古希腊城邦会饮研究
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摘要
会饮是古希腊一种悠久的文化古风,也是流行于社会上层的一种生活风尚,它曾经是专属于贵族的特权,也是男性的世界,具有鲜明的排他性。同时它又是一种独特的社会活动,与古希腊城邦的政治、经济、文化、艺术、社会习俗等有密切的联系,它的形成与发展反映了古希腊城邦贵族与平民、大众与精英、男性与女性、成年与少年等社会关系的变化。通过对古希腊会饮的考察,我们能更好地了解和认识古希腊城邦社会。
     本文主要包括绪论、正文和结语三部分:
     绪论主要阐述选题的目的和意义,研究中使用的方法和创新之处,以及在研究中遇到的困难,并对相关的原始资料和国内外研究状况做了综合评述。
     正文部分包括五章:
     第一章:会饮的起源。盛行于城邦时代的会饮起源于荷马时代贵族首领的酒宴。荷马时代,贵族首领们依据经济、军事的优势在政治上占据主导地位。参加和举办酒宴是贵族身份的象征,是其彰显实力、建立联盟的途径,也是贵族首领们讨论军事、政治事务的重要场所。酒宴还反映了那个时代贵族阶层的道德价值观念,如“虔诚、平等、分享、互助、荣誉”。这些价值观念通过频繁举行的酒宴活动,成为荷马社会道德品质的一部分,进而成为一种卓越的生活方式。这些观念对于希腊人而言十分重要,甚至成为其教育体系的基础。
     第二章:会饮的形成和演变。古风时期,希腊城邦社会发生了剧变,平民力量的壮大、重装步兵的发展使贵族在社会中的优势地位受到挑战,会饮也由荷马时代贵族首领的公共活动演变为贵族阶层内部的、具有一定私人性质的社交活动,也成为贵族与平民斗争的场所之一。这一时期,随着希腊人对外交流的恢复,一些东方习俗进入希腊,饮酒习俗也发生了改变,如:晚餐与会饮的分离;躺在卧榻上饮酒;会饮场所由大厅改在“男人房间”;使用一些奢侈品如香水、花环营造会饮气氛。这些习俗的改变标志着会饮的形成。随着城邦制的发展和成熟,尤其是在雅典,会饮出现了新的发展和特点。会饮活动频繁、娱乐活动增多、出现会饮主持人是古典时期会饮进一步发展的表现。传统贵族色彩淡化、民主氛围浓厚、具有哲学内涵、负面影响增强是古典时期会饮的特点。马其顿在希腊世界建立霸权后,会饮的礼仪规则与马其顿人、波斯人的风俗相结合,形成了新的习俗;会饮所倡导的平等、节制、友爱的传统逐渐被宫廷宴会的奢华、放纵、等级分明所取代,君主、各级官吏、大奴隶主们挥霍享受、讲究排场的宫廷宴会逐渐成为社会上层所热衷的活动。而会饮虽仍然存在于希腊世界,但已经过时,逐渐淡出人们的视线。
     第三章:会饮的程序与特征。希腊城邦会饮有严格的程序和礼仪,会饮前要做充分的准备,如净化场所和酒具、分发花环等。会饮开始后的第一项内容是奠酒,向神奠酒,祈求神的赐福并保佑会饮的顺利进行。在奠酒的同时,会饮者在音乐的伴奏下,歌唱赞美神的颂歌。奠酒之后是调酒,调酒的比例由会饮主持人决定。会饮主持人是会饮的管理者,他决定饮酒的方式、调酒的比例、谈话的顺序,目的是为了使会饮有序地进行,既使客人尽兴,又避免混乱和争执。节制饮酒、举止得体是好会饮的标准。会饮中,客人们在饮酒的同时,也会以各种活动消遣娱乐,如诗歌吟唱、音乐舞蹈、竞技游戏、猜谜、讲笑话等,其中,最引人入胜的是充满睿智的哲学会谈。
     会饮是古希腊城邦一项独特的社会活动,具有鲜明的特征。首先,会饮活动是一种介于城邦公共活动和家庭私人生活之间的一种中间性的活动,具有半公开半私人的性质。在固定的团体中,会饮中的一切活动对所有参与者开放,属于一种公共活动;对团体之外的人而言,会饮则是一种私人性质的活动,它将团体之外的所有人排除在外。其次,会饮是城邦社会上层的一种生活方式,只有贵族、精英才有能力举办和参加,这种能力包括雄厚的财力、充裕的空闲时间和良好的文化修养。在政治失势、与平民的政治地位日渐缩小的社会形势下,这种生活方式是传统贵族标明身份、显示优越性的一个主要手段,即使是没落贵族也要以参加会饮来显示其贵族身份。再次,会饮中的诗歌轮唱、哲学会谈、游戏比赛等活动无不体现了社会精英们的竞技精神和能力。最后,会饮是古希腊城邦成年男性的世界,拥有高贵身份的女性被排除在会饮之外,反映了古希腊城邦公民中男女两性的分离和隔阂。但是会饮中常常出现女艺人和妓女,她们为客人们提供各种服务,也使会饮成为贵族们纵情声色的场所。
     第四章:会饮与城邦社会。会饮对希腊城邦的政治、经济、文化、教育和道德习俗都有一定影响。作为一种隐秘的政治活动,会饮反映了城邦中贵族与平民的对立与斗争,会饮团体的封闭性则体现了朋党之争的激烈。城邦妇女、平民、奴隶被排除在会饮之外,折射出社会严重的阶级分化。作为一种消费活动,希腊葡萄种植业和制陶业的发展是会饮发展的基础,但是会饮的需求在一定程度上也促进了葡萄酒和制陶产业的进步与发展,双方形成了一个相互促进的良性循环。作为一种文化活动,会饮为多种文化形式提供了展示的舞台,促进了这些文化形式的进步。作为一种教育方式,会饮是希腊城邦上层社会传统道德价值体系保持和传承的重要途径,是青年男子步入社会、融入成年男性社交圈的第一步,是其学习社交礼仪、政治经验、培养道德情操的场所。作为一种社会活动,会饮所遵循的原则反映了城邦所倡导的社会道德,节制、中庸、注重道德修养、崇尚友谊是希腊人为人处世的原则,也是希腊人的生活态度。
     第五章,希腊会饮对罗马的影响。希腊会饮作为希腊文化的一个内容,其影响并不仅仅存在于希腊城邦。在与其他地区和民族文化交流融合的过程中,希腊会饮作为一种生活方式逐渐被一些民族接受并引入,成为其饮食、娱乐文化的一部分。受希腊会饮影响最著的当属罗马人。无论在形式上还是在规则上,罗马人的欢宴都与希腊会饮有着密切的关系。但是二者又有不同,希腊会饮与晚餐分离,而罗马欢宴则与晚餐合二为一;希腊会饮遵循平等的原则,罗马欢宴则处处显示等级尊卑;希腊会饮是建立友谊的重要途径,罗马欢宴的友谊有时表现为“保护者”和“被保护者”的关系;希腊会饮是男性的世界,罗马欢宴则允许女性加入;希腊会饮中体现了希腊社会某些道德准则如节制适度、注重道德修养等,虽然也有罗马人积极倡导节俭、批评奢侈浪费,但是在实际生活中,欢宴却成了罗马上层攀比、夸富的工具。正是存在着诸多的不同使希腊会饮和罗马欢宴成为两种既有密切关系而又有着本质区别的社会活动。
     结语部分通过希腊会饮和城邦公共宴会的比较,认为希腊会饮和城邦公共宴会有许多相似之处,但是二者有着本质上的区别,由于参加主体的不同使二者在城邦中的作用也截然不同。会饮引起的精英阶层与公民大众之间的隔离在城邦公共宴会中得到弥补。
Symposium was a cultural custom and a lifestyle which was popular with theupper strata of the society in ancient Greece. It was a privilege of the aristocrats and aexclusive world only open to males. Besides, the symposium was a special socialactivity, having a close relationship with the politics, economy, culture, art, andcustom of the ancient Geek city-state. Its formation and development reflected thechange of the relationship between aristocrats and the common people, betweenordinaries and elites, between males and females, and between adults and young. Byinvestigating the symposium, we could understand the ancient Greek society better.
     This essay has three parts: the introduction, the main body, the epilogue.
     The introduction mainly illustrates the purpose and the significance of thisarticle, the method used in this research, the novel points of this essay, and thetroubles met in the research process. Besides, the introduction also sets forth thesources and a total situation of the research on the symposium home and abroad.
     The main body of this essay is divided into five chapters.
     The first chapter: the origin of symposium. The origin of the symposium wouldbe traced to the banquet of the noble lords of the Homer Age. At that time, dependingon their superiority on ecnomy and warfare, the noble lords had a leading position inthe political affairs, and the banquet, their main activity in daily life, became theleading one in the public affairs. To the noble lords, the banquet was a symbol of theirnobility, a way to display their power, a means to establish alliance, and an importantplace to discuss the warfare and politics. Meanwhile, the banquet reflected the valuesof the aristocrat class, for example, pious, equal, sharing, helpful and honorable.Through frequent banquets, these values became a part of the common morality and aexcellent lifestyle. To the Ancient Greeks, these points of view were very important,which even turned into the base of their education system.
     The second chapter: the formation and development of the symposium. In theArchaic Age, the Greek city-state underwent a fundamental change. The growth of the demos and the development of the hoplites challenged the status of the aristocrats,and the symposium turned from a public affair of the noble leaders of the Homer Ageinto a private social activity, only for the noble class, which was also an importantarea of struggle between the aristocrats and the common people. In the Archaic Age,along with the recovery of the communication with the foreign world, some easterncustoms were brought in, making the Greek drinking custom changed. Drinking wasnot a part of the dinner. People began to drink reclining on couches. The place fordrinking had moved to "ardon"(man's room). Some luxuries like perfume andgarland were used to create a better ambience. These changes can be seen as thesymbol of the formation of the symposium. As the eastern customs like Persian onesbrought in, and the development and maturity of the city-state, especially theestablishment and development of the democracy in Athens, some new featuresemerged. Symposiums were hold more frequently. More entertainments were added.A host was set up. All these meant a further development of the symposium. Inclassical Age, some new traits emerged. The negative effects were enhanced, thetraditional aristocratical color of faded, the atmosphere was more democratic, andduring drinking there were more and more philosophical connotation in the talk. Afterthe establishment of the Macedonian hegemony, the ritual and rules of the symposiummelt with the ones from Macedon and Persia. The new traits embodied in thesymposium, like equality, abstinence, and friendliness, were supplanted by those likeluxuries, indulgence, and hierarchies, which were belonged to the banquets held inthe palace. Although the symposium did existe in the Greek world, it was outdatedand was out off people's sight, while the ostentatious banquets became more and morepopular to the upper strata, which were usually held by the kings, hierarchies, andrich slaveholders.
     The third chapter: the process and traits of the symposium. Greek symposiumhad a strict process and rituals, preparation must be done before the symposium. Forexample, the place and the drinking wares must be cleaned and the garland must bedistributed. After the symposium began, the first thing was the libation to deities,praying that they could protect the symposium to proceed well. At the same time,people should sing hymns. After that was the dilution. The purity of the wine was decided by the host. To make the symposium go orderly, the host played a role of themanager, deciding the way of drinking, the purity of the wine and the order of the talk.The principle was that the guests could enjoy the symposium while confusion anddispute should be avoided. Abstinence and good manners were criteria of a goodsymposium. During the symposium, guests would have some kinds of entertainments,like poetry singing, dancing, playing games and telling jokes. The most interestingthing was the philosophic talk.
     Symposium was a special social activity, which had some distinctive traits. First,symposium was a activity belonging to both public area of the city-state and theprivate area of people's family life, which means that it was semi-public andsemi-private. To those who could participate the symposium, all the activities wereopen to them, which meant the symposium was a public one. But to those who wereout of the circle of the participants, it was exclusive to them and a private one. Second,symposium was a part of life of the upper strata, which needed big wealth, rich freetime and good literaryand, so only noble men and elites could host or participate. Asthe aristocrats lost their former position in political affairs and the gap between thearistocrats and the common people narrowed down in politics area, the symposiumbecame a main means to show people's aristocratical identity and superiority. Evendeclining aristocrats needed to participate symposium to identify their nobility.Thirdly, during the symposium, all the activities like singing drinking songs, talkingabout philosophy, and playing games reflected the contending spirit and ability of thesocial elites. At last, symposium was a world of male. Even some female who had anoble identity was excluded, which reflects the sexism in the Greek city-state.However, some hetaera or femal performers were present to entertain the participants,which made the symposium a indulgent place.
     The forth chapter: symposium and the society. In ancient Greece, all the socialelements like politics, economy, culture, education and morality were more or lessaffected by the symposium. As a concealed political activity, it reflected theopposition and struggle between the aristocrats and the common people. Because itwas not open, it reflected some stasis in the city-state. Besides, the exclusion ofwomen, common people and slaves reflected the class differentiation. The grape planting and the pottery industry were the basement of symposium's development, butas a consumption, the symposium also promoted the former's development, whichmade a mutually beneficial circle. As a cultural activity, symposium provided a stagefor different cultures, promoting their improvement. As a means of education,symposium was a way to preserve and heritage the traditional values of the aristocrats,and it was also the first step for a young noble man to enter the community and thesocial circle of the male adults and a place to learn the social etiquette, to extent hispolitical experience, and to culture his morality. As a social activity, the principles ofthe symposium reflected the social values that supported by the city-state. the values,like self-discipline, moderation, morality and friendship, were not only the principleof the Greeks to live, but also their attitude to life.
     The fifth chapter: the effect of the Greek symposium on the Rome life. As a partof Greek culture, symposium's effect not only existed in Greek city-states. During thecultural communication, Greek symposium was adopted by the foreign peoples as alifestyle and became a part of their culture on the aspects like food and entertainment.The most significant effect of the symposium was on the Roman life. The Romanfeast had a close relationship with the Greek symposium either on the form orprinciple. However, Roman feast and the Greek symposium were different in manyaspects. The Greek symposium followed the dinner, while the Roman feast was a partof the dinner. Symposium was under the principle of equality, while in the Romanfeast everything should be for the hierarchy. Symposium was a way to establishfriendship, while the Roman feast was to show the relationship between patrons andproteges. Greek symposium was world of men, while the Roman feast was open towomen. The symposium showed some Greek values like self-discipline and moralcultivation, while the Roman feast was a means for comparison and to displaypeople's wealth, though there were some promotions for thrifty and some criticism onthe luxury and waste. These differences made the Greek symposium and the Romanfeast two social activities. They had a close relationship, but were essentiallydifferent.
     In the epilogue, by comparing the Greek symposium with the public banquet ofthe city-state, it seems that, although they had a many similarities, they were different essentially. Because of the difference between their participants, their effects on thecity-state were also different. The isolation between the elites and common people,caused by the symposium, was remedied through the public banquets.
引文
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    12Robin Osborne, Archaic and Classical Greek Art, Oxford: Oxford University Press,1998.Babette Pütz, The Symposium and Komos in Aristophanes, Oxford: Aris&Phillips,2007.
    3约翰·格里菲斯·佩德利著,李冰清译:《希腊艺术与考古学》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2005年,第241-243页。
    1Boardman John, The History of Greek Vases:Potters,Painters and Pictures,New York: Thames&Hudson,2001.
    2Ian Morris, Barry B.Powell, The Greeks: History, Culture, and Society, Upper Saddle River, NJ:Prentice Hall,2006,p.37.
    3Garland Robert, The Greek way of Life: from conception to old age, Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,1993,p.182.
    4Chester G. Starr, The Economic and Social Growth of Early Greece800-500B.C., New York: OxfordUniversity Press,1977.
    1Austin M.M. and Naquet-Vidal P., Economic and Social History of Ancient Greece: An Introduction, Translatedby Austin M.M., Berkeley: University of California Press,1977.
    2凌继尧:《柏拉图《会饮篇》的戏剧特征》,《艺术百家》,2002年第3期。
    3姚建:《柏拉图《会饮篇》中的政治哲学思想》,《甘肃农业》,2005年第7期。
    1牟春:《柏拉图《会饮篇》中的矛盾和张力》,《兰州学刊》,2009年第6期。
    2维兰德著,朱雁冰译:《色诺芬的《会饮》:对话体戏剧叙事的典范》,见刘小枫、昔阳主编:《色诺芬的《会饮》》,北京:华夏出版社,2005年版,第141页。
    3施特劳斯著,田立年译:《色诺芬的《会饮》》,见刘小枫、昔阳主编:《色诺芬的《会饮》》,第227页。
    4巴雷特著,田立年译:《论色诺芬的《会饮》》,见刘小枫、昔阳主编:《色诺芬的《会饮》》,第259页。
    1Homer,Iliad, II,410-425.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译《伊利亚特》,第45-46页。
    2Homer,Odyssey, XII,422.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第300页。
    3希罗多德提到斯巴达人克列欧美涅斯与斯奇提亚人交往,结果喝不调水的烈酒,结果疯了。(Herodotus,VI,84.)所以,希腊人认为纯酒不是凡人喝的,只能用于祭祀神灵。
    4Homer, Odyssey, IX,7-11.
    1Homer, Iliad, I,470-474.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译《伊利亚特》,第23页。
    2Homer, Iliad, IX,173-177.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译《伊利亚特》,第212页。
    3Homer, Iliad, IX,201-204.
    4Hesiod, Works and Days,593.
    5Homer, XXIII,257-897.
    6Homer, Iliad, I,600—604.
    7Homer, Odyssey, I,123—155, IV,15—29, VIII,40—60.
    1Homer, Odyssey, I,152.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第6页。
    2Homer, Iliad, XII,310-315.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第304页。
    3Homer, Iliad, X,149-152.
    4Homer, Iliad, II,403-409.
    1Homer, Odyssey, IV,59-64.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第55页。
    2Homer, Odyssey, XI,184-187.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第200-201页。
    3Homer, Odyssey, XIV,405-410.
    4Homer, Odyssey, IX,7-11.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第152页。
    5Homer, Iliad, IV,326-348.
    6Homer, Iliad,VII,313-342.
    1Homer, Iliad, IX,89-113.
    2Homer, Iliad, IX,68-70.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第208页。
    3Homer, Iliad, IX,70—73.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第209页。
    1Homer, Odyssey,VII,170—230.
    2Homer, Odyssey, VIII,46—60.
    3M.I.Finley, The World of Odeysseus, p.124.
    1Homer, Iliad, XXII,498.
    2M.I. Finley, The World of Odeysseus, p.126.
    3提坦女神,曾是宙斯的妻子。
    4Homer, Iliad, XV,95-99.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第369页。
    1Homer, Iliad, II,432-433.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第46页。
    2Homer, Iliad,94-96.译文参见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第209页。
    3Chester G.. Starr, Individual and Community: the Rise of the Polis800-500B.C., p.28; p.61.
    4裘利亚·西萨、马塞尔·德蒂安著,郑元华译:《古希腊众神的生活》,上海:上海人民出版社,2008年版,第68页。
    1Homer, Odyssey, XVII,481-485.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第329页。
    2Homer, Odyssey, III,345-355.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第47页。
    3Homer, Odyssey, XIII,13-15.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第238页。
    1Homer, Iliad, XII,310-315.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第304页。
    2Finley, the World of Odyssey,p.101.
    3Homer, Iliad, I,116-129.译文参见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第10页。
    4Homer, Iliad, I,136,161.
    5Homer, Iliad, I,186-187.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第12页。
    1Homer, Iliad, IX,70-78.
    2Homer, Iliad,VII,321-322.
    3荷马时代的礼物通常不涉及直接的交换,它首先是一种竞争慷慨程度的表现。直接的回报是获得新闻和故事的快乐,但它为将来创造了一种联系。在酒宴中互赠礼物不仅是维持双方之间日后的联系,而且还存在竞争意义,是主人显示慷慨、维持自身荣誉的手段。(奥斯温·默里著,晏绍祥译:《早期希腊》,上海:上海人民出版社,2008年版,第42页。)
    4Homer, Iliad, IX,98-120.
    5Ezio Pellizer,“Outlines of a Morphology of Sympotic Entertainment”, in Oswyn Murray, Sympotica: ASymposium on the Symposion, p.177.关于荷马时代酒宴所形成的价值观,斯拉特认为《奥德赛》中,不存在会饮,但是已经形成了与会饮有关的伦理价值观。(W.F.Slater,“Sympotic Ethic”, in Oswyn Murray, Sympotica:A Symposium on the Symposion,p.213.)
    1Homer, Odyssey, IX,7-11.
    2Homer, Odyssey, XIV,100-107.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第257页。
    3Homer, Odyssey, XXIV,340-344.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第449页。
    1Homer, Iliad, XVIII,550-552.
    2Homer, Iliad, VI,192-194; IX,574-580.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第150页,227页。
    3Homer, Iliad, IX,121-156.译文参见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,210-211页。
    4Homer, Odyssey, I.306-308.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第12页。
    5Homer, Odyssey, XIII.135-138.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第242-243页。
    6Homer, Odyssey, XIV,285-286.
    7晏绍祥教授认为这一收入方式不大可能成为巴西琉斯解决财政问题的主要来源。晏绍祥:《荷马社会研究》上海:上海三联书店,2006年版,第163页。关于巴西琉斯的收入问题,参见晏绍祥:《荷马社会研究》(第七章),第153-177页。
    1Homer, Odyssey, XVIII,356-386.
    2Homer, Odyssey, XIV,215-234.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第261页。
    3Thucydides, History of the Peioponnesian War, I.9.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第7页。
    4Homer, Iliad, I,290-295.译文参见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第16页。
    1Homer, Iliad, II,819-840.
    2Homer, Iliad, II,225-234.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第38-39页。
    3巴西琉斯与支持者之间的依赖,是由于贵族与追随者之间缺乏永久性的忠诚纽带。宴会和招待男性伙伴成为一个男人获得影响的基本活动。贵族之所以需要支持者,是因为战争、抢劫、和海盗之类的活动需要他们具有从格诺斯(genos)外部吸引支持者的能力。(参见奥斯温·默里著,晏绍祥译:《早期希腊》,第40页。)
    4Homer, Iliad, II,237-238.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第39页。
    1保罗·麦克金德里克著,晏绍祥译:《会说话的希腊石头》,杭州:浙江人民出版社,2000年版,第81页。
    23Homer, Iliad, VI,263-285.Homer, Iliad, XXIV,321-371.
    45Homer, Odyssey, XXII,100-104.Homer, Iliad, I,320-344
    6Homer, Iliad, IX,165-168.
    7Thucydides, History of the Peioponnesian War, I.11.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第10页。
    1关于荷马时代王权的观点,参见晏绍祥:《荷马社会研究》(第八章:巴赛列斯权力的社会基础),上海:上海三联书店,2006年版,第177-196页。
    2Homer, Iliad, II,403-433.
    3Homer, Iliad, IV,45-49.
    1John T. Kirby(ed.),World Eras,Vol.6,p.235.
    1Greek Iambic Poetry, Archilochus, fragments2., translated by Douglas E.Gerber, Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1999.
    2Annette Rathje,“The Adoption of the Homeric Banquet in Central Italy in the Orientalizing Period”, in OswynMurray,Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, p.284.
    1James Allan Evans, Daily Life in the Hellenistic Age from Alexander to Cleopatra, Westport,Conn.:Greenwood,2008, p.94.
    23John T. Kirby (edited), World Eras, vol.6, p.235.
    4John Boardman,“symposion Furniture”, in Oswyn Murray, Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, p.126.
    5Athenaneus, The Deipnosophists,665BC.
    6Homer, Odyssey, III,334-335.Greek Lyric,I, Alcaeus,346.
    1Greek Elegiac Poetry, Xenophanes, fragments,1.
    23Greek Lyric, Alcman,19.
    4Greek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,38.
    5Greek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,38.Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,641e-f.
    6The Oxford Classical Dictionary, edited by Simon Hornblower and Antomy Spawforth,Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press,2003,“andron”.; John T.Kirby edited, World Eras,Vol.6, p.235.
    7Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,47F.
    12The Oxford Classical Dictionary,“symposium”.
    3Plutarch, Table-talk, V,678D.Xenophon, Symposium, II,3.
    4Aristophanes, Acharnians,1084-1094.译文参见《罗念生全集》,第四卷,上海:上海人民出版社,2004年版,第77页。
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,665c.
    67Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,641d.
    8Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,675c-e; Plutarch, Table-talk, III,1,647c-e.
    Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,50.
    9沃奈特认为斜躺着饮酒习俗是希腊共餐的一个根本性的变化,因为它的出现限制了团体组织的大小,更重要的是团体的规模被房间里的交谈能力所限。(Jean-Pierre Vernant(ed.),The Greeks,translated by CharlesLambert and Teresa Lavender Fagan,Chicago:University of Chicago,1995,p.224.)这样的小团体的成员是经过挑选的,只有少部分人有希望被邀请参加这样的聚会。(Nicholas F.Jones,Politics and Society in AncientGreece, Westport,Connecticut London:Praeger,2008,p.86.)
    1Plutarch, Lives,Theseus,25.
    2Thucydides, History of The Peioponnesian War, I,10.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,北京:商务印书馆,1960年版,第9页。
    3Thucydides, History of The Peioponnesian War, I,12.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第11页。
    4Ian Morris and Barry B.Powell, The Greeks: History, Culture and Society, Upper Saddle River, N.J.: PrenticeHall,2006,p.155.
    5Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,140.
    67Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,695f-696a.Homer, Iliad, XIII,129-134.
    1Homer, Iliad, XXII,382-384.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,第560页。
    23Greek Elegiac Poetry, Tyrtaeus, fragments,10.Greek Elegiac Poetry, Tyrtaeus, fragments,11,30-35.
    4Plutarch, Moralia,220A.
    5Thucydides, History of The Peioponnesian War, V.71.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,北京:商务印书馆,1960年版,第404页。
    6Plutarch, Moralia,241F.
    1王敦书先生对德拉古立法曾有深入的研究和考证,为本文提供了重要借鉴。王敦书、刘小荣:《亚里士多德〈雅典政制〉第四章“德拉科宪法改革”说辩误》,载王敦书:《贻书堂史集》,北京:中华书局,2003年版,第558-567页。
    23Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,53-68.Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,183-192.
    1Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,30-38.
    2雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第225页,313页。
    3Arthur Cotterell edited, The Encyclopedia of Ancient Civilizations, Macmilian London: The Rainbird Published
    4Group,1980, p.219.Greek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,13,43-46.
    5Greek Lyric, Sappho,44.
    1Greek Lyric, Sappho,39,94,97,98,101.
    2Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,322. Teian cup:指来自Toes的酒杯。Teos是小亚细亚的一个城市。
    3Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,360.
    4Pindar, Isthmian Odes, II,11.edited and translated by William H.Race, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress,1997.
    5Greek Lyric, Sappho,57.
    6Greek Lyric, Sappho,94.
    1Herodotus,4.152.
    2Ippokratis Kantzios,“Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon”, The Classical Journal, Vol.100, No.3, p.236.
    34Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,75,348.
    5Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,60-68.Ippokratis Kantzios,“Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon”, The Classical Journal, Vol.100, No.3, p.236.
    12Herodotus, VI,103.Ippokratis Kantzios,“Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon”, The Classical Journal, Vol.100, No.3,p.236.
    3学者们认为会饮形成初期具有明显的贵族性。沃奈特认为可以视为是一种媒介,被忽视、排斥的贵族从公共场所撤退到专门的私人世界的一种媒介。之前体现其卓越地位、特殊权利的战争和政治控制如今被运动和会饮所取代,成为其身份的装饰。(Jean-Pierre Vernant(ed.), The Greeks, p.229.)布克哈特说宴饮以及这种习俗很有可能是一种躲避悲观主义的方式,它为人们寻欢作乐打开了缺口,这种放纵有时候是诗意的和美丽的,有时候则是轻浮的。(雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第154页。)
    1“Elite”的定义在古希腊有特定含义,往往指社会中相对较小的子群体。亚里士多德以财富、出身、才德、文化等作为社会精英的标准。(亚里士多德著,吴寿彭译:《政治学》(1291b28-29),第189页。)奥伯尔将社会中的精英阶层分为三种:财富精英指拥有较多财富的人;贵族则以出身列入精英行列,他们热衷于运动和竞技;教育精英则指拥有较高的文化教育背景,尤其擅长哲学和修辞学,并且在公共演讲中有较强的说服力。(Josiah Ober: Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, Princeton,N,J.: Princeton University Press,1989,p.12.)
    1Plato, Symposium,174.
    2Xenophon, Symposium, I,6.译文参见色诺芬著,刘小枫主编:《色诺芬的《会饮篇》》,第14页。
    3亚里士多德的《会饮篇》没有流传下来,但是在雅典纳乌斯的《宴饮丛谈》中曾引用亚里士多德《会饮篇》的内容,因此,可以确定亚里士多德曾有类似题材的作品。Athenaeus, The Deipnosophistae, XV,674-675.
    1Xenophon, Symposium, IX,7.
    2Plato, Symposium,176-177.
    3Plato, Symposium,176.译文参见柏拉图著,朱光潜译:《柏拉图文艺对话集》,合肥:安徽教育出版社,2007年,第199页。
    4Plutarch, Table-talk, I,620-622.
    12Xenophon, Symposium, I,5.Plato, Symposium,176.
    3Plutarch, Pericles,7,1-2.
    4Thucydides, History of The Peioponnesian War, V.71.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第130页。
    1Plutarch,Pericles,4,1-2译文见普鲁塔克著,黄宏煦主编,陆永庭等译:《希腊罗马名人传》(上),北京:商务印书馆,1990年,第464页。
    2Plutarch, Pericles,5,1-2.译文见普鲁塔克著,黄宏煦主编,陆永庭等译:《希腊罗马名人传》(上),第465页。
    1Plutarch, Pericles,7.4-5.译文见普鲁塔克著,黄宏煦主编,陆永庭等译:《希腊罗马名人传》(上),第467页。
    1雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,2008年版,第273页。
    2黄洋:《希腊城邦的公共空间与政治文化》,《历史研究》,2001年第5期,第107页。
    3Thucydides, History of The Peioponnesian War, VI,28。译文参见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第443-444页。
    1Plato, Symposium,177.
    1Plato, Symposium,222.译文参见柏拉图著,朱光潜译:《柏拉图文艺对话集》,第257-258页。
    23Plato, Symposium,176.
    4Plato, Symposium,176-177.Xenophon, Symposium, II,26.
    5Aristophanes,Wasps,1248-1264.译文参见《罗念生全集》(四),第306页。
    1Plato, Laws,666A-B.
    2Aristotle, Politics,1305b,40.译文参见亚里士多德著,吴寿彭译:《政治学》,第255页。
    3The Oxford Classical Dictionary, edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth,“Symposium”.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophistae, XV,674-675,提到亚里士多德的《会饮篇》,据篇名推测可能使用对话体。
    2Plutarch, Timoleon,15.
    1Plutarch, Demosthenes,16,译文参见普鲁塔克著,席代岳译:《希腊罗马名人传》,长春:吉林出版集团有限责任公司,2009年版,第1526页。
    2Plutarch, Phocion,20.
    3Plutarch,Pericles,1.译文见普鲁塔克著,黄宏煦主编,陆永庭等译:《希腊罗马名人传》(上),第462页。
    4Plutarch, Table-talk, I,620a.
    1Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, XXXVI,2.译文参见亚里士多德著,日知、力野译:《雅典政制》,北京:商务印书馆,1959年版,第41页。
    1Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, XXXV,4.译文见亚里士多德著,日知、力野译:《雅典政制》,第41页。
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosopists, X,421.
    1Aeschines, III, Against Ctesiphon,162.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,514f.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, IV,145-146.
    1Plutarch, Alexander,54.译文参见普鲁塔克著,席代岳译:《希腊罗马名人传》,第1250页。
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, I,17-18.
    2Plutarch, Alexander,23.译文参见普鲁塔克著,席代岳译:《希腊罗马名人传》,第1218页。
    3Plutarch, Alexander,70.
    4Plutarch, Alexander,75.译文参见普鲁塔克著,席代岳译:《希腊罗马名人传》,第1266页
    5Plutarch, Alexander,54.
    1Plutarch, Alexander,38.
    2Plutarch, Alexander,67.译文参见普鲁塔克著,席代岳译:《希腊罗马名人传》,第1260页
    3Plutarch, Demetrius,2,19,27.
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,III,126.
    5Plutarch, Alexander,38.
    6Plato, Republic,422E-423D.
    7Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,679A.
    1雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第417页。
    1斯塔尔认为共餐(syssitia)闻名于早期希腊,后来逐渐消失,只是在斯巴达和其它少数地区还保留。会饮则盛行于各地。作者还指出会饮是联系贵族团体的一个强大的纽带。(Chester G. Starr,The AristocraticTemper of Greek Civilization, p.35-36.)
    2Plato, Symposium,174.
    1Xenophon, Symposium, I,7.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,186e-f.
    3Plato, Symposium,175.
    4Home, Odessey, XIX,355-360.
    5Aristophanes, Knights,888.
    6Homer,Iliad, VI,266-269.译文见荷马著,罗念生、王焕生译:《伊利亚特》,2004年版,第153页。
    7Hesiod, Works and Days,723-725.
    8Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,149b-c.
    9Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, IX,409e.
    10Oswyn murry,“Sympotic History”, in Oswyn murry(ed), Sympotica: A Symposium on Symposion, p.7.
    11Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,641e.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XI,502d-503c.
    2Homer, Iliad, XVI,222-232.
    3Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XI,501-502,782.
    4Homer, Iliad, XVI,222-232.
    5Xenophon, Symposium, II,3.
    1Aristophanes, Acharneis,1084-1094.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,665c.
    3Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,641d.
    4Plutarch, Table-talk, III,647c-e.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,675c-e.
    6Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,50.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,16b-c.
    2Homer, Odessey, VII,141.
    3Greek Elegric Poetry, Theognis,757-764.
    4Xenophon, Symposium, II,1.
    5Plato, Symposium,176a.
    6Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,36b.
    7Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,692f.
    8Euripides, Bacchae,284-285.
    9Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,45d.
    10Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,38c-d.
    1Homer, Iliad, IV,202-203.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,675a-c.
    3Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,36b.
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,36c.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,427b.
    6Herodotus, VI,84.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,427c.
    2Greek Lyric, Anacreon, fragment,356.
    3Hesiod, Works and Days,590-595.
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,426e.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,426f.
    6Greek Lyric, Anacreon, fragment,356.
    7Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,426d.
    8Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,728b..
    9Greek Lyric, Anacreon, fragment,396.
    1Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,467-473.
    1Plutarch, Table-Talk, I,620-622.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XI,463f-464a.
    3Plato, Symposium,223.
    4Xenophon, Symposium, II,26.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XI,463f-464a.
    1Plato, Symposium,176.
    2Xenophon, Symposium, II,26.译文见色诺芬著,刘小枫编,沈默译《色诺芬的《会饮篇》》,第36-37页。
    3Homer, Odessey, VIII,43-45.
    4Homer, Odessey, I,150-155.
    5Greek Lyric, Anacreontea,20.
    1Greek Lyric, Anacreon,356.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, X,430a-b.译文参见《古希腊抒情诗选》,水建馥译,北京:人民文学出版社,1988年版,第92页。
    3Greek Lyric, Anacreon,356.
    1Aristophanes, Acharneis,981.
    2Aristophanes, Wasps,1222-1248.
    3Xenophon, Symposium,VII,1-2.
    4Plato, Symposium,176-177.
    5Xenophon, Symposium, II,1-2.
    6Xenophon, Symposium, II,8,11.译文见色诺芬著,刘小枫编,沈默译:《色诺芬的《会饮篇》》,第26-27页。
    7Xenophon, Symposium, II,15.
    1Homer, Odessey, VIII,100-233;XVIII,365-409.
    2Greek Lyric, Anacreon,415.
    3Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,322.
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,666c,667e.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,782e.
    1雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,2008年版,第103页。
    2Plutarch, Table-Talk, I,615B-C.
    3Xenophon, Symposium, IX,6-7.
    1Aristotle, Politics,1337b40-1338a1-5.译文见亚里士多德著,吴寿彭译:《政治学》,第410页。
    1John Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases:The Classical Period, London:Thames and Hudson1989,p.235.
    2Xenophon, Oeconomicus,8.
    3Xenophon, Oeconomicus,9.
    4Xenophon, Oeconomicus,11.
    5Xenophon, Oeconomicus,11.
    6Xenophon, Oeconomicus,8,10.
    1Xenophon, Oeconomicus,13-14.
    2Xenophon, Oeconomicus,2.
    3Aristophanes, Wasps,1222-1248.
    1Aristophanes, Lysistrata,456-460.
    2Aristophanes, Wasps,297-311.译文参见《罗念生全集》(第四卷),第277页。
    3Aristophanes, Wasps,1300-1325.译文见《罗念生全集》(第四卷),第308页。
    4Plato, Republic, IV,420D-421A.译文见柏拉图著,郭斌和、张竹明译:《理想国》,北京:商务印书馆,1986年版,第133-134页。
    5Plutarch, Pericle,5,1.
    6转引自J.K.戴维斯著,黄洋、宋可卿译:《民主政治与古典希腊》上海:上海人民出版社,2010年版,第96页。
    7Plato, Republic,327a-b.
    8Plutarch, Moralia,835c.
    1Plato, Ion,541c-d.
    2Akletoi的意思是不光荣的,声名狼藉的;未被邀请的;这里特指那些在会饮中出现的不受欢迎的人,有时也指那些白吃白喝的人。罗念生、水建馥编:《古希腊语汉语词典》,北京:商务印书馆,2004年版,第31页。
    3这个伯里克利斯不是雅典首席将军伯里克利。
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, III,124.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, VI,237.
    6Xenophon, Symposium,11.
    1Homer, Odyssey, I,105-124.
    2胡庆钧主编,《早期奴隶制社会比较研究》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1996年版,第268-270页。
    3摩尔根著,杨东莼、马雍、马巨译:《古代社会》,北京:商务印书馆,1977年版,第476页。
    4Homer, Odyssey, I,356-359.
    5Homer, Odyssey, IV,120-295.
    1Homer, Odyssey,VII,66-74.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第118页。
    2Hesiod, Work and Days,374-375.译文见赫西俄德著,张竹明、蒋平译:《工作与时日》,第12页。
    3Plato, Republic,395D-E.译文见柏拉图著,郭斌和、张竹明译:《理想国》,第99页。
    4保罗·卡特里奇主编,郭小凌等译:《剑桥插图古希腊史》,第203页。
    5Plutarch, Alexander,38.
    1Herodotus, V,18.
    2Cicero, Verrines,2, I,26,66.
    3古希腊的妇女问题,国内学者已取得了重大研究成果。如郭小凌:《论古希腊人的妇女观》,《学术研究》,2007年第1期,第91-100页;汪树民:《试论古希腊社会的妇女观》,《河池师范高等专科学校学报》,2000年第3期,第5-7页;裔昭印:《古希腊的妇女-文化视域中的研究》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年。这些成果为本文提供了重要借鉴。
    4Hesiod, Theogony,590-600.
    5Hesiod, Theogony,601-612.译文见赫西俄德著,张竹明、蒋平译《神谱》,第44-45页。
    6Hesiod, Works and Days,53-104.
    1Greek Iambic Poetry, Semonides,7.
    2Greek Lyric, Alcman,3.译文引自裔昭印:《古希腊妇女-文化视域中的研究》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年,第27-28页。
    3Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, VII,11.
    1Plato, Meno,72-73.
    2Plato, Republic,452A-456D.
    3Aristotle, Politics,1259b-1260a.
    4Thucydides, History of the PelopannesianWar, II,45.
    5Aristotle, Politics,1275a20.
    6Isaeus, X, Against Xenaenetus, On The Estate of Aristarchus,10.
    1Menander, Perikeiromene,1012-1015.
    2Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, VII,11.
    3Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, X.
    4关于古希腊妇女的教育,本文观点参见裔昭印:《古希腊的妇女—文化视域中的研究》,第124-125页。
    5Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, III,13;VII,5.
    6Aristotle, Politics,1335a.
    7Greek Elegiac Poetry,27;Aristotle, Politics,1335a.
    1Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, VII,5.
    2即使是享受自由较多的斯巴达妇女,在城邦中所受教育也是有限的。斯巴达女子也接受体育训练,跑步、摔跤、投掷标枪等,然而目的不是为了上阵杀敌,而是孕育健康的后代。(Plutarch,Lycurgus,14.)后代属于国家不属于家庭,因此,对女子进行体育训练,根本目的是为城邦服务,而非为了女子本身。斯巴达女子所享受的有限自由来自于城邦特殊的政治体制,不宜看作希腊城邦的普遍情况。
    3Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, III,11-12.
    4Xenophon, Oeconnomicus, III,12-13.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XI,481b-d.
    1郝际陶译,《格尔蒂法典》,北京:高等教育出版社,1992年版,第11-29页。
    2Plutarch, Lycurgus, XV,1.
    3Aristotle, Politics,1269b.
    4奥斯温·默里著,晏绍祥译:《早期希腊》,第35页。
    5The Oxford Classical Dictionary,edited by Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth,“symposium”.
    1Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XIII,600f.
    2Greek Lyric, Alcman,10.
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,26.
    4Greek Lyric, Anacreon,359.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,564a.
    6Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,601a, note b.
    7Greek Lyric, Anacreon,357.
    8Plato,Symposium,219e-220e.
    9Plato, Protagoras,315D-E.
    1Xenophon, Symposium, I,2.
    2Xenophon, Symposium, VI,14.
    3Aeschines, Against Timarchus,137.
    4同性恋在会饮中出现是贵族阶层流传下来的一个习俗,是男子正式成年或者成为宴饮团体一员的一个方式。未成年以前,青年男子不能斜躺在卧榻上,而是坐在父亲或年长的爱人身边。会饮背景下的同性恋常常表现为追求或竞争,而不是征服。(Jean-Pierre Vernant(ed.),The Greeks,p.230.)
    5Greek Elegiac Poetry, Mimnermus,1.
    6Plato, Symposium,184D-E.
    1Greek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,25. Plutarch, Amat.5,751b.
    2Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,1335-1336.
    3Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, VIII,605.
    4Plato, Symposium,181b.
    5Xenophon, Memorabilia, I,2,30-31.
    6Plutarch, Lycurgus,18.
    1Marjorie Susan Venit,“Women in Their Cups”, The Classical World,Vol.92,No.2,(Nov.-Dec.,1998),pp.117-130.
    2雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第154页。
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry,Tyrtaeus,20.
    1Greek Lyric, Scolia.
    2Lissarrague.F, The Aesthetics of the Greek Banquet: Images of Wine and Ritual, translated by Andrew
    3Szegedy-Maszak, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,1987, p.70.
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, X,427d.The Oxford English Dictionary, edited by J.A.Simpson and E.S.C.Weiner, Oxford: Larendon Press,1989,
    5“Cottabus”.
    6Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,666d-668e.Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,479e.
    1Homer, Iliad, XXIII,275-276.
    2Homer, Iliad, XXIII,287-351.
    3Homer, Iliad, XXIII,621-623.
    4Homer, Odyssey, XVIII,365-375.
    5雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第231页。
    1雅各布·布克哈特著,王大庆译:《希腊人和希腊文明》,第232页。
    2Greeek Elegiac Poetry, Solon,15.
    1Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,348.
    1Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,6.
    2Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,667-678.
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,39-52.
    4Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,69-72,75-76.
    1奥斯温·默里著,晏绍祥译:《早期希腊》,第198页。
    2Demosthenes, XXI,47.
    3Aristotle, Politics,1274b,20-25.
    4Aristophanes, Wasps,1248-1264.译文参见《罗念生全集》,第四卷,第306页。
    5Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War,6,27.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第443-444页。
    1Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War,8,53-54.译文见修昔底德著,谢德风译:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,第605-616页。
    2Aristophanes, Ecciesizusae,677-678.
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry, Mimnermus,9.
    1Greek Lyric, Anacreon,348,353.
    2Plutarch, Themistocles,2.
    3Plutarch, Themistocles,5.
    1Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,346. Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, X,430c-d.
    2Plato, Laws,649A-B.
    3Euripides, Bacchae,271-285.译文见《罗念生全集》,第三卷,第363页。
    4Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,628a.
    5Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,693c.
    6Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,693d.
    7Homer, Odyssey,15,371-373.
    8Homer, Iliad, I,24,66-70.
    1Homer, Odyssey, II,201-206.
    2Homer, Odyssey, III,345-355.
    3裘利亚·西萨、马塞尔·德蒂安著,郑元华译:《古希腊众神的生活》,上海:上海人民出版社,2008年版,第68页。
    4Homer,Odyssey,VIII,475-480.译文见荷马著,王焕生译:《奥德赛》,第150页。
    1O.Murry, Sympotica History,载O.Murry主编:Sympotica:A Symposium on the Symposion, p.8.
    2Xenophon, Symposium, VII,1-2.
    1Plato, Symposium,212.
    1Plato, Protagoras,347c-348c.
    2Aristophanes, Clouds,1356-1360.译文参见《罗念生全集》,第206页。
    3Plutarch, Table-talk, I,1,615.
    1Greek Lyric, Alcaeus,130B5-5,72.
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,10.424e-425a.
    3Aristotle, Constitution of Athens,5.
    4Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,773-788.
    5Pindar, Pythian,5,72-81.
    6Greek Lyric, Alcman,1,12.据说阿尔克曼出生于吕底亚(Lydia)的萨迪斯(Sardes),也有人说他出身奴隶,后由于才华卓越而获得自由。
    7Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,497-498;429-438;373-400.
    1Ippokratis Kantzios,“Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon”,The Classical Journal, Vol.100, No.3, p.234.
    2Greek Elegiac Poetry, Mimnermus,14.
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,25-38.
    4Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,563-566.
    5Greek Elegiac Poetry, Tyrtaeus,9; Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics,3.8.5.1116a36.
    1Minor Attic Orators, Lycurgus, Against leocrates,107, translated by J.O.Burtt, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard
    2University Press,1980.
    3Xenophon, Symposium, II,4.
    4Xenophon, Symposium, II,5.
    5Aristophanes, Wasps,1174-1248.Jan N.Bremmer,“Adolescents, Symposion and Pederasty”, in Oswyn Murry (ed.), Sympotica: A Symposium onthe Symposion, p.138.
    1Plato, Laws,643c-d,659d.译文参见柏拉图著,王晓朝译:《柏拉图全集》(三),第389页,407页。
    1Plato,Symposium,184-185.译文见柏拉图著,朱光潜译:《柏拉图文艺对话集》,第209-210页。
    2Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,211-212,335-336,647-648.
    3Xenophon, Symposium, II,26.
    4Plato, Laws,637A-B.译文参见柏拉图著,王晓朝译:《柏拉图全集》(三),第382页。
    1Plato, Laws,671C.译文见柏拉图著,王晓朝译:《柏拉图全集》(三),第422页。
    2Plutarch, Pericles,7.
    3Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,211-212.
    4Plato, Laws,649E.译文参见柏拉图著,王晓朝译:《柏拉图全集》(三),第397页。
    5Plato, Laws,647D.
    1Xenophon, Memorabilia, IV,5,11.译文见色诺芬著,吴永泉译:《回忆苏格拉底》,北京:商务印书馆,1986年版,第173页。
    2Greek Elegiac Poetry, Tyrtaeus,9; Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics,3.8.5.1116a36.
    3Ippokratis Kantzios,“Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon”,The Classical Journal, Vol.100, No.3, p.234.
    1Greek Elegiac Poetry,Tyrtaeus,10,1-2;12,24.
    2Plutarch, Themistocles,2.
    3Plutarch, Themistocles,5.
    4Greek Elegiac Poetry, Theognis,183-192.
    1Herodotus, VI,126-130.译文见希罗多德著,王以铸译:《历史》,第457页。
    2Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists,671E6-7;640D1.
    3Plutarch, Table-Talk, I,621c.
    1Homer, Odyssey, I,374-375.
    2Homer, Iliad, II,507; II,184, IX,293.
    3Homer, Odyssey, IX,335-360.
    1John Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases: the Archaic Period, London: Thames and Hudson,1975, p.35.
    2佩德利著,李冰清译:《希腊艺术与考古学》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2005年版,第189页。
    1尼采著,周国平译:《悲剧的诞生》,三联书店,1986年版,第2页。
    3Horace, Odes, XIX,11-17.
    1Martial, Epigrams, III,50.
    2Plutarch, Cato the Younger,6,67.
    3Plutarch, Marcus Brutus,34.
    4Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights,13,11,2-5.
    5Cicero, De Officiis, I,132-137.
    1Pliny Younger, The Letters, II,2,6,1-4.
    2Cicero, Letters to Friends, III, pp.196-197.
    1Cicero, Letters to Atticus, III, p.214.
    2Pliny Younger, The Letters, II,2,6,1-4.
    3Martial, Epigrams, III,60.
    4Philodemus,33.
    5Catullus,12,1-15.
    1The Greek Anthology, IX,92.
    2参见科瓦略夫著,王以铸译:《古代罗马史》,上海:上海书店出版社,2011年版,第60页。
    3Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights,10.23,1-5; Pliny, Natural History,14.89-90.
    4Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights,10.23,1-5; Plutarch, Quaestions Romanae,265B-C.
    5Isidore, Etymol,20,11,9.
    1John E.Srambaugh, The Ancient Roman City, Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press,1988,p.207.
    2Horace, Ode, III,4,21-32.
    3转引自罗伊·斯特朗著,陈法春、李晓霞译:《欧洲宴会史》,天津:百花文艺出版社,2006年,第23页。
    4Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars,the Deified Julius, I,49.译文见苏维托尼乌斯著,张竹明、王乃新、蒋平等译:《罗马十二帝王传》,第25页。
    1莫尔顿·亨特著,赵跃等译:《情爱自然史》,北京:作家出版社,1988年版,第86页。
    2Suetonius, Live of the Caesars,Nero,VI,31.译文见苏维托尼乌斯著,张竹明、王乃新、蒋平等译:《罗马十二帝王传》,第242页。
    1Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, VI,14,5.
    1如伊杜斯节、诺纳斯节以及一些比赛日等。
    2Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights, II,24,1-5.
    3科瓦略夫著,王以铸译:《古代罗马史》,上海:上海书店出版社,2007年版,第213页。
    1Livy, XXXIV, I,1-4.
    2瓦罗著,王家绶译:《论农业》,北京:商务印书馆,1981年版,第17页,第92页。
    3Plutarch, Pompey,55,1-5.
    1赫·乔·韦尔斯著,吴文藻等译:《世界史纲》,第454页。
    2撒鲁斯提乌斯著,王以铸、崔妙因译:《喀提林阴谋朱古达战争》,北京:商务印书馆,1995年版,第100页。
    3科瓦略夫著,王以铸译:《古代罗马史》,上海:上海书店出版社,2007年版,第185页。
    1Plutarch, Lucullus,37.
    2Pliny, Natural History, XXXIII,135-136.
    3瓦罗著,王家绶译:《论农业》,第2卷,引言。
    4Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights,13,11,3; Plutarch, Table-Talk,66ob.
    5Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, the Deified Augustus, II,74.译文参见苏维托尼乌斯:《罗马十二帝王传》,张竹明、王乃新、蒋平译,第93页。
    [1]Aristophanes, Acharnians·Knights, translated by Jeffrey Henderson, Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press,1998.
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    [24]Plato, Republic, translated by Paul Shorey, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, V,1999,VI,1994.
    [25]Pliny, Natural History, IX, translated by H.Rackham, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress,1999.
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    [30]Sophocles, translated by Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1996.
    [31]Suetonius, translated by J.C.Rolfe, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, I,1998; II,1997.
    [32]Tacitus, Annals, translated by John Jackson, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, IV,1998; V,1999.
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    [1](古希腊)阿里斯托芬:《阿卡奈人》、《骑士》,罗念生译,上海:上海人民出版社,2006。
    [2](古希腊)阿里斯托芬:《地母节妇女》、《蛙》,罗念生译,上海:上海人民出版社,2006年。
    [3](古希腊)柏拉图:《柏拉图对话集》,王太庆译,北京:商务印书馆,2004年。
    [4](古希腊)柏拉图:《柏拉图全集》(三),王晓朝译,北京:人民出版社,2003年。
    [5](古希腊)柏拉图:《理想国》,郭斌和,张竹明译,北京:商务印书馆,1986年。
    [6](古希腊)柏拉图:《文艺对话集》,朱光潜译,合肥:安徽教育出版社,2007年。
    [7](古希腊)《古希腊抒情诗选》,水建馥译,北京:人民文学出版社,1988年。
    [8](古希腊)荷马:《荷马史诗奥德赛》,王焕生译,北京:人民文学出版社,2006年。
    [9](古希腊)荷马:《荷马史诗伊利亚特》,罗念生、王焕生译,北京:人民文学出版社,2006年。
    [10](古希腊)克莱门:《劝勉希腊人》,王来法译,北京:三联书店,2002年。
    [11](古希腊)卢奇安:《对话集》,周作人译,北京:人民文学出版社,1991年。
    [12](古希腊)普鲁塔克:《希腊罗马名人传》(上册),陆永庭、吴彭鹏等译,北京:商务印书馆,1999年。
    [13](古希腊)普鲁塔克:《希腊罗马名人传》,席代岳译,长春:吉林出版集团有限责任公司,2009年。
    [14](古希腊)色诺芬:《回忆苏格拉底》,吴永泉译,北京:商务印书馆,1984年。
    [15](古希腊)色诺芬:《经济论雅典的收入》,北京:商务印书馆,1961年。
    [16](古希腊)色诺芬:《色诺芬的《会饮》》,刘小枫编,沈默,田雁冰等译,北京:华夏出版社,2005年。
    [17](古希腊)希罗多德:《历史》,王以铸译,北京:商务印书馆,2005年。
    [18](古希腊)修昔底德:《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,谢德风译,北京:商务印书馆,2006年。
    [19](古希腊)亚里士多德:《诗学》,陈中梅译注,北京:商务印书馆,2003年。
    [20](古希腊)亚里士多德:《政治学》,颜一、秦典华译,北京:中国人民大学出版社,2003年。
    [21](古希腊)亚里士多德:《雅典政制》,苗力田译,北京:商务印书馆,1959年。
    [22](古罗马)塔西佗:《编年史》,王以铸,崔妙因译,北京:商务印书馆,1981年。
    [23](古罗马)瓦罗:《论农业》,王家绶译,北京:商务印书馆,1981年。
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    [2](美)保罗·麦克金德里克:《会说话的希腊石头》,晏绍祥译,杭州:浙江人民出版社,2000年。
    [3](英)狄金森:《希腊的生活观》,彭基相译,上海:华东师范大学出版社,2006年。
    [4](法)菲斯泰尔德古朗士《古代城市:希腊罗马宗教、法律及制度研究》,吴晓群译,上海:上海人民出版社,2006年。
    [5](英)弗雷泽:《金枝》,徐育新、汪培基、张泽石译,北京:新世界出版社,2006年。
    [6](法)汉斯·利希特:《古希腊人的性与情》,弗里兹(英译),刘岩、王琼等中译,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2008年。
    [7](英)基托:《希腊人》,徐卫翔、黄韬译,上海:上海人民出版社,2006年。
    [8](英)J.K.戴维斯:《民主政治与古典希腊》黄洋、宋可卿译,上海:上海人民出版社,2010年。
    [9](法)莱昂·罗斑:《希腊思想和科学精神的起源》,陈修斋译,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2003年。
    [10](美)路易斯·亨利·摩尔根:《古代社会》,杨东莼、马雍、马巨译,北京:商务印书馆,1977年。
    [11](英)罗素:《西方哲学史》,何兆武、李约瑟译,北京:商务印书馆,2004年。
    [12](英)罗伊·斯特朗《欧洲宴会史》,陈法春、李晓霞译,天津:百花文艺出版社,2006年。
    [13](德)梅克勒:《宴饮的历史》,胡忠利译,太原:希望出版社,2007年。
    [14](德)尼采:《悲剧的诞生》,李长俊译,长沙:湖南人民出版社,1986年。
    [15](法)皮埃尔·布吕莱:《古希腊人和他们的世界》,王美华译,南京:译林出版社,2006年。
    [16](法)裘利亚西萨德、马塞尔蒂安:《古希腊众神的生活》,郑元华译,上海:世纪出版集团,上海人民出版社,2008年。
    [17](法)让-皮埃尔·韦尔南:《神话与政治之间》,余中先译,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店,2005年。
    [18](英)唐纳德·麦肯齐:《克里特岛迷宫》,余瀛波译,北京:新世界出版社,2006年。
    [19](意)维柯:《新科学》,朱光潜译,北京:商务印书馆,1997年。
    [20](苏)谢·伊·拉齐克:《古希腊戏剧史》,俞久洪、臧传真译,天津:南开大学出版社,1989年。
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    [22](美)约翰·巴克勒、贝内特·希尔、约翰·麦凯:《西方社会史》,霍文利等译,桂林:广西师范大学出版社,2005年。
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    [2]胡庆钧主编:《早期奴隶制社会比较研究》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1996年。
    [3]黄洋:《古代希腊土地制度研究》,上海:复旦大学出版社,1995年。
    [4]林惠祥:《文化人类学》,北京:商务印书馆,2005年。
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    [7]王以欣:《神话与历史》,北京:商务印书馆,2006年。
    [8]吴晓群:《古代希腊仪式文化研究》,上海:上海社会科学院出版社,2000年。
    [9]晏绍祥:《古典历史研究发展史》,武汉:华中师范大学出版社,1999年。
    [10]晏绍祥:《荷马社会研究》,上海:三联书店,2006年。
    [11]杨巨平:《古希腊罗马犬儒现象研究》,北京:人民出版社,2002年。
    [12]杨先明:《古希腊生存方式与古希腊文学》,贵阳:贵州人民出版社,2002年。
    [13]裔昭印:《古希腊的妇女——文化视域中的研究》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年。
    [1]傅昱:《古代希腊的酒会》,复旦大学硕士学位论文,2003年。
    [2]郭小凌:《论古希腊人的妇女观》,《学术研究》,2007年第1期。
    [3]黄洋:《希腊城邦的公共空间与政治文化》,《历史研究》,2001年第5期。《从同性恋透视古代希腊社会-一项历史学的分析》,《世界历史》,1998年第5期。
    [4]季秋瑜:《古代希腊的饮食方式和礼仪》,复旦大学硕士论文,2003年。
    [5]李晓丹:《古希腊会饮研究》,哈尔滨师范大学硕士论文,2009年。
    [6]裴雯:《古典所有制形式与古代雅典人的日常生活》,《唐都学刊》,2002年第2期。
    [7]王敦书、刘小荣:《亚里士多德〈雅典政制〉第四章“德拉科宪法改革”说辩误》,载王敦书:《贻书堂史集》,北京:中华书局,2003年。
    [8]杨巨平:《希腊式钱币的变迁与古代东西方文化交融》,北京师范大学学报(社会科学版),2007年第6期。
    [9]杨巨平:《试析“希腊化”时期君主制的形成与特点》,山西大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1991年第1期。
    [10]裔昭印:《论古希腊男人与少男之爱》,上海师范大学学报(哲社版),2007年第1期。
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    2. http://about.com/.
    3. http://www.jastor.org.
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    8. http://www.theoi.com.
    9.中国优秀博硕士学位论文网。
    10.中国世界古代史研究网。

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