一份迄今未知的藏族宗教编年史:来自约14世纪早期（英文）
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- 英文论文题名：A Hitherto Unknown Tibetan Religious Chronicle:from Probably the Early Fourteenth Century
- 论文作者：范德康
- 英文论文作者：Leonard W.J.van der Kuijp ; Harvard University
- 年：2012
- 作者机构：哈佛大学;
- 论文关键词：历史 ; 佛教编年史 ; 卫巴罗色 ; 藏族编年史
- 英文论文关键词：history ; chos 'byung ; Dbus pa Blo gsal ; Tibetan Chronology
- 会议召开时间：2012-08-01
- 会议录名称：藏学学刊（第7辑）
- 英文会议录名称：Journal of Tibetology
- 语种：英文
- 分类号：B949;K28
- 学会代码：SCZX
- 学会名称：四川大学中国藏学研究所
- 页数：24
- 文件大小：1879k
- 原文格式：D
摘要
最近拉萨出版了若干《巴协》(Dba'/Sba bzhed)文本,包含一部误定入《巴协》文集的著作,实乃一部简短的佛教编年史(chos'byung),据我所知,未曾出版过。其以教历(bstanrtsis)为结尾,可推定全书为14世纪早期之作。手稿末页似已毁,但结束语明显提及卫巴·罗色·佐贝森格之名,是一编年史之作者,而该编年史之稿本尚未寻出。现下《巴协》中编年史之价值,除却确曾"在场",主要在于它引用了许多涉及藏族史的早期著作。
The recent publication in Lhasa of a number of Dba'/Sba bzhed texts contains a work that has been misidentified as belonging to the Dba'/Sba bzhed corpus.In fact,it is a short chronicle of Buddhism(chos 'byung) that,to my knowledge,was not published before.The "chronology of the Teaching"(bstan rtsis) that forms its coda allows us tentatively to date it to the early fourteenth century.The last folio of the manuscript appears to damaged,but the concluding words apparently mention Dbus pa Bio gsal Rtsod pa'i seng ge by name.He was himself the author of a chronicle,a manuscript copy of which has so far not been located.Aside from simply "being there," the value of the present chronicle consists in the main of the many citations of earlier writings on aspects of Tibetan history.
The recent publication in Lhasa of a number of Dba'/Sba bzhed texts contains a work that has been misidentified as belonging to the Dba'/Sba bzhed corpus.In fact,it is a short chronicle of Buddhism(chos 'byung) that,to my knowledge,was not published before.The "chronology of the Teaching"(bstan rtsis) that forms its coda allows us tentatively to date it to the early fourteenth century.The last folio of the manuscript appears to damaged,but the concluding words apparently mention Dbus pa Bio gsal Rtsod pa'i seng ge by name.He was himself the author of a chronicle,a manuscript copy of which has so far not been located.Aside from simply "being there," the value of the present chronicle consists in the main of the many citations of earlier writings on aspects of Tibetan history.
引文
(1)The manuscript written in a cursive dbu med script consists of ninety-seven numbered folios,whereby fol.64occurs twice,one as simply"64"and once as"64 lower('og ma)."It was part of the Tibetan collection of the Nationalities Library of the Cultural Palace of Nationalities[Minzu wenhua gong],Beijing,and was cataloged under no.004783(1).
(1)Seephyogs bsgrigs,ed.Bde skyid(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009).This collection is briefly discussed in my"A Note on the Diffusion of the Translations of the Large Prajnapdramitasutra(Yum rgyas pa)in Early Tibet,"which is currently under preparation.For further remarks on this corpus,see also notes 43-44 of my"Some Remarks on the Textual Transmission and Text of Bu ston Rin chen grub's Chos'byung,His Chronicle of Buddhism in India and Tibet,"which is forthcoming in the Revue d'etudes Tibetaines.
(2)Dha'bzhed,ed.Longs khang Phun tshogs rdo rje,Gangs can rig mdzod 56(Lhasa:Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skun khang,2010);something has gone awry with its table of contents.
(3)The first two were translated and published in facsimile in Dba'bzhed.The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine in Tibet,tr.Pasang Wangdu and H.Diemberger,(O|")sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,Philosophisch-Historische Klasse,Denkschriften,291.Band/Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences of the Autonomous Region Tibet(Wien:Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,2000),23-91,91-105.
(1)See his"Dba'gsal snang gi me che'i lo rgyus skor gyi dpyad brjod,"Krung go'i bud rig pa 2(2005),37-48.
(2)Dba'bzhed.The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine in Tibet,tr.Pasang Wangdu and H.Diemberger,1-14.
(1)See Une chronique ancienne de Bsam yas:Sba bzhed,ed.R.A.Stein(Paris:Publications de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes,1961),54,and Bashi,ed.and tr.Tong Jinhua and Huang Bufan(Chengdu:Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1990),160.That Bu ston is cited in this work seems to have been first noticed in F.Faber,"The Council of Tibet According to the Sba bzhed,"Acta Orientalia XLⅦ(1986),39-40.
(2)For some remarks concerning Dar ma rgyal mtshan,see my"A Treatise on Buddhist Epistemology and Logic Attributed to Klong chen Rab'byams pa(1308-64)and Its Place in Indo-Tibetan Intellectual History,"Journal of Indian Philosophy 31(2003),406 ff.,and also K.R.Schaeffer and L.W.J.van der Kuijp,An Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi'od of Bcom ldan ral gri,Harvard Oriental Series,vol.64(Cambridge:The Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies,Harvard University,2009),3-8.
(1)For these and other calculations,see D.Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"The Dating of the Historical Buddha/Die Datierung des historischen Buddha,Part 2(Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung,Ⅳ,2),ed.H.Bechert(Gottingen;Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1992),263-90.
(2)For the second point,see Schaeffer and van der Kuijp,An-Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi'od of Bcom ldan ral gri,115-193.
(3)Schaeffer and van der Kuijp,An Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi od of Bcom ldan ral gri,105.
(1)Bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 28 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.007916(10),26b[=Thub pa'i bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 31 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.007114,30a,=Thub pa'i bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 24 folios,Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project Reel L493/2,23b].Their minor variant readings are immaterial.Dga'ldan khri pa XIV Rin chen'od zer(1453-1540)mentions a work by Dar ma rgyal mtshan titled Bstan rtsis thub bstan rgyan gyi me tog;see the Bstan rtsis gsal ba'i sgron me,dbu med manuscript in 145 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002324(1),23b.It is possible that this is a separate work on the subject of Buddhist chronology.
(2)Mkhas pa Lde'u,Mkhas pa lde'us mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos'byung,ed.Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs and Nor brang O rgyan.Gangs can rig mdzod 3(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1987),409,follows his remark anent possibly the year 1146 CE with a reproduction of the chronological calculation that Sakyasribhadra had carried out in 1207 while he was at Thang po che monastery.Mkhas pa Lde'u then notes that 385 years of the mngon pa'i dus,that is,the abhidharma-period,had elapsed in an iron-female-hen year.The abhidharma-period begins at 3000AN,so that this year represents 3385 AN.This means that,following the Bka'gdams pa chronology,the year in question is circa 1249,that is,the earth-female-hen year.It is not at all impossible that Mkhas pa Lde'u's original text simply had a twelve-year duodenary notation,that is,a hen-year,which was then later recalibrated into a sixty-year sexagenary notation,hence the potential slippage of a one twelve-year cycle.
(1)See Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"277-8.
(2)See,respectively,H.Bechert,"The Origin and the Spread of the Theravada Chronology,"The Dating of the Historical Buddha/Die Datierung des historischen Buddha,Part 2(Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung,Ⅳ,2),ed.H.Bechert(Gottingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1992),329-43,and Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"266.
(1)A biographical sketch of this man,who is also known as Thar pa gling Lo tsa ba,is found in Bya btang pa Padma rdo rje,Dpyal gyi gdung rabs za ra tshags dung gang ga'i chu rgyun gnyis gcig tu bris pa kun gsal me long,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,2008),73-5.Bya btang pa completed his work,one that was based on several earlier studies that chronicle the history of the Dpyal family,in 1546 at Thar pa gling monastery.Thar pa gling was one of the Dpyal family's"private"monasteries and he compiled his work in part at the behest of a young scion of this family,Ngag dbang grags pa lhun grub rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po(1530-?).
(2)For this man and his dates,see my"On the Vicissitudes of Subhuticandra's Kama-dhenu Commentary on the Amarakos a in Tibet,"Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies,no.5(December 2009),21 ff.,ht(accessed December 17,2011).
(1)See Bcom ldan rigs pa'i rat gri'i rnam thar dad pa'i ljon shing,Collected Works[of Bcom ldan rig ral],vol.Ka(I)(Lhasa:Khams sprul Bsod nams don grub,2006),80.
(2)A slightly incomplete manuscript of the catalog can now be downloaded from tbrc.org at W2CZ7507;for some preliminary notes on this work,see my"The Tshad ma V byung tshul chad nyan gyi rgyun:A Tibetan History of Indian Buddhist Pramanavada,"Festschrift Klaus Bruhn,ed.N.Balbir and J.K.Bautze(Reinbek;Dr.Inge Wezler Verlag fur Orientalische Fachpublikationen,1994),388-92.For the second,see especially Mimaki Katsumi,Blo gsal grub mtha'(Kyoto:Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyuso,1982).We also learn from the colophon of his grub mtha'text that another important teacher of his was Mchims'Jam pa'i dbyangs-he should not be confused,as is so often done,with Mchims Nam mkha'grags(1210-1285),his more famous contemporary and the seventh abbot of the Bka'gdams pa monastery of Snar thang-,who was the author of a very well known Abhidharmakosa commentary for which see,for example,the edition in Mdzod'grel mngon pa'i rgyan(Xining:Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang,1989).
(3)See his"Two Minor Works Ascribed to Dbus pa Blo gsal,"Tibetan Studies.Proceedings of the 5~(th)Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies Narita 1989,vol.2,ed.Sh.Ihara and Z.Yamaguchi(Narita:Naritasan Shinashoji,1992),591-8,and"Dbus pa blo gsal no'Shin kyu goi shu'—koteibon shoko'[The Brda gsar rnying gi rnam par dbye ba of Dbus pa Blo gsal-a First Attempt at a Critical Edition],"Asian Languages and General Linguistics.Festschrift for Professor Tatsuo Nishida on the Occasion of His 60'*Birthday(Tokyo:?publ.,1990),17—54.For similar texts with different titles that are equally ascribed to Dbus pa Blo gsal,see my"Some Remarks on the Meaning and Use of the Tibetan Word bam po,"Zangxue xuekan 5(2009),128,note 2.
(4)See,respectively,the Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.89,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),263-398,and 399-442.
(1)Rtsis kyi man ngag nyin byed snang ba'i rnam'grel gser gyi shing rta,Collected Works,vol.IV(Dehra Dun:Mindrolling Monastery,?1999),57a-b[=ed.Bsod nams phun tshogs(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1983),75].
(2)See above n.22.
(3)See Ngag dbang bio bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar,vol.3(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1991),440[=Collected Works,ed.Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang,vol.7(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2009),328].
(1)The commentary in question cannot have been his interlinear commentary(mchan'grel)on the Phyi rgyud,the Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngag gi rgyud las dum bu bzhi pa phyi ma i rgyud kyi mchan grel bka phreng mun sel sgron me,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib jug khang,Arura vol:31(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005),145-644,since he completed it in 1690.Dalai Lama V affixes the phrase dar khan thing gir e chen o tho che khan to"Dar mo Sman rams pa"-see the reference in n.24.Of course,dar mo is the name of a place that is located in Lho kha and sman rams pa is a title that would mean something like"expert physician."Uniquely occurring in this passage of the autobiography,dar khan thing gir e chen o tho che khan is a Mongol title,which he may have received from Gushri Qan's(d.1655)son Dayan Qan or indeed from the Manchu court.It probably reflects darqan tengker ejen otuei qan-ejen otuei qan reflects Tibetan rje sman bla-,and the entire phrase would mean something like"enduring tax-exempted lord chief physician."True,dar khan frequently occurs in the autobiography and is associated with an official seal(dar khan gyi tham ka)or document(dar khan gyi yi ge);see,respectively,Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar,vol.2(Lhasa;Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1991),157,469[=Collected Works,ed.Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang,vol.6(Beijing;Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2009),115,343].
(2)See the'Dus pa mdo dbang gi bla ma brgyud pa'i rnam thar ngo mtshar dad pa'i phreng ba(Lch,1972),1-425.The author completed this work in 1681,the very same year in which it was printed.In the printer's colophon on p.425,Dalai Lama V signs himself as the Crazy Tantrist of Za hor(za hor gyi sngags smyon)Zil gnon bzhad pa rtsal,the latter being the name most probably Zur Thams cad mkhyen pa Chos dbyings rang grol(1604-69)had given him upon his initiation into the'Dus pa mdo mysteries.
(3)See Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Kalenderrechnung,Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland,Supplement Band 16(Wiesbaden;Franz Steiner Verlag,1973),*66*.
(1)Rtsis la'khrul ba sel ba[1466?Rtsed/Rtses thang/Sne'u gdong print],14b-5a.The opening phrase is:'chims nam mkha'grags la sogs pa kha cig gi bzhed pas ni/.
(2)'Bras spungs dgon du bzhugs su gsol ba'i dpe rnying dkar chag,Smad cha[2],ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),1677,no.019093.
(3)Mchims nam mkha'grags kyi rnam thar,dbu can text in 50 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002806(13),38a-b;on fol.16b,we read that he learned Kalacakra-based computational astronomy from a Gdong lung pa Nam mkha'rdo rje.This tallies with Mchims'record of teachings received,for which see Mkhan po phyims[read:mchims]pa'i gsan yig,Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.61,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhizb'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),46;part of his name is here spelled Sdong lung pa.The authorship of Mkhan po chen po rnam par thar pa'i gsan yig in Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.61,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),7-34,was wrongly identified.This work is not Mchims',but Skyo ston's gsan yig.Further,on the final page there is a note to the effect that this manuscript had apparently at one time belonged to a certain Rtsed pa Bsod nams blo gros.
(4)Rtsis la'khrul pa sel ba,20b.
(5)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las'byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung[Dga'ldan phun tshogs gling xylograph,1681],5b-6a[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2002),7].
(1)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las'byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung,4b-5b[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa,5-6].This seminary was most certainly located in Snar thang.
(2)See above n.22.
(3)See P.K.S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography,The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,Asiatische Forschungen,Bd.128(Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz Verlag,1994),419-427.
(1)S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography.The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,350-8.
(2)The references to these two works that follow are respectively based on Sa skya gong ma rnam Inga'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma las bsod nams rise mo'i gsung pod gsum pa,Mes po'i shul bzhag 8,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007),492-3,and Sa skya gong ma rnam lnga'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma las sa pan kun dga'rgyal mtshan gyi gsung pod gsum pa,Mes po'i shul bzhag 18,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007),292-4.
(1)It is the general consensus that this emperor died in 841,that is one twelve-year,duodenary cycle earlier;see S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography.The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,426,n.1501.
(2)This seems to refer to Bkra shis mgon and his elder and younger brothers Pal byin mgon and Leg gtsug mgon,according to the orthography in J.Hackin,Formulaire Sanscrit-Tibetain du Xe Siecle(Paris:Librairie P.Guenther,1924),18;the Formulaire was recently revisited in M.Kapstein,"New Light on an Old Friend:PT 849Reconsidered,"Tibetan Buddhist Literature and Praxis:Studies in its Formative Period,900-1400,ed.R.M.Davidson and Chr.K.Wedemeyer(Leiden:Brill,2006),9-30.Other sources such as the early thirteenth century religious chronicle by Lde'u Jo sras and the religious chronicle of Mkhas pa Lde'u have respectively Dpal gyi mgon and Lde gtsug mgon,and Dpal mgon and Gtsug lde mgon;see the Lde'u chos'byung,ed.Chos'joms(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1987),146,and the Mkhas pa lde'u mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos byung,380.Both Lde'u Jo sras and Mkhas pa Lde'u belonged to the Old(rnying ma)school.
(1)Lha bla ma refers of course to Lha bla ma Ye shes'od(947-1019/24)and his sons Khri lde mgon btsan(?-1023),alias De ba ra dza,and Lha'khor btsan(988-1026),alias Na ga ra dza.For them,their dates,and the significance of the year 1016 in which Lha'khor btsan was ordained and named Na ga ra dza,see the detailed remarks in R.Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa(Dharamsala:Tho ling gtsug lag khang lo gcig stong'khor ba'i rjes dran mdzad sgo'i go sgrig tshogs chung,1996),183,n.257,241-2.Not available to Vitali was Gu ge Pan chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan's(1415-86)1480biography of Lha bla ma which adds some interesting details and differs in some places from what he was able to ascertain from his sources;see the Lha bla ma ye shes'od kyi rnam[s]thar,6a,24a-b.This work was written at Lha bla ma's see of Mtho gling.My thanks go out to Mr.Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal for sharing with me his copy of this valuable dbu med manuscript in 41 folios.There,the elder son is called Lha lde mgon btsan and we learn that,in 996,he was ordained a monk by Paridita Dharmaphala and Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang po(959-1055),and that he was killed(grongs)by an unspecified agent in 1027.Lha'khor btsan,on the other hand,received his layman's vows in 998 at which time he was given the name in religion of Na ga ra dza.When his older brother was murdered a full eleven years(lo ngo bo bcu gcig)after his ordination in 1016,"he guarded for a full four years(lo ngo 4)the Teaching."We are now in 1031.The text then states:nga Inga pa la ri'i gnas su zhi bar gshegs so//,that is,perhaps,"in his fifty-fifth[year,1032]he peacefully passed away(zhi bar gshegs)in Ri'i gnas."In 1488,Gu ge Pan chen's disciple'Jam dbyangs Nam mkha'bstan pa wrote a brief study of his master's life,for which see the Rnam thar dgos dod byung ba,dbu med manuscript in 19folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002813(4).The manuscript contains a post-colophonic note:Icags thang pas sor ma'i'du byed//,which means:"a fingerprint by Lcags thang pa[=?Lcags thang Rab byams pa Byams pa bsod nams(1474-1540)]."That is to say,Lcags thang pa was the owner of the original manuscript.Lastly,for Rum country,see Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa,252 ff.
(2)Lo tsa ba Chos dpal wrongly identified him as[Spyan snga]Tshul khrims'bar whose dates are 1033 or 1038 to1093 or 1103;see Hong rmin zhin[Huang Mingxin]and Zhe Hru'u cing[Xie Shuqing],Bstan rtsis ka phreng lag deb(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2000),319.
(3)A very similar entry is already found in Slob dpon Bsod nams rtse mo,1167/8 study of the Buddha's life and Buddhism,for which see note 37:the text has the reading:-stod kyi chos nyan pa'i ras'dzims su brtsis pas….Dated the same time,the xylograph of its cognate passage in Sa skya Pandita's biography of Rje btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan,for which see note 37,has on the other hand:…stod kyi chos nyan pa'i sar'dzom dus su brtsis pa na/….Inserting dus between Bsod nams rtse mo's'dzims and su,Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa,295,n.456,translated the phrase as"…cotton clad practitioners were listening to sTod kyi Chos.As for the calculation...."This passage is also quoted in the Rtsis la'khrul pa sel ba,13b:…stod kyi chos nyan pas/ra sa'dzims su rtsis pa na...,and Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung,7b[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa,9],confirms this same reading;it differs only in that it[correctly]has brtsis pa na and includes the gloss"Was it the fire-hen year?"(me bya yin nam snyam).I take the reading of Sa skya Pandita's text to be a lectio facilior,and understand su of ra sa'dzims su as a locative,whereby ra sa'dzims is a place-name,'dzims being a locale associated with Ra sa,that is,Lhasa.This passage,by the way,is omitted from Lo tsa ba Chos dpal's text.
(1)In a note that I had overlooked in my"On the Vicissitudes of Subhuticandra's Kama-dhenu Commentary on the Amarakosa in Tibet,"n.43,R.Kramer,The Great Tibetan Translator.Life and Works of rNgog Bio Idan shes rab(1059-1109)(Miinchen:Indus Verlag,2007),32—33,n.6,already signaled at some length that there were problems with his dates.I hope to revisit the issues surrounding these in a future study.
(2)This must be a sobriquet of Mchims Nam mkha'grags.Mkhas pa lde'u mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos'byung,408-9,is our earliest witness of a notice in which a Chims[=Mchims]had said anent Abhidharmakoia,Ⅲ.99,that3282 years had passed since AN,and that therefore 1718 years remained.The Mchims family was renowned for its expertise in and promotion of the kosa,but it is not yet known why this should have been.If Mchims and Mkhas pa Lde'u followed here the chronology attributed to Atisa,then this Mchims did his calculation in circa 1146 and might therefore be identified as Nam mkha'grags'ancestor Mchims Brtson'grus bla ma.
(3)For this epoch,see A.Macdonald,"Preambule a la lecture d'un Rgya bod yig tshang,"Journal asiatique CCLI(1963),65,and P.K.S(?)rensen,A Fourteenth Century Tibetan Historical Work:Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me long(Copenhagen:Akademisk Forlag,1986),48-9.
(1)For editions,see Newman,"The Epoch of the Kalucakra Tantra,"Indo-Iranian Journal 4](1998),344-5,and C.Cicuzza,ed.,The Laghutantratika by Vajrapdn i.A Critical Edition of the Sanskrit Text,Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVI(Rome:Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e I'Oriente,2001),65.Cicuzza dates the Laghutantratika to"probably the end of the X century"(p.13),and gives as reasons(pp.24-5)that it is quoted in the Vimalaprabha and that there is not any trace of its author's familiarity with the Laghukalacakratantra.
(2)On this,see G.Uray,"The Earliest Evidence of the Use of the Chinese Sexagenary Cycle in Tibetan,"Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Commemorating the 200th Anniversary of the Birth of Alexander Csoma de K(o|¨)r(o|¨)s,ed.L.Ligeti,vol.2(Budapest:Akademiai Kaido,1984),341-60.
(1)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo'i man ngag rtsis kyi bstan bcos kun las btus pa chen po i rgyas grel rin po che'i gter mdzod[print],13b-4a,tbrc.org at W7503.According to the printer's colophon,the printing blocks for this work were carved during Dpa'bo II's lifetime with the financial support of Rdo rje sgrol ma,the"governor"(dpon sa)of Yar stod.The lettering was designed by Sprul sku Karma rgya mtsho,whereas the editor-cum-proofreader was Dge slong Chos rgyal bstan pa rab rgyas.
(2)An awareness of Tibetans having studied with Chinese and Uyghur scholars around the turn of the fourteenth century is a relative rarity in Tibetan literature.For a few notes on this,see my The Kalacakra and the Patronage of Tibetan Buddhism by the Mongol Imperial Family,The Central Eurasian Lectures 4,ed.F.Ventura(Bloomington:Department of Central Eurasian Studies,Indiana University,2004).55-7.
(3)See,respectively,Mdo smad chos'byung,ed.Smon lam rgya mtsho(Lanzhou;Gan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1982),7,and Dpe rgyun dkon'ga'zhig gi tho yig don gnyer yid kyi kun+da bzhad pa'i zla'od bum gyi snye ma,Collected Works,vol.7(Lhasa Zhol xylograph,1943),415.
(1)For what follows,see Sog yul sags nas mdo sngags kyi gnad mams la dri ba thung ngu byung rigs mams kyi dri ba dang dri lan phyogs gcig tu bsdebs pa,Collected Works,vol.2(Dharamsala:Library of Tibetan Works and Archives,1985),278-9.
(2)I have no idea who this might be.
(1)See
(2)Dha'bzhed,ed.Longs khang Phun tshogs rdo rje,Gangs can rig mdzod 56(Lhasa:Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skun khang,2010);something has gone awry with its table of contents.
(3)The first two were translated and published in facsimile in Dba'bzhed.The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine in Tibet,tr.Pasang Wangdu and H.Diemberger,(O|")sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,Philosophisch-Historische Klasse,Denkschriften,291.Band/Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences of the Autonomous Region Tibet(Wien:Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,2000),23-91,91-105.
(1)See his"Dba'gsal snang gi me che'i lo rgyus skor gyi dpyad brjod,"Krung go'i bud rig pa 2(2005),37-48.
(2)Dba'bzhed.The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine in Tibet,tr.Pasang Wangdu and H.Diemberger,1-14.
(1)See Une chronique ancienne de Bsam yas:Sba bzhed,ed.R.A.Stein(Paris:Publications de l'Institut des Hautes Etudes,1961),54,and Bashi,ed.and tr.Tong Jinhua and Huang Bufan(Chengdu:Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1990),160.That Bu ston is cited in this work seems to have been first noticed in F.Faber,"The Council of Tibet According to the Sba bzhed,"Acta Orientalia XLⅦ(1986),39-40.
(2)For some remarks concerning Dar ma rgyal mtshan,see my"A Treatise on Buddhist Epistemology and Logic Attributed to Klong chen Rab'byams pa(1308-64)and Its Place in Indo-Tibetan Intellectual History,"Journal of Indian Philosophy 31(2003),406 ff.,and also K.R.Schaeffer and L.W.J.van der Kuijp,An Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi'od of Bcom ldan ral gri,Harvard Oriental Series,vol.64(Cambridge:The Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies,Harvard University,2009),3-8.
(1)For these and other calculations,see D.Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"The Dating of the Historical Buddha/Die Datierung des historischen Buddha,Part 2(Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung,Ⅳ,2),ed.H.Bechert(Gottingen;Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1992),263-90.
(2)For the second point,see Schaeffer and van der Kuijp,An-Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi'od of Bcom ldan ral gri,115-193.
(3)Schaeffer and van der Kuijp,An Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist Literature.The Bstan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi od of Bcom ldan ral gri,105.
(1)Bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 28 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.007916(10),26b[=Thub pa'i bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 31 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.007114,30a,=Thub pa'i bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog,dbu med manuscript in 24 folios,Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project Reel L493/2,23b].Their minor variant readings are immaterial.Dga'ldan khri pa XIV Rin chen'od zer(1453-1540)mentions a work by Dar ma rgyal mtshan titled Bstan rtsis thub bstan rgyan gyi me tog;see the Bstan rtsis gsal ba'i sgron me,dbu med manuscript in 145 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002324(1),23b.It is possible that this is a separate work on the subject of Buddhist chronology.
(2)Mkhas pa Lde'u,Mkhas pa lde'us mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos'byung,ed.Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs and Nor brang O rgyan.Gangs can rig mdzod 3(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1987),409,follows his remark anent possibly the year 1146 CE with a reproduction of the chronological calculation that Sakyasribhadra had carried out in 1207 while he was at Thang po che monastery.Mkhas pa Lde'u then notes that 385 years of the mngon pa'i dus,that is,the abhidharma-period,had elapsed in an iron-female-hen year.The abhidharma-period begins at 3000AN,so that this year represents 3385 AN.This means that,following the Bka'gdams pa chronology,the year in question is circa 1249,that is,the earth-female-hen year.It is not at all impossible that Mkhas pa Lde'u's original text simply had a twelve-year duodenary notation,that is,a hen-year,which was then later recalibrated into a sixty-year sexagenary notation,hence the potential slippage of a one twelve-year cycle.
(1)See Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"277-8.
(2)See,respectively,H.Bechert,"The Origin and the Spread of the Theravada Chronology,"The Dating of the Historical Buddha/Die Datierung des historischen Buddha,Part 2(Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung,Ⅳ,2),ed.H.Bechert(Gottingen:Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1992),329-43,and Seyfort Ruegg,"Notes on some Indian and Tibetan Reckonings of the Buddha's Nirvana and the Duration of his Teaching,"266.
(1)A biographical sketch of this man,who is also known as Thar pa gling Lo tsa ba,is found in Bya btang pa Padma rdo rje,Dpyal gyi gdung rabs za ra tshags dung gang ga'i chu rgyun gnyis gcig tu bris pa kun gsal me long,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,2008),73-5.Bya btang pa completed his work,one that was based on several earlier studies that chronicle the history of the Dpyal family,in 1546 at Thar pa gling monastery.Thar pa gling was one of the Dpyal family's"private"monasteries and he compiled his work in part at the behest of a young scion of this family,Ngag dbang grags pa lhun grub rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po(1530-?).
(2)For this man and his dates,see my"On the Vicissitudes of Subhuticandra's Kama-dhenu Commentary on the Amarakos a in Tibet,"Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies,no.5(December 2009),21 ff.,ht(accessed December 17,2011).
(1)See Bcom ldan rigs pa'i rat gri'i rnam thar dad pa'i ljon shing,Collected Works[of Bcom ldan rig ral],vol.Ka(I)(Lhasa:Khams sprul Bsod nams don grub,2006),80.
(2)A slightly incomplete manuscript of the catalog can now be downloaded from tbrc.org at W2CZ7507;for some preliminary notes on this work,see my"The Tshad ma V byung tshul chad nyan gyi rgyun:A Tibetan History of Indian Buddhist Pramanavada,"Festschrift Klaus Bruhn,ed.N.Balbir and J.K.Bautze(Reinbek;Dr.Inge Wezler Verlag fur Orientalische Fachpublikationen,1994),388-92.For the second,see especially Mimaki Katsumi,Blo gsal grub mtha'(Kyoto:Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyuso,1982).We also learn from the colophon of his grub mtha'text that another important teacher of his was Mchims'Jam pa'i dbyangs-he should not be confused,as is so often done,with Mchims Nam mkha'grags(1210-1285),his more famous contemporary and the seventh abbot of the Bka'gdams pa monastery of Snar thang-,who was the author of a very well known Abhidharmakosa commentary for which see,for example,the edition in Mdzod'grel mngon pa'i rgyan(Xining:Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang,1989).
(3)See his"Two Minor Works Ascribed to Dbus pa Blo gsal,"Tibetan Studies.Proceedings of the 5~(th)Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies Narita 1989,vol.2,ed.Sh.Ihara and Z.Yamaguchi(Narita:Naritasan Shinashoji,1992),591-8,and"Dbus pa blo gsal no'Shin kyu goi shu'—koteibon shoko'[The Brda gsar rnying gi rnam par dbye ba of Dbus pa Blo gsal-a First Attempt at a Critical Edition],"Asian Languages and General Linguistics.Festschrift for Professor Tatsuo Nishida on the Occasion of His 60'*Birthday(Tokyo:?publ.,1990),17—54.For similar texts with different titles that are equally ascribed to Dbus pa Blo gsal,see my"Some Remarks on the Meaning and Use of the Tibetan Word bam po,"Zangxue xuekan 5(2009),128,note 2.
(4)See,respectively,the Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.89,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),263-398,and 399-442.
(1)Rtsis kyi man ngag nyin byed snang ba'i rnam'grel gser gyi shing rta,Collected Works,vol.IV(Dehra Dun:Mindrolling Monastery,?1999),57a-b[=ed.Bsod nams phun tshogs(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1983),75].
(2)See above n.22.
(3)See Ngag dbang bio bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar,vol.3(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1991),440[=Collected Works,ed.Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang,vol.7(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2009),328].
(1)The commentary in question cannot have been his interlinear commentary(mchan'grel)on the Phyi rgyud,the Bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngag gi rgyud las dum bu bzhi pa phyi ma i rgyud kyi mchan grel bka phreng mun sel sgron me,ed.Mtsho sngon zhing chen bod kyi gso rig zhib jug khang,Arura vol:31(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2005),145-644,since he completed it in 1690.Dalai Lama V affixes the phrase dar khan thing gir e chen o tho che khan to"Dar mo Sman rams pa"-see the reference in n.24.Of course,dar mo is the name of a place that is located in Lho kha and sman rams pa is a title that would mean something like"expert physician."Uniquely occurring in this passage of the autobiography,dar khan thing gir e chen o tho che khan is a Mongol title,which he may have received from Gushri Qan's(d.1655)son Dayan Qan or indeed from the Manchu court.It probably reflects darqan tengker ejen otuei qan-ejen otuei qan reflects Tibetan rje sman bla-,and the entire phrase would mean something like"enduring tax-exempted lord chief physician."True,dar khan frequently occurs in the autobiography and is associated with an official seal(dar khan gyi tham ka)or document(dar khan gyi yi ge);see,respectively,Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar,vol.2(Lhasa;Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1991),157,469[=Collected Works,ed.Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang,vol.6(Beijing;Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2009),115,343].
(2)See the'Dus pa mdo dbang gi bla ma brgyud pa'i rnam thar ngo mtshar dad pa'i phreng ba(Lch,1972),1-425.The author completed this work in 1681,the very same year in which it was printed.In the printer's colophon on p.425,Dalai Lama V signs himself as the Crazy Tantrist of Za hor(za hor gyi sngags smyon)Zil gnon bzhad pa rtsal,the latter being the name most probably Zur Thams cad mkhyen pa Chos dbyings rang grol(1604-69)had given him upon his initiation into the'Dus pa mdo mysteries.
(3)See Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Kalenderrechnung,Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland,Supplement Band 16(Wiesbaden;Franz Steiner Verlag,1973),*66*.
(1)Rtsis la'khrul ba sel ba[1466?Rtsed/Rtses thang/Sne'u gdong print],14b-5a.The opening phrase is:'chims nam mkha'grags la sogs pa kha cig gi bzhed pas ni/.
(2)'Bras spungs dgon du bzhugs su gsol ba'i dpe rnying dkar chag,Smad cha[2],ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2004),1677,no.019093.
(3)Mchims nam mkha'grags kyi rnam thar,dbu can text in 50 folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002806(13),38a-b;on fol.16b,we read that he learned Kalacakra-based computational astronomy from a Gdong lung pa Nam mkha'rdo rje.This tallies with Mchims'record of teachings received,for which see Mkhan po phyims[read:mchims]pa'i gsan yig,Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.61,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhizb'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),46;part of his name is here spelled Sdong lung pa.The authorship of Mkhan po chen po rnam par thar pa'i gsan yig in Bka'gdams gsung'bum phyogs bsgrigs,vol.61,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Chengdu:Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa/Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2009),7-34,was wrongly identified.This work is not Mchims',but Skyo ston's gsan yig.Further,on the final page there is a note to the effect that this manuscript had apparently at one time belonged to a certain Rtsed pa Bsod nams blo gros.
(4)Rtsis la'khrul pa sel ba,20b.
(5)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las'byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung[Dga'ldan phun tshogs gling xylograph,1681],5b-6a[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2002),7].
(1)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las'byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung,4b-5b[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa,5-6].This seminary was most certainly located in Snar thang.
(2)See above n.22.
(3)See P.K.S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography,The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,Asiatische Forschungen,Bd.128(Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz Verlag,1994),419-427.
(1)S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography.The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,350-8.
(2)The references to these two works that follow are respectively based on Sa skya gong ma rnam Inga'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma las bsod nams rise mo'i gsung pod gsum pa,Mes po'i shul bzhag 8,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007),492-3,and Sa skya gong ma rnam lnga'i gsung'bum dpe bsdur ma las sa pan kun dga'rgyal mtshan gyi gsung pod gsum pa,Mes po'i shul bzhag 18,ed.Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib'jug khang(Beijing:Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang,2007),292-4.
(1)It is the general consensus that this emperor died in 841,that is one twelve-year,duodenary cycle earlier;see S(?)rensen,Tibetan Buddhist Historiography.The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies,426,n.1501.
(2)This seems to refer to Bkra shis mgon and his elder and younger brothers Pal byin mgon and Leg gtsug mgon,according to the orthography in J.Hackin,Formulaire Sanscrit-Tibetain du Xe Siecle(Paris:Librairie P.Guenther,1924),18;the Formulaire was recently revisited in M.Kapstein,"New Light on an Old Friend:PT 849Reconsidered,"Tibetan Buddhist Literature and Praxis:Studies in its Formative Period,900-1400,ed.R.M.Davidson and Chr.K.Wedemeyer(Leiden:Brill,2006),9-30.Other sources such as the early thirteenth century religious chronicle by Lde'u Jo sras and the religious chronicle of Mkhas pa Lde'u have respectively Dpal gyi mgon and Lde gtsug mgon,and Dpal mgon and Gtsug lde mgon;see the Lde'u chos'byung,ed.Chos'joms(Lhasa:Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang,1987),146,and the Mkhas pa lde'u mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos byung,380.Both Lde'u Jo sras and Mkhas pa Lde'u belonged to the Old(rnying ma)school.
(1)Lha bla ma refers of course to Lha bla ma Ye shes'od(947-1019/24)and his sons Khri lde mgon btsan(?-1023),alias De ba ra dza,and Lha'khor btsan(988-1026),alias Na ga ra dza.For them,their dates,and the significance of the year 1016 in which Lha'khor btsan was ordained and named Na ga ra dza,see the detailed remarks in R.Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa(Dharamsala:Tho ling gtsug lag khang lo gcig stong'khor ba'i rjes dran mdzad sgo'i go sgrig tshogs chung,1996),183,n.257,241-2.Not available to Vitali was Gu ge Pan chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan's(1415-86)1480biography of Lha bla ma which adds some interesting details and differs in some places from what he was able to ascertain from his sources;see the Lha bla ma ye shes'od kyi rnam[s]thar,6a,24a-b.This work was written at Lha bla ma's see of Mtho gling.My thanks go out to Mr.Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal for sharing with me his copy of this valuable dbu med manuscript in 41 folios.There,the elder son is called Lha lde mgon btsan and we learn that,in 996,he was ordained a monk by Paridita Dharmaphala and Lo tsa ba Rin chen bzang po(959-1055),and that he was killed(grongs)by an unspecified agent in 1027.Lha'khor btsan,on the other hand,received his layman's vows in 998 at which time he was given the name in religion of Na ga ra dza.When his older brother was murdered a full eleven years(lo ngo bo bcu gcig)after his ordination in 1016,"he guarded for a full four years(lo ngo 4)the Teaching."We are now in 1031.The text then states:nga Inga pa la ri'i gnas su zhi bar gshegs so//,that is,perhaps,"in his fifty-fifth[year,1032]he peacefully passed away(zhi bar gshegs)in Ri'i gnas."In 1488,Gu ge Pan chen's disciple'Jam dbyangs Nam mkha'bstan pa wrote a brief study of his master's life,for which see the Rnam thar dgos dod byung ba,dbu med manuscript in 19folios,Cultural Palace of Nationalities,catalog no.002813(4).The manuscript contains a post-colophonic note:Icags thang pas sor ma'i'du byed//,which means:"a fingerprint by Lcags thang pa[=?Lcags thang Rab byams pa Byams pa bsod nams(1474-1540)]."That is to say,Lcags thang pa was the owner of the original manuscript.Lastly,for Rum country,see Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa,252 ff.
(2)Lo tsa ba Chos dpal wrongly identified him as[Spyan snga]Tshul khrims'bar whose dates are 1033 or 1038 to1093 or 1103;see Hong rmin zhin[Huang Mingxin]and Zhe Hru'u cing[Xie Shuqing],Bstan rtsis ka phreng lag deb(Beijing:Mi rigs dpe skrun khang,2000),319.
(3)A very similar entry is already found in Slob dpon Bsod nams rtse mo,1167/8 study of the Buddha's life and Buddhism,for which see note 37:the text has the reading:-stod kyi chos nyan pa'i ras'dzims su brtsis pas….Dated the same time,the xylograph of its cognate passage in Sa skya Pandita's biography of Rje btsun Grags pa rgyal mtshan,for which see note 37,has on the other hand:…stod kyi chos nyan pa'i sar'dzom dus su brtsis pa na/….Inserting dus between Bsod nams rtse mo's'dzims and su,Vitali,The Kingdoms of Gu ge Pu hrang According to the Mnga'ris rgyal rabs by Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa,295,n.456,translated the phrase as"…cotton clad practitioners were listening to sTod kyi Chos.As for the calculation...."This passage is also quoted in the Rtsis la'khrul pa sel ba,13b:…stod kyi chos nyan pas/ra sa'dzims su rtsis pa na...,and Dpal dus kyi'khor lo las byung ba'i rtsis kyi tshul la yang dag pa'i ngag sbyin pa legs par bshad pa padma dkar po'i zhal lung,7b[=Rtsis gzhung pad dkar zhal lung,ed.Yum pa,9],confirms this same reading;it differs only in that it[correctly]has brtsis pa na and includes the gloss"Was it the fire-hen year?"(me bya yin nam snyam).I take the reading of Sa skya Pandita's text to be a lectio facilior,and understand su of ra sa'dzims su as a locative,whereby ra sa'dzims is a place-name,'dzims being a locale associated with Ra sa,that is,Lhasa.This passage,by the way,is omitted from Lo tsa ba Chos dpal's text.
(1)In a note that I had overlooked in my"On the Vicissitudes of Subhuticandra's Kama-dhenu Commentary on the Amarakosa in Tibet,"n.43,R.Kramer,The Great Tibetan Translator.Life and Works of rNgog Bio Idan shes rab(1059-1109)(Miinchen:Indus Verlag,2007),32—33,n.6,already signaled at some length that there were problems with his dates.I hope to revisit the issues surrounding these in a future study.
(2)This must be a sobriquet of Mchims Nam mkha'grags.Mkhas pa lde'u mdzad pa'i rgya bod kyi chos'byung,408-9,is our earliest witness of a notice in which a Chims[=Mchims]had said anent Abhidharmakoia,Ⅲ.99,that3282 years had passed since AN,and that therefore 1718 years remained.The Mchims family was renowned for its expertise in and promotion of the kosa,but it is not yet known why this should have been.If Mchims and Mkhas pa Lde'u followed here the chronology attributed to Atisa,then this Mchims did his calculation in circa 1146 and might therefore be identified as Nam mkha'grags'ancestor Mchims Brtson'grus bla ma.
(3)For this epoch,see A.Macdonald,"Preambule a la lecture d'un Rgya bod yig tshang,"Journal asiatique CCLI(1963),65,and P.K.S(?)rensen,A Fourteenth Century Tibetan Historical Work:Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me long(Copenhagen:Akademisk Forlag,1986),48-9.
(1)For editions,see Newman,"The Epoch of the Kalucakra Tantra,"Indo-Iranian Journal 4](1998),344-5,and C.Cicuzza,ed.,The Laghutantratika by Vajrapdn i.A Critical Edition of the Sanskrit Text,Serie Orientale Roma LXXXVI(Rome:Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e I'Oriente,2001),65.Cicuzza dates the Laghutantratika to"probably the end of the X century"(p.13),and gives as reasons(pp.24-5)that it is quoted in the Vimalaprabha and that there is not any trace of its author's familiarity with the Laghukalacakratantra.
(2)On this,see G.Uray,"The Earliest Evidence of the Use of the Chinese Sexagenary Cycle in Tibetan,"Tibetan and Buddhist Studies Commemorating the 200th Anniversary of the Birth of Alexander Csoma de K(o|¨)r(o|¨)s,ed.L.Ligeti,vol.2(Budapest:Akademiai Kaido,1984),341-60.
(1)Dpal dus kyi'khor lo'i man ngag rtsis kyi bstan bcos kun las btus pa chen po i rgyas grel rin po che'i gter mdzod[print],13b-4a,tbrc.org at W7503.According to the printer's colophon,the printing blocks for this work were carved during Dpa'bo II's lifetime with the financial support of Rdo rje sgrol ma,the"governor"(dpon sa)of Yar stod.The lettering was designed by Sprul sku Karma rgya mtsho,whereas the editor-cum-proofreader was Dge slong Chos rgyal bstan pa rab rgyas.
(2)An awareness of Tibetans having studied with Chinese and Uyghur scholars around the turn of the fourteenth century is a relative rarity in Tibetan literature.For a few notes on this,see my The Kalacakra and the Patronage of Tibetan Buddhism by the Mongol Imperial Family,The Central Eurasian Lectures 4,ed.F.Ventura(Bloomington:Department of Central Eurasian Studies,Indiana University,2004).55-7.
(3)See,respectively,Mdo smad chos'byung,ed.Smon lam rgya mtsho(Lanzhou;Gan su'u mi rigs dpe skrun khang,1982),7,and Dpe rgyun dkon'ga'zhig gi tho yig don gnyer yid kyi kun+da bzhad pa'i zla'od bum gyi snye ma,Collected Works,vol.7(Lhasa Zhol xylograph,1943),415.
(1)For what follows,see Sog yul sags nas mdo sngags kyi gnad mams la dri ba thung ngu byung rigs mams kyi dri ba dang dri lan phyogs gcig tu bsdebs pa,Collected Works,vol.2(Dharamsala:Library of Tibetan Works and Archives,1985),278-9.
(2)I have no idea who this might be.