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005).
    (4)See G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 007(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005),328—9,334.The year gnam lo rgyal po rta lo also occurs in the Sum pa/ston Ye shes gzung[s]'Brgyud pa'i mam thar med thabs med pa,for which see Yuthok's Treatise on Tibetan Medicine,ed.L.Chandra(New Delhi:International Academy of Indian Culture,1968),332[=Cha lag bco brgyad,Smad cha,ed.Blo bzang et al.(Lanzhou:Kan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1998),692].
    (1)See,respectively,Rgyud bzhi'i bka'bsgrub nges don snying po,Collected Writings,vol.II(New Delhi,1975),231,and G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar,Gso rig mkhas dbang khag gi rnam thar phyogs sgrigs,ed Mdzod dge rdzong bod sman zhib'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa and S khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2006),94.
    (2)See his undated Gso dpyad rgyal po'i dkor mdzod,Collected Works,vol.5[12/25],Mes po'i shul bzhag,vol.14,ed Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe mying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2008),372-533.
    (3)Himself a descendent of Rwa Lo tsa ba,Jo nang Kun dga'snying po(1575—1635),alias Tdrandtha,writes in his undated study of the history of the Gshin rje gshed[Yamdntaka]cult that Rwa Ye shes seng ge was Rwa Lo tsa ba Chos rab's eldest son;see Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos byung rgyal ba yid ches ngo mtshar,Jo nang rje btsun ta ra na tha'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma,vol.11/45,Mes po'i shul bzhag,vol.53,ed Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2008),106-7.This would date his biography to the middle of the twelfth century.But as Tarandtha himself has already pointed out,for example,on p.95,this work contains several narratives that render its dating[and historical authenticity]problematic and I hope to return to this question on a future occasioa For this biography,see further H.Decleer,"The Melodious Drumsound All-Pervading.Sacred Biography of Rwa Lotsdwa:about early Lotsawa rnam thar and chos'byung,"Tibetan Studies.Proceedings of the 5~(th)Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies,vol.1,ed Sh.Ihara and Z.Yamaguchi(Narita:Naritasan Shinshoji,1992),13-28.
    (4)Rwa lo tsa ba'i rnam thar,Mtsho sngon zhing chen mi rigs chos lugs las don u yon lhan khang gi grangs nyung mi rigs gna'dpe gzhung las khang(Xining:Mtsho sngon min rigs dpe skrun khang,1989),184[Mthu stobs dbang phyug rje btsun rwa lo tsa ba'i rnam par thar pa kun khyab snyan pa'i rnga sgra,1905 Yab gzhis Dge legs bde skyid rab brtan xylograph,81b-2a].
    (1)This is the Black or Chebula Myrobalan,the botanical name for which is Terminalia chebula Retz.There is little use in suggesting that arura is here used as the name of the fruit of the tree rather than that of the tree itself!For arura and the parts of this plant that are used as medicine,see B.Dash,"The Drug Terminalia Chebula in ayurveda and Tibetan Medicine",KailashⅣ(1976),5-20.
    (2)The grammer of this sentence with a transitive use of an intransitive verb and an ergative construction is most interesting.
    (1)See,respectively,his 1679 Rgyud bzhi'i grel pa mes po'i zhal lung,Smad cha,ed.Kdo rje rgyal po(Beijing:Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang,1989),762,and his 1690 Bka'phreng mun sel sgron me,Legs bshad gser gyi thur ma/Bka'phreng mun sel sgron me,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 031(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005),613,as well as the Sde srid's 1688 Baidur sngon po[Sde dge xylograph],volⅣ(Leh,1981),296[=based on the Sde dge xylograph,ed.Bio bzang tshe ring and Dkar blo(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1982),1377].To be noted is that Lha rje Skyem pa Tshe dbang(1514—after?1571)does not comment on this passage in his Rgyud bzhi'i mam bshad,ed.Rta mgrin rgyal(Xining:Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2000).In fact,he does not comment at all on the last two chapters,chapters twenty—six and twenty—seven,of the last of Rgyud bzhi's four books,the Phyi ma rgyud!Thus,contrary to the manuscript used by,for example,Byang bdag,it appears that the manuscript of the Rgyud bzhi that was at his disposal while writing his work did not have these chapters,since his commentary seamlessly transitions from chapter twenty-five of the Phyi ma rgyud to his concluding remarks and the colophon.To be sure,they do make their[re]appearance in the Grwa thang or Yar rgyab xylograph edition(par ma)of the Rgyud bzhi,the blocks for which were carved in1546 under the supervision of Zur mkhar ba Blo gros rgyal po(1509—after 1572),alias A bo Chos rje II and Karma legs bshad tshol,who was recovering from an encounter with[?small]pox('brum nod);see Grwa thang rgyud bzhi,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 020(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005)and also the pertinent remarks in K.Schaeffer,"Textual Scholarship,Medical Tradition,and Mahdyana Buddhist Ideals in Tibet",Journal of Indian Philosophy 31(2003),625 ff.This was the very first time that a text of the Rgyud bzhi was committed to the printing block!For Lha rje Skyem pa,see Byams pa phrin las,Gangs ljongs gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs,ed.Rta mgrin rdo rje(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2000).220—2.His remarks can be supplemented[and corrected].Byams pa phrin las writes that he lived in roughly the fifteenth century,suggesting that he wrote his commentary on the Bshad rgyud chapter of the Rgyud bzhi in the earth—pig year of the eighth sexagenary cycle,that is,in 1479.On occasion,we also read in the secondary literature that he was born in that year,and all this is in spite of the Sde srid's judgement that he was a contemporary of inter alia Zur mkhar ba,for which see his 1704 medical history,the Dpal Idan gso ba rig pa'i khog'bugs legs bshad baidurya'i me long drang srong dgyes pa'i dga'ston[A yurveda in Tibet]{Sde dge xylograph}(Leh,1970),353[=Gso rig sman gyi khog'bugs[based on the Lha sa Zhol xylograph],ed.Bio bzang rgya mtsho(Lanzhou:Kan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1982),351;Mirror of Beryl.A Historical Introduction to Tibetan Medicine,tr.G.Kilty,The Library of Tibetan Classics,vol.28,ed.Thupten Jinpa(Boston:Wisdom Publications,2010),312].This finds further support in Zur Mkhar ba's own published work;see,for example,his quite fascinating[Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/]Rdo ring mdzes byed,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 046(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2007),203,228—9.Of passing interest is that Zur mkhar ba's biography-cum-reverential petition of and to Zur mkhar ba A bo Chos rje I was requested by a certain Legs bshad kun snang from Skyem;see*Drang srong chen po mnyam nyid rdo rje'i rnam thar gsol debs in Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,313—8.Ether this is an alternate name of Tshe dbang or this man may have been his relation,a student but in any event a contemporary.Bom in Skyem,a place in Upper Kong po,and mainly active in Bla rta phan bde and Zeng so khang gsar,Lha rje Skyem pa's main teacher was Bla rta Lha rje Mi Dar bkra shis who,as we read in his Rgyud bzhi'i rnam bshad,ed Rta mgrin rgyal,23,belongs to the following line of transmission:…Zur mkhar ba A bo Chos rje[I]-Phrag dbon/dpon Bsod nams bkra shis-Bla rta Lha rje Mi Dar bkra shis[—"me"].The dates of Zur mkhar ba A bo Chos rje I who is better known as Mnyam nyid rdo rje are 1445 to 83 or 1439 to 75,depending on whether one reads Lha rje Dge'bum's study of his life that is included in his major collection of various medical instructions[and of several other physicians such as his disciple Phrag dbon/dpon,another native of Kong po!],that is,Dpal Idan zur mkhar ba'i rnam thar thar pa'i lam sgron,Man ngag bye ba'i ring srel bod chung rab'byams gsal ba'i sgron me[based on the Sde dge xylograph]ed Gtsos Klu'bum rgyal and'Brug sgra(Lanzhou:Kan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1993),671,676,or his 1539 biography by Zur mkhar ba,for which see Drang srong chen po mnyam nyid rdo rje'i rnam par thar pa gog pa med pa'i yi ge'i gtam chen po in Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,278,302.It should therefore be obvious that our Lha rje Skyem pa flourished in the sixteenth century.This means that we can now date his exegeses of each of the four books of the Rgyud bzhi as follows:Ⅰ.Rtsa rgyud-1538Ⅱ.Bshad rgyud-1538-9Ⅲ.Man ngag gi rgyud-1567,at the age of 53Ⅳ.Phyi ma rgyud-?1571An incomplete manuscript of a series of his instructions,recipes,etc.was published in Tshe dbang brgya rtsa/Man ngag kun gyi snying bsdus/Rdo ring mdzes byed,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 046(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2007),5—118.Some of these instructions,eta are his own,others are taken from elsewhere.
    (1)This is the Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po[based on the Sde dge xylograph],ed.Rdo rje rgyal po(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1985);a Chinese translation is found in Yue wang yaozhen月王药诊,tr.Ma Shilin马世林,Wang Zhenhua王振华,and Mao Jizhu毛继祖(Lanzhou:Gansu minzu chubanshe,1993).This work was inspired by Manjusri at Mount Wutai[shan]and a*Nagdrjuna[garbha]and others had something to do with its compositioa The text was purportedly translated by Hwa shang Mahayana and the Tibetan translator Vairocana during the reign of Khri srong lde btsan Of interest is that,writing in the sixteenth century,the famous physician Zur mkhar ba states that they had nothing to do with it and that,instead,it was written by a Chinese medical scholar(rgya nag gi sman pa mkhas pa)and that its Tibetan translation is"faulty because of being quite infelicitous"(shin tu mi legs pas nongs...);see his Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,ed Gzhon nu nyi ma and Klu sgrub rgya mtsho(Chengdu:Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2001),207—8.Let it be said for the record that the Sman dpyad zla ba'i rgyal po is fully informed by the tridosa-three humor theory of Indo—Tibetan medicine,which is not found in traditional Chinese medical theory.But the consensus is that significant elements have their counterpart in Chinese medicine,so that this work's hybridity is beyond question Of course,we now know that Indian or Indic ayurveda did exert some influence on the theory and practise of Chinese medicine,which was enabled through the translation of Indian or Indic Buddhist texts in which aspects of Indian ayurveda were mentioned or played a more or less significant role.The recent work of Chen Ming陈明has been quite instrumental in bringing this to the fore;see,for example,the collection of his essays in Shufang yiyao.Chu wenshuyu xiyu yixue殊方异药.出土文书与西域医学[Remarkable Prescriptions and Unique Drugs.Unearthed Docu ments and Medical Science of the Western Regions](Beijing:Beijing daxue chubanshe,2005).
    (2)See also n.22 of my paper that I cited above in n.1 in the first page of this paper.
    (1)This explanation is found in the Khu tshur'bum in Bha ro Phyag rdum et al.,Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,Arura 034(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2006),225.
    (2)See M.Taube,Beitrage zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,Monumenta Tibetica Historia,Abt Scriptores,Band 1(Sankt Augustin:VGH Wissenschaftsverlag,1981),62,a 233.
    (3)See the G.yu thog gsar rnying gi rnam thar,ed Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,76—7[=Rechung Rinpoche,Tibetan Medicine(Berkeley:University of California Press,1973),190—1].For Brang ti Rgyal ba bzang po,see below.
    (4)See,for example,Byams pa phrin las,Gangs ljongs gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi rnam thar phyogs bsgrigs,ed Rta mgrin rdo rje,121—4.
    (5)"A Note on the Newari Term bare,"Indologica Taurenensia 14(1987-88),265-8[=Sieg fried Lienhard.Kleine Schriften,ed O.von Hiniiber,Glasenapp—Stiftung,Band 44(Wiesbaden:Otto Harrassowitz,2007),310-3].
    (6)R.M.Davidson,Tibetan Renaissance.Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture(New York:Columbia University Press,2005),134-6.
    (7)See,for example,The Tibetan Tripidaka,Taipei Edition,vol.17,ed A.Barber(Taipei:SMC Publishing Inc.,1991),no.467[#468],142/5[Ja,164a].
    (8)See,for example,Rwa lo tsa ba'i mam thar,60,66,85[=Mthu stobs dbang phyug rje btsun rwa lo tsa.ba'i mam par thar pa kun khyab snyan pa'i rnga sgra,28a,30b,37b].See also Tdranatha,Rgyud rgyal gshin rje gshed skor gyi chos'byung rgyal ba yid ches ngo mtshar,85,89,92.
    (1)For these,see Yan lag brgyad pa'i khong nying'bum khu tshur,ed.'Brug mo skyid and Rdo rje rin chen(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),165—9,173—6,and for only the second,Bha ro Phyag rdum et aL,'Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,377—9.Zur mkhar ba merely notes a Log gnon,Surpressing the Gone Awry,by a King of Za hor in his history of Tibetan medicine,for which see Sman pa rnams kyis mi shes su mi rung ba'i shes bya spyi'i khog dbubs,ed.Gzhon nu nyi ma and Klu sgrub rgya mtsho,254.But that is all.
    (2)For what follows,see Bha ro Phyag rdum et al.,'Bum khu tshur,Khu tshur'bum,Be'u bum nag po,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib'jug khang,224-5,and 569-71,625;see also the relevant passages in Snyan brgyud be bum nag po dang Man ngag rin chen gter mdzod,Bod kyi gso rig dpe rnying phyogs sgrigs gangs ri dkar po'i phreng ba,ed Khro ru Klu sgrub rgya mtsho,vol.11(Chengdu:Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),1-3,66.
    (1)Both are respectively noted in Rnal'byor rgyud kyi rgya mtshor'jug pa'i gru gzings,The Collected Works of Bu ston,part 11(New Delhi:International Academy of Indian Culture,1968),178-9,135.The second one may be identical to the co-translator,with'Gos Lo tsd ba[Khug pa Lhas btsas]Bsod nams rtse mo(11~(th)c.),of the*Caturabhiiekhaprakarana,a little work that is attributed to[a]Nagarjuna.
    (2)Titled Gso dpyad sngo sna tshogs kyi man ngag rin po che'i'khrungs dpe bstan pa-when referring to this work,later sources often abbreviate this title by Rin chen'khrungs dpe-the entire text was recently reprinted in Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe mying zhib'jug khang,Mes po'i shul bzhag,vol.2(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007),73-208.It was allegedly translated from the Sanskrit by a santigarbha together with[the]seven imperial physicians(bla sman);for the more common grouping of nine bla sman,see Taube,Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,15-7.Moreover,this work was ostensibly extracted from a much larger,purported Indie treatise,the Gso dpyad rin chen khrungs dpe bstan pa,with one hundred and twenty chapters,but it is otherwise unknown to the world of Indie medicine.Needless to say,and not unlike all the major Tibetan medical[and pharmacological]treatises,its textual history urgently needs to be examined.In doing so,the native Tibetan materia medica texts in which it is copiously cited will be of considerable utility,as will be the translations of other early cognate texts that are likewise of obscure provenance,namely,the'Jam dpal gyi sngo'bum gsal ba'i sgron me and the'Khrungs dpe g-yuyi phreng ba,on which see Gso rig sman gyi ro nus ngos'dzin gsal ston phyogs sgrig rin chen sgron me,1-23,24-74.Of interest is that the Rin chen'khrungs dpe contains several references to bod yul,"Tibet,"on,for example,pp.73 and 116.This is curious inasmuch as Indie treatises usually do not refer to Tibet by a phrase that could ostensibly have read something like*bhot adesa.It is also not entirely expected that a translation from Sanskrit to Tibetan would contain an explicit notice of a Tibetan translation of a technical term like the ones in the entries on pp.81-2 and 116 anent"a dza na which removes ocular disease"and ga bra ba.Dga'ba'i rdo rje,'Khrungs dpe dri med shel gyi me long,ed'Jam dga'(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1995),270,301-2,identifies a dza na[or zhim thig le]with Lagopsis supina(Stephan)and ga bra ba with Rumex crispus Linn.On the other hand,the Bdud rtsi sman gyi'khrungs dpe legs bshad nor bu'i phreng ba,ed.Karma chos'phel(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1993),374-5,220-1,identifies a dza na with Plectranthus irroratus Forrest ex Diels and ga bra ba[or:ga bra ma]with Rumex acetosa Linn and Oxyria digyna(Linn.)Hill.With its plethora of names for one and the same plant,the identification of plant names of the Indo-Tibetan materia medica with actual plants,shrubs,etc.and their botanical names is a very complicated affair,as was demonstrated in an exemplary fashion for Indian dyurveda in G.J.Meulenbeld,The Madhavaniddna and Its Chief Commentary,Chapters 1-10(Leiden:E.J.Brill,1974),520-611,and in his essay in R.P.Das,Das Wissen von der Lebensspanne der Baume.Surapalas Vrksayurveda,Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien 34(Stuttgart:Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH,1988),425-65.For a preliminary assessment of the strategies employed in the Tibetan materia medica towards the identification of plants,see now also A.Boesi,"Plant categories and Types in Tibetan materia medica,"The Tibet Journal 30/31(2005),67-92,and the additional references mentioned therein,including his forthcoming and much anticipated Materia Medica Tibetana.Lastly,the two handwritten,but incomplete manuscripts of this alleged translation by santigarbha that were published in India contain a number of significant variant readings that suggest that the manuscript of the full text is also not without its problems.
    (1)See D.Martin,"Greek and Islamic Medicines'Historical Contact with Tibet A Reassessment in View of Recently Available and Relatively Early Sources on Tibetan Medical Eclecticism";I thank him for graciously sending me a copy of a draft of his essay that he first presented during the Islam and Tibet Conference,November 18,2006,at the now besieged Warburg Institute in London.It is now forthcoming in Islam and Tibet:Interactions along the Musk Routes,ed.A.Akasov,Ch.Burnett,and R.Yoeili—Tlalim(Farnham:Ashgate,2010).Che rje figures only briefly in Taube,Beitr(a|¨)ge zur Geschichte der Medizinischen Literatur Tibets,65,n.243,but he does not have his own entry in Byams pa phrin las'biographical dictionary of the history of Tibetan medicine that I cited above in a(1)in page 26.The title che rje appears to have been the province of those who traced their knowledge of medicine to Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang po(958—1055).A certain physician with the name Dpal mgon is mentioned in Brang ti Dpal ldan rgyal mtshan's circa 1420 Brang ti lha rje'i rim brgyud kyi man ngag gser bre chen mo,Dpal ldan sa skya pa'i gsung rab,vol.9,Gso rig,ed.Mkhan po Kun dga'bzang po(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khangXining:Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),225.His name is there prefixed by bi ci che rje-here bi ci(

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