垄断资本主导的世界资本主义农业生产方式与粮食危机
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摘要
粮食问题受到国际社会的关注以及保障粮食安全成为国际社会共同追求的目标，源于1972年至1974年爆发的世界范围内的粮食危机，而2008年一场严重的粮食危机再次袭击了整个世界，小麦、玉米、稻米和大豆的农场价格较2005年分别上涨了98%、103%、120%和76%，37个国家面临严重的粮食短缺，全球饥饿人口不断增加，2007年为9.23亿人，2008年9.63亿人，2009年上升到10.2亿，全球许多地区爆发动乱。2011年初联合国粮农组织再次发出警告：2010年粮食价格指数跃增至214.7点，超过了2008年6月创下的213.5点的历史最高纪录，并预测2011年全球粮食价格可能进一步高企，世界可能面临新一轮全球性粮食危机。关于粮食危机爆发原因的探讨是近两年国际学术界关注的热点，但理论界大多数学者都是从分析引起粮食供给与需求变化的角度去考察，认为是世界粮食供求之间出现的结构性矛盾引发了此次粮食危机,并举出了若干导致粮食供求变化的因素。本文认为这些因素只是粮价上涨的直接导火索，是在发展中国家农业生产系统面临被摧毁、世界粮食体系存在诸多不合理等长期问题的大环境下出现的，而造成这一局面的根本原因是垄断资本主导的世界资本主义农业生产方式。垄断资本为了扩大资本输出积极推动农业领域自由化，成功地打开了广大发展中国家的农业市场，进而凭借其强大的垄断实力逐渐控制了发展中国家的农业，并将工业化农业生产方式扩散到全球形成了有利于垄断资本在世界范围内攫取剩余价值的世界资本主义工业化农业生产方式，最终对全球农业格局造成了破坏性的影响,而粮食危机爆发的因素即孕育其中，供求矛盾不过是全球农业格局变迁这一生产关系运动的外在表现。
本题目的研究以马克思主义为指导，在阅读整理大量文献资料基础上,遵循马克思主义政治经济学的研究传统，从农业生产力与生产关系的变化入手，具体考察经济全球化背景下农业垄断资本的活动内容，并上升到理论，提出相应的理论观点。研究过程中，注意吸收借鉴西方马克思主义、激进学派以及其它左派学者的思想，努力运用马克思主义科学抽象法分析资料，以分析生产关系及其制度表现和活动表现为线索，揭示经济全球化背后农业垄断资本对全球农业的主导及其活动规律。本论文注重运用揭示本质的抽象研究方法的同时还注重数量分析以探寻反映农业跨国公司及跨国垄断势力变化的数量表现。通过本论文的研究在理论上充实了有关“国际垄断资本”在农业领域的研究内容，提出垄断资本对农业的控制区别于以往的垄断资本对工业的控制，对垄断资本主导的世界资本主义农业生产方式的形成、发展、特征及弊端进行较全面的分析，为科学地理解此次粮食危机提供了理论依据。实践上，在对农业跨国公司投资我国农业的战略布局进行分析后，提出针对垄断资本投资我国农业的政策建议，并立足我国农业发展状况提出恢复生态农业以确保农业可持续发展的观点。
本研究按照以下八个方面展开。第一章是导论。通过对粮食危机的分析提出问题，并列出论文研究思路、研究框架及创新与不足；第二章沿着历史的脉络剖析以英美为代表的发达国家资本主义农业发展的历程，指出资本介入农业的根本逻辑，即资本主义农业生产是以利润最大化为唯一目的。第三章是第二章所分析的资本介入农业的新的发展阶段。以美国为例分析垄断资本如何借助国家垄断资本主义农业政策通过对农业产业价值链条中农资产品投入、农产品加工、农产品终端销售的控制从而实现对农业生产的控制。第四章考察新自由主义在世界农业领域尤其是发展中国家的广泛推行如何改变了全球的农业格局，并形成了有利于垄断资本的世界粮食体系。并以拉丁美洲为例分析在这一过程中发展中国家原有的自给自足的粮食供应体系如何纷纷崩塌并致使粮食安全的命脉掌控在垄断资本手中。第五章具体对垄断资本全球扩张的驱动力及垄断方式的建立进行考察，并剖析垄断资本主导的世界农业生产方式的性质和特征，指出世界资本主义农业生产方式导致的全球农业格局变迁中孕育着粮食危机爆发的因素。第六章在分析世界粮食危机的发展过程及特征的基础上，对世界粮食危机爆发的根本原因进行剖析，指出世界资本主义工业化农业生产方式对世界粮食供求的长期和短期因素影响的累积效应是此次粮食危机爆发的根本原因。第七章指出发展中国家成为此次粮食危机的最大受害者的根源即在于发达国家垄断资本所主导的不公正的世界粮食贸易体系，并对工业化农业生产方式的不可持续性进行批判，肯定传统农业生产方式的历史合理性及生态可持续性。第八章从剖析农业跨国公司对中国农业战略布局入手，分析农业跨国公司活动给中国粮食安全的破坏性影响，并提出政策建议，同时提出中国农业应根据自身实际情况恢复生态可持续性农业，以确保我国粮食安全。
Food security caused the international community's attention and became thecommon goal of the international community because of the worldwide food crisishappened in1972-1974. Another serious food crisis in2008attacked the entire worldagain. The farm prices of wheat, corn, rice and soybean rose by98%,103%,120%and76%compared to2005,37countries suffered serious food shortages, thepopulation in hunger continued to increase in global,923million people in2007,963million people in2008,1.02billion people in2009, many regions of the worldoccurred turmoil. Early2011, FAO warned again: The world may face a new globalfood crisis because the food price index jumped to a record high. The discussionabout the reason of the food crisis caused a widespread concern in theoretical circlesin the last two years, but most economists considered the structural contradictionsbetween supply and demand as the reason of the food crisis and cited a number offactors leading to the changes of the supply and demand. This paper thinks that thesefactors are only direct trigger to the food crisis which happened in the long-termproblems such as the destroyed agricultural production systems in developingcountries and the unreasonable global food system. The fundamental reason for this situation is that the monopolies opened the agricultural markets of the developingcountries successfully by promoting the liberalization of the agricultural sector, andmanipulated the agriculture of the developing countries with its increasingly powerfulmonopoly power, eventually leading to a devastating impact to the global agriculture.The agriculture multinationals made it by promoting the liberalization of theagricultural sector, and gave birth to the factors leading to the food crisis. Thecontradiction between supply and demand is the manifestation of the movements ofthe production relations.
This thesis take Marxism as the guiding ideology, follow the tradition of Marxistpolitical economy, start with the changes in the agricultural productive forces andproduction relations, specifically study activities of the transnational agriculturalmonopoly capital in the context of economic globalization and rise to the theory, putforward the corresponding theoretical point of view on the basis of a large number ofdocuments. In the process of the study, I pay attention to absorbing the ideology ofWestern Marxism, radical school as well as other left-wing scholars, strive to usescientific abstract method of Marxism to analyze data, reveal the activity patterns ofthe agricultural monopoly capital on the basis of analyzing the production relationsand the system performance. This thesis not only focuses on revealing the nature, but focuses on quantitative analysis to reflect the varieties of the agriculturalmultinational corporations and transnational monopoly power. The study theoreticallyenriches the “monopoly capital" in the field of agriculture， proposes the differencesbetween the control of monopoly capital in agriculture and the control of monopolycapital in industry, makes a more comprehensive analysis of the formation,development, characteristics and drawbacks of the world capitalist mode ofagricultural production, provides a theoretical basis for understanding the food crisis.In practice, this article analyzes the strategic layout of the agricultural multinationalcompanies in China's agriculture, checks the devastating impact to China's foodsecurity, and provides the policy recommendations. At the end, I point the view ofrecovering ecological agriculture to ensure the agricultural sustainable developmentbased on the fact of China's agricultural development.
This article includes eight chapters. The first chapter lists paper ideas, researchframework innovations and shortcomings through the analysis of the food crisis. Thesecond chapter analyzes the processes of the development of capitalism in agriculturein the developed countries, and points out the fundamental logic of the capitalinvolved in agriculture, the capitalist agricultural production is to maximize profitsfor the purpose. The third chapter is a new stage of development of the capital involved in agriculture. This chapter analyzes the monopoly capital how to achievethe control of agriculture with the aid of the agricultural policy of state monopolycapitalism, achieves its control on agricultural production through the control to thefood production chain from seed，purchasing and storage. The fourth chapterexamines the neo-liberal implemented in developing countries how to change theworld's agricultural patterns, and forms the world food system in favor of monopolycapital. In this process, the self-sufficient food supply system in developing countrieshave collapsed, the lifeblood of the food safety is controlled in the hands of monopolycapital. The fifth chapter analyzes the driving force of the expansion of monopolycapital and the way of the establishment of monopoly capital., then analyzes thenature and characteristics of the world capitalist mode of agricultural productionwhich dominated by monopoly capital, at last pointed out that the process of thechange dominated by the world capitalist mode of agricultural production gives birthto the factors leading to the food crisis. The Chapter sixth essentially points out thereason of the food crisis which is the cumulative effect of the long-term andshort-term factors caused by the monopoly capital-led world capitalistindustrialization mode of agricultural production. The Chapter seventh points outthe fact that developing countries had become the biggest victims in the food crisis because of the unjust world food trade system dominated by monopoly capital, thencriticizes the unsustainable industrialization mode of agricultural production andagree with the ecological sustainability of the traditional mode of agriculturalproduction. The chapter eighth analyzes the strategic layout of the agriculturalmultinational companies in China's agriculture, checks the devastating impact toChina's food security, and provides the policy recommendations. At the end, I pointthe view of recovering ecological agriculture to ensure the agricultural sustainabledevelopment based on the fact of China's agricultural development.
本题目的研究以马克思主义为指导，在阅读整理大量文献资料基础上,遵循马克思主义政治经济学的研究传统，从农业生产力与生产关系的变化入手，具体考察经济全球化背景下农业垄断资本的活动内容，并上升到理论，提出相应的理论观点。研究过程中，注意吸收借鉴西方马克思主义、激进学派以及其它左派学者的思想，努力运用马克思主义科学抽象法分析资料，以分析生产关系及其制度表现和活动表现为线索，揭示经济全球化背后农业垄断资本对全球农业的主导及其活动规律。本论文注重运用揭示本质的抽象研究方法的同时还注重数量分析以探寻反映农业跨国公司及跨国垄断势力变化的数量表现。通过本论文的研究在理论上充实了有关“国际垄断资本”在农业领域的研究内容，提出垄断资本对农业的控制区别于以往的垄断资本对工业的控制，对垄断资本主导的世界资本主义农业生产方式的形成、发展、特征及弊端进行较全面的分析，为科学地理解此次粮食危机提供了理论依据。实践上，在对农业跨国公司投资我国农业的战略布局进行分析后，提出针对垄断资本投资我国农业的政策建议，并立足我国农业发展状况提出恢复生态农业以确保农业可持续发展的观点。
本研究按照以下八个方面展开。第一章是导论。通过对粮食危机的分析提出问题，并列出论文研究思路、研究框架及创新与不足；第二章沿着历史的脉络剖析以英美为代表的发达国家资本主义农业发展的历程，指出资本介入农业的根本逻辑，即资本主义农业生产是以利润最大化为唯一目的。第三章是第二章所分析的资本介入农业的新的发展阶段。以美国为例分析垄断资本如何借助国家垄断资本主义农业政策通过对农业产业价值链条中农资产品投入、农产品加工、农产品终端销售的控制从而实现对农业生产的控制。第四章考察新自由主义在世界农业领域尤其是发展中国家的广泛推行如何改变了全球的农业格局，并形成了有利于垄断资本的世界粮食体系。并以拉丁美洲为例分析在这一过程中发展中国家原有的自给自足的粮食供应体系如何纷纷崩塌并致使粮食安全的命脉掌控在垄断资本手中。第五章具体对垄断资本全球扩张的驱动力及垄断方式的建立进行考察，并剖析垄断资本主导的世界农业生产方式的性质和特征，指出世界资本主义农业生产方式导致的全球农业格局变迁中孕育着粮食危机爆发的因素。第六章在分析世界粮食危机的发展过程及特征的基础上，对世界粮食危机爆发的根本原因进行剖析，指出世界资本主义工业化农业生产方式对世界粮食供求的长期和短期因素影响的累积效应是此次粮食危机爆发的根本原因。第七章指出发展中国家成为此次粮食危机的最大受害者的根源即在于发达国家垄断资本所主导的不公正的世界粮食贸易体系，并对工业化农业生产方式的不可持续性进行批判，肯定传统农业生产方式的历史合理性及生态可持续性。第八章从剖析农业跨国公司对中国农业战略布局入手，分析农业跨国公司活动给中国粮食安全的破坏性影响，并提出政策建议，同时提出中国农业应根据自身实际情况恢复生态可持续性农业，以确保我国粮食安全。
Food security caused the international community's attention and became thecommon goal of the international community because of the worldwide food crisishappened in1972-1974. Another serious food crisis in2008attacked the entire worldagain. The farm prices of wheat, corn, rice and soybean rose by98%,103%,120%and76%compared to2005,37countries suffered serious food shortages, thepopulation in hunger continued to increase in global,923million people in2007,963million people in2008,1.02billion people in2009, many regions of the worldoccurred turmoil. Early2011, FAO warned again: The world may face a new globalfood crisis because the food price index jumped to a record high. The discussionabout the reason of the food crisis caused a widespread concern in theoretical circlesin the last two years, but most economists considered the structural contradictionsbetween supply and demand as the reason of the food crisis and cited a number offactors leading to the changes of the supply and demand. This paper thinks that thesefactors are only direct trigger to the food crisis which happened in the long-termproblems such as the destroyed agricultural production systems in developingcountries and the unreasonable global food system. The fundamental reason for this situation is that the monopolies opened the agricultural markets of the developingcountries successfully by promoting the liberalization of the agricultural sector, andmanipulated the agriculture of the developing countries with its increasingly powerfulmonopoly power, eventually leading to a devastating impact to the global agriculture.The agriculture multinationals made it by promoting the liberalization of theagricultural sector, and gave birth to the factors leading to the food crisis. Thecontradiction between supply and demand is the manifestation of the movements ofthe production relations.
This thesis take Marxism as the guiding ideology, follow the tradition of Marxistpolitical economy, start with the changes in the agricultural productive forces andproduction relations, specifically study activities of the transnational agriculturalmonopoly capital in the context of economic globalization and rise to the theory, putforward the corresponding theoretical point of view on the basis of a large number ofdocuments. In the process of the study, I pay attention to absorbing the ideology ofWestern Marxism, radical school as well as other left-wing scholars, strive to usescientific abstract method of Marxism to analyze data, reveal the activity patterns ofthe agricultural monopoly capital on the basis of analyzing the production relationsand the system performance. This thesis not only focuses on revealing the nature, but focuses on quantitative analysis to reflect the varieties of the agriculturalmultinational corporations and transnational monopoly power. The study theoreticallyenriches the “monopoly capital" in the field of agriculture， proposes the differencesbetween the control of monopoly capital in agriculture and the control of monopolycapital in industry, makes a more comprehensive analysis of the formation,development, characteristics and drawbacks of the world capitalist mode ofagricultural production, provides a theoretical basis for understanding the food crisis.In practice, this article analyzes the strategic layout of the agricultural multinationalcompanies in China's agriculture, checks the devastating impact to China's foodsecurity, and provides the policy recommendations. At the end, I point the view ofrecovering ecological agriculture to ensure the agricultural sustainable developmentbased on the fact of China's agricultural development.
This article includes eight chapters. The first chapter lists paper ideas, researchframework innovations and shortcomings through the analysis of the food crisis. Thesecond chapter analyzes the processes of the development of capitalism in agriculturein the developed countries, and points out the fundamental logic of the capitalinvolved in agriculture, the capitalist agricultural production is to maximize profitsfor the purpose. The third chapter is a new stage of development of the capital involved in agriculture. This chapter analyzes the monopoly capital how to achievethe control of agriculture with the aid of the agricultural policy of state monopolycapitalism, achieves its control on agricultural production through the control to thefood production chain from seed，purchasing and storage. The fourth chapterexamines the neo-liberal implemented in developing countries how to change theworld's agricultural patterns, and forms the world food system in favor of monopolycapital. In this process, the self-sufficient food supply system in developing countrieshave collapsed, the lifeblood of the food safety is controlled in the hands of monopolycapital. The fifth chapter analyzes the driving force of the expansion of monopolycapital and the way of the establishment of monopoly capital., then analyzes thenature and characteristics of the world capitalist mode of agricultural productionwhich dominated by monopoly capital, at last pointed out that the process of thechange dominated by the world capitalist mode of agricultural production gives birthto the factors leading to the food crisis. The Chapter sixth essentially points out thereason of the food crisis which is the cumulative effect of the long-term andshort-term factors caused by the monopoly capital-led world capitalistindustrialization mode of agricultural production. The Chapter seventh points outthe fact that developing countries had become the biggest victims in the food crisis because of the unjust world food trade system dominated by monopoly capital, thencriticizes the unsustainable industrialization mode of agricultural production andagree with the ecological sustainability of the traditional mode of agriculturalproduction. The chapter eighth analyzes the strategic layout of the agriculturalmultinational companies in China's agriculture, checks the devastating impact toChina's food security, and provides the policy recommendations. At the end, I pointthe view of recovering ecological agriculture to ensure the agricultural sustainabledevelopment based on the fact of China's agricultural development.
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62Karl Kautsky. The Agrarian Question,volume1，Zwan Publications,1988, p13.
63Karl Kautsky. The Agrarian Question,volume1，Zwan Publications,1988, p19.
64参见列宁在1907年写的《社会民主党在俄国第一次革命中的土地纲领》和1908年写的《十九世纪末俄国的土地问题》.列宁全集（第16卷）[M].北京:人民出版社,1988.
65列宁.社会民主党在1905—1907年俄国第一次革命中的土地纲领[C].列宁全集（第16卷）[M].北京:人民出版社,1988,第205-206页.
66列宁关于普鲁士道路的分析样本是指德国，但他认为英国的农业资本主义道路在本质上与普鲁士道路并没有不同，“在德国，中世纪占有形式的改造是通过所谓改良的方式来进行的，迁就旧习惯，迁就传统，迁就。在英国，这种改造是通过革命的方式、暴力的方式来进行的，但是这种暴力有利于地主，暴力手段的对象是农民群众，农民苦于苛捐杂税，被赶出农村，离乡背井，家破人亡，流落国外。”（参见《列宁全集》第16卷，253-254.这里着重分析英国,因为它是第一个通过农业资本主义实现农业现代化的国家.
67敞田制是相对于圈地而言的一种土地利用与管理制度,属于公共型的共耕地，即封建庄园主将土地分成数量与质量大致相当的“条块”，然后在村民中进行分配，敞田制在英国存在时间非常长,直到19世纪中叶圈地运动的的兴起，敞田制才最终退出历史舞台。参见马克·布洛赫.法国农村史[M].北京:商务印书馆,2007,第63页.
68马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第822页.
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71史美兰.农业现代化：发展的国际比较[M].民族出版社,2006，第9页.
72“大约在1750年，自耕农消灭了，而在18世纪的最后几十年，农民公有地的最后痕迹也消灭了。”参见马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第791页.
73马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第822页.
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75J.H. Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain, Vol. Ⅱ. Cambridge,1952,pp.272-273.
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77英国小麦价格从1750-1789年的31.25-47.32先令升到1795-1804年的65.67-84.85先令，而每个四磅重的面包价格则从4.9-6.8便士涨到8.8-11.7便士.数据来源：R.A. Dodgshon and R.A. Butuin,AHistoricalGeography of England and Wales, London,1978,P.326.
78R.A. Dodgshon and R.A. Butuin, A Historical Geography of England and Wales, London,1978,P.326.
79P. Mathias＆M.M. Postan, The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, Vol. Ⅶ, Part Ⅰ, Cambridge,1978,P.49.
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89诺贝尔经济学奖获得者道格拉斯.诺斯在关于美国土地政策与西部大开发的关系时说“西部土地并不是由国家保留，而是转给私人所有，这种私人所有制对平衡个人与社会的回报是必须的，由此能促进生产与增长。”转引自（美）香农著，诸玉坤等译.农民最后的边疆[M]，美国经济（第5卷），北京：人民出版社，1990，第72页.
90列宁最早从土地产权的角度提出了,“资产阶级的农业演进可以走改良的道路,也可以走革命的道路。客观上可能存在两种资产阶级发展道路,可以称作普鲁士式道路和美国式道路.”参看列宁全集第16卷[M].北京：人民出版社，1990，第204-206.
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134以美国为例，美国国农业劳动生产率在1945一1975年的三十年间平均年增长速度达6%，从而使每一美国农业劳动者生产的农产品所能供养的人数从1945年的14.55人提高到1975年的52.4人。参见兰益江.美国农业资本主义发展出现加快趋势的探讨[J]，马克思主义研究,1985(1)：209.
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156欧盟通常每年要花费400亿欧元用于农业补贴和农民收入补助，占据其预算中很大比例，并且对共同农业政策改革徘徊不前，其目标是扶助一些最大的农业企业；美国则于2002年5月1日由布什总统宣布，将在今后十年内为农民提供价值1900亿美元的一揽子补贴，所有证据显示，欧盟成员国和美国都几乎没有改变保护主义立场，置在WTO协议中所作的自由贸易承诺于不顾。参见：Berthelot,J.(2001)"The Reform ofthe European Union's Farm Policy", Le Monde Diplomatique, April.
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62Karl Kautsky. The Agrarian Question,volume1，Zwan Publications,1988, p13.
63Karl Kautsky. The Agrarian Question,volume1，Zwan Publications,1988, p19.
64参见列宁在1907年写的《社会民主党在俄国第一次革命中的土地纲领》和1908年写的《十九世纪末俄国的土地问题》.列宁全集（第16卷）[M].北京:人民出版社,1988.
65列宁.社会民主党在1905—1907年俄国第一次革命中的土地纲领[C].列宁全集（第16卷）[M].北京:人民出版社,1988,第205-206页.
66列宁关于普鲁士道路的分析样本是指德国，但他认为英国的农业资本主义道路在本质上与普鲁士道路并没有不同，“在德国，中世纪占有形式的改造是通过所谓改良的方式来进行的，迁就旧习惯，迁就传统，迁就。在英国，这种改造是通过革命的方式、暴力的方式来进行的，但是这种暴力有利于地主，暴力手段的对象是农民群众，农民苦于苛捐杂税，被赶出农村，离乡背井，家破人亡，流落国外。”（参见《列宁全集》第16卷，253-254.这里着重分析英国,因为它是第一个通过农业资本主义实现农业现代化的国家.
67敞田制是相对于圈地而言的一种土地利用与管理制度,属于公共型的共耕地，即封建庄园主将土地分成数量与质量大致相当的“条块”，然后在村民中进行分配，敞田制在英国存在时间非常长,直到19世纪中叶圈地运动的的兴起，敞田制才最终退出历史舞台。参见马克·布洛赫.法国农村史[M].北京:商务印书馆,2007,第63页.
68马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第822页.
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71史美兰.农业现代化：发展的国际比较[M].民族出版社,2006，第9页.
72“大约在1750年，自耕农消灭了，而在18世纪的最后几十年，农民公有地的最后痕迹也消灭了。”参见马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第791页.
73马克思.资本论(第1卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第822页.
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75J.H. Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain, Vol. Ⅱ. Cambridge,1952,pp.272-273.
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77英国小麦价格从1750-1789年的31.25-47.32先令升到1795-1804年的65.67-84.85先令，而每个四磅重的面包价格则从4.9-6.8便士涨到8.8-11.7便士.数据来源：R.A. Dodgshon and R.A. Butuin,AHistoricalGeography of England and Wales, London,1978,P.326.
78R.A. Dodgshon and R.A. Butuin, A Historical Geography of England and Wales, London,1978,P.326.
79P. Mathias＆M.M. Postan, The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, Vol. Ⅶ, Part Ⅰ, Cambridge,1978,P.49.
80N.F.R Crafts, British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution, Claredon1985.P.84.
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89诺贝尔经济学奖获得者道格拉斯.诺斯在关于美国土地政策与西部大开发的关系时说“西部土地并不是由国家保留，而是转给私人所有，这种私人所有制对平衡个人与社会的回报是必须的，由此能促进生产与增长。”转引自（美）香农著，诸玉坤等译.农民最后的边疆[M]，美国经济（第5卷），北京：人民出版社，1990，第72页.
90列宁最早从土地产权的角度提出了,“资产阶级的农业演进可以走改良的道路,也可以走革命的道路。客观上可能存在两种资产阶级发展道路,可以称作普鲁士式道路和美国式道路.”参看列宁全集第16卷[M].北京：人民出版社，1990，第204-206.
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105李传章.国家垄断资本主义的第三形态在西欧农业中的表现[J].经济问题探索，1984（3）：73-74.
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120U.S. Statistical Abstract1984，P660-661.
122Philip McMichael, Global Food Politics,Monthly Review,July-August,1998,pp.104.
125刘宏曼,郭翔宇.从美国新农业法案看其农产品自由贸易政策的转变[J]，哈尔滨工业大学学报（社会科学版）,2003(6):37.
126刘宏曼,郭翔宇.从美国新农业法案看其农产品自由贸易政策的转变[J]，哈尔滨工业大学学报（社会科学版）,2003(6):39.
127陈宝森：美国政府的农业政策与“多哈回合”谈判，《世界经济与政治论坛》，2008年第3期，第40页.
130World Watch，“Where have All the Farmers Gone” September/October2000.
131Timothy A. Wise, Identifying the Real Winners from U.S. Agricultural Policies, GDAE Working Paper,2005,pp..5-7.
132马克思.资本论(第3卷)[M].北京：人民出版社，2004，第991页.
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134以美国为例，美国国农业劳动生产率在1945一1975年的三十年间平均年增长速度达6%，从而使每一美国农业劳动者生产的农产品所能供养的人数从1945年的14.55人提高到1975年的52.4人。参见兰益江.美国农业资本主义发展出现加快趋势的探讨[J]，马克思主义研究,1985(1)：209.
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137Fred Magdoff, Introduction, Monthly Review, July-August,1998, p.13
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140新自由主义改革前所进行的对发展中国家农业政策的评估由世界银行资助的项目完成，分析的主题立足于两点，一是假设改革之前的政策都是错误的，是政府寻租的结果，并极力贬低发展中国家在20世纪60和70年代的农业绩效，二是论证改革的必要性并描绘新自由主义改革后资源有效配置、粮食产量大幅增加和财政赤字减少的美好前景（Sender, J. and Smith, S.(1984)“What is right with the berg report and what isleft of its critics?”, IDS Discussion Paper192, University of Sussex， p12.）
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